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In 1701, officials in Macassar discussed the case of Arou Teko, a controversial figure accused of serious crimes. The Dutch governor and local leaders, including the King of Boni and his advisors, debated how to handle his punishment.

• Arou Teko was accused of:
  • Ordering the murder of Daii Manbani, a prince of royal blood, which was a severe crime under local laws.
  • Being involved in the confiscation of goods (possibly stolen from exiled figures like Radja Tambora).
  • Potentially being involved in adultery with a woman named Manbanm, though evidence was unclear.
• The King of Boni and his advisors believed Arou Teko deserved the death penalty or at least severe punishment, such as:
  • Execution.
  • Confiscation of all his property and titles (a process called "rampassen").
  • Permanent exile.
• However, political concerns delayed action:
  • The Dutch East India Company (VOC) and the King of Boni were allies, and harsh punishment might anger Arou Teko's supporters.
  • Some feared Arou Teko could flee to Banjar, where many rebels had gathered, causing further trouble.
  • The King of Goa and his officials had previously avoided strict punishment, possibly to avoid conflict.
• The speaker (likely a high-ranking advisor) argued:
  • Arou Teko should still be punished severely, even if not executed, to prevent future crimes.
  • His wings should be "clipped" (his power removed) so he could no longer cause harm.
  • The VOC had a right to some of the stolen goods, just as they had with another criminal, Carain Jerenika.
• The advisor also mentioned:
  • The King of Boni had not given him satisfaction in this matter.
  • He awaited the governor’s orders to recover the VOC's share of the stolen goods.

The discussion ended with the advisor urging quick action to finally resolve the case.

In 1701, a conflict arose in Macassar involving several key figures:

• Aron Teko, a prince from the kingdom of Boni, initially sought justice from the King of Goa after Dani Manbanij sent love letters and gifts to his wife, Saena. The King of Goa offered to punish Saena (as she was of Macassar descent and under his jurisdiction) but only if Aron Teko also punished Dani Manbanij under Boni's laws. Aron Teko refused, arguing it wasn’t the right time due to tense relations between Boni and its king.
• The King of Goa eventually sent Saena back to Aron Teko, who forgave both her and Dani Manbanij after they confessed (though no physical affair had occurred). However, Saena, fearing her husband’s vengeful nature, fled back to the King of Goa after a few days of discord.
• When Aron Teko was questioned by the King of Goa about the marital strife, he claimed ignorance, stating past issues had been resolved. The king then declared Saena no longer wished to live with Aron Teko, who accepted the separation, as the earlier accusations had already been forgiven.
• Aron Teko later reconciled with the King of Boni and sent a messenger to reclaim Saena, claiming he had only rejected her temporarily. The King of Goa refused, stating Aron Teko couldn’t treat Saena as his to discard and reclaim at will. He warned Aron Teko to stop such requests, hinting that his actions were unjust and could lead to severe punishment—either death, enslavement, or exile—though exile was deemed politically risky.
• Carain Agaimonjo, a narrator in the account, concluded that Aron Teko had later committed a "notorious murder" (likely referring to Dani Manbanij’s death) and deserved punishment under the law. He urged swift action to prevent Aron Teko from further desperate acts.
• On a later date (likely August 2, 1701), the governor of Macassar consulted allies, including the King of Wadjo (also called Aron Matoae), the Queen Regent of Soping, and Arou Banetta Matoria (a high official of Boni), to gather their opinions on Aron Teko’s murder of Dani Manbanij. The King of Wadjo stated that Aron Teko had no right to kill Dani Manbanij without the King of Boni’s judgment, suggesting Boni now owed a debt to Soping (likely Dani Manbanij’s homeland) for failing to uphold justice.

On July 11, 1701, in Macassar, Radja Loubou shared secret information with the governor, asking him to keep it confidential. He feared that Arou Lonij, known for his quick temper, would severely punish him if he found out. Radja Loubou also doubted whether others would speak honestly about the matter, as they might change their stories out of fear or self-interest. The governor thanked Radja Loubou for his honesty and promised to keep the conversation private. He then asked for advice on how to handle the situation without breaking local laws.

Radja Loubou explained that Arou Teko, who worked for the Dutch East India Company (VOC), had committed a serious crime by killing someone. According to local laws, too much time had passed to punish Arou Teko with death, but he could still be fined heavily. The fine would be accepted by the allies and the royal family, including the descendants of Soping, whose lineage was highly respected.

The governor had earlier ordered Marcus Santbeek, a bookkeeper, to secretly gather opinions from allies about the killing of Arou Teko and the legal proceedings. On July 9, 1701, Santbeek spoke with Radja Loubou and later reported that Carain Agamonjo, the King of Tanette, had briefly shared his thoughts. Carain Agamonjo believed Arou Teko initially had a just cause but had gone too far by killing Dain Manbanij, making himself guilty of a serious crime. He warned that if Arou Teko wasn’t punished soon, he might flee and cause more trouble for the VOC.

The governor was unsatisfied with this response and wanted the VOC to take stronger action to uphold local laws. He then requested a meeting with Carain Agamonjo to discuss the matter further. When asked, Carain Agamonjo agreed to meet but expressed fear that Radja Bonij would find out and punish him. He also mentioned that past experiences showed the VOC didn’t always protect its allies when conflicts arose.

Santbeek reassured Carain Agamonjo that the governor would support him, but the king remained skeptical, citing past failures by the VOC to intervene in similar cases. Eventually, Carain Agamonjo agreed to meet the governor the next day, July 12, 1701, but planned to tell Queen Dain Tahalille that the meeting was about unpaid debts to avoid suspicion.

On 9 July 1701, at the request of the governor, a local leader named Radja Loubou (also called Datoea Ri Loeboe) visited the governor’s residence in Macassar. He was escorted from the city gate to the governor’s house by Arent van der Mijll, a local official assigned for this task. Upon arrival, Radja Loubou met with the governor in the front room, accompanied by Captain Jan Pietersz Wesselburg and Junior Merchant Ioannes Hackert. He stated that his visit was purely to wish the governor well in his new role. The governor responded politely before offering tea, betel nut, snuff, and dry snacks. At Radja Loubou's request, the governor then took him to his private office (the "ordinary council chamber"). There, Radja Loubou expressed interest in examining the weapons and other curiosities in the room. While he inspected them, the governor closed the door and took the opportunity to privately question Radja Loubou about the opinions of key allies regarding a recent murder case. The case involved Arou Teko, who had killed Dain Mambanij, a prince from Soping, over accusations of adultery with Arou Teko's wife. The governor asked Radja Loubou for his thoughts on the confusing legal proceedings and the verdict agreed upon between the Queen Regent of Soping and Radja Bonij in Chaurana. Radja Loubou responded carefully:

• Dain Mambanij had sent love letters and gifts to Arou Teko's wife while she was married, which was unacceptable under both local customs and Islamic law. This justified Arou Teko's anger.
• However, Arou Teko had gone too far by killing Dain Mambanij without a proper trial. Local law required that even a prince could not take a life without a legal ruling from a proper assembly.
• He believed Radja Bonij, Radja Goa, and Arou Tanette Matouas were at fault for delaying the case. They could have resolved it quickly and punished Arou Teko immediately, but Radja Bonij had failed to act at the time for unknown reasons.

The governor pressed further, mentioning rumors that Arou Teko had claimed the murder was done with the knowledge of the late governor Van Thijl and Arou Louij. He asked Radja Loubou if he knew anything about this. The old man replied cautiously:

• He could not confirm whether Van Thijl knew of the plan, though Arou Teko's frequent access to the governor’s residence raised suspicions.
• However, he admitted that he himself had once delivered a message from Arou Teko to Arou Louij. Arou Teko had complained that his trial was stalled and threatened to take justice into his own hands by killing Dain Mambanij.
• When Radja Loubou gave this warning to Radja Bonij, he received no clear response, though Radja Bonij did not seem strongly opposed to the idea of revenge.

On 30 October 1701, a letter was written from Macassar expressing gratitude and hope for support. The writer, Abdul Cadir Radzja Tolok, thanked the recipient for their kindness and described his difficult situation.

• Abdul Cadir Radzja Tolok mentioned he had faced false accusations and tricks from his enemies but was starting to recover by seeking protection from the Dutch East India Company (Comp:).
• He had spent 20 days in Castle Rotterdam in Macassar, where he submitted a written statement to the governor, Beernins, which was translated but not yet discussed.
• His kris (a traditional dagger) was taken by order of the council, and he asked for help to resolve his issues quickly, promising to accept any decision made.
• As a sign of goodwill, he offered a small amount of gold dust from the village of Odrjong Tanah, collected on 4 November 1701.
• He sent a token to the Governor-General (a kris sheath) and another to the Director-General (a bamboo tube with gold dust).
• He also offered a female slave as a sign of life and loyalty.

The letter was confirmed by Pieter ten Broeck and Halkoen JV Gangel in Batavia on 30 January 1702, stating they had reviewed the letters and found them consistent with their principals' intentions.

The letters were addressed to Abraham van Riebeek, an official of the Dutch East India Company, and were received in two parts: one on 22 November 1701 and the other on 15 December 1701, delivered by a local Macassar resident named Carratoejoe.

• On 20 October 1701 and 30 October 1701, letters were sent from Macassar (now Makassar) to Willem van Outhoorn, the Governor-General, and the Council of the Dutch East Indies in Batavia (now Jakarta). These were received on 22 November 1701 via a small boat owned by the widow of Lieutenant Pieter Pietersz Santbeek.
• The letters included:
  • A formal message from Governor Cornelis Beernink and the local council, expressing joy over gifts sent by Willem van Outhoorn—unprecedented in past interactions. They sent a male slave as a token of friendship, despite his arrival on a trading ship.
  • A secret letter from Cornelis Beernink, sealed with his personal signet.
  • A receipt for 400 pieces of black ebony wood, valued at ƒ169, loaded onto the boat on 30 October 1701.
  • Requests from officials:
    • Iacob Vos, a merchant and fiscal officer, asked to resign and return to the Dutch Republic to assist his elderly father. His request was supported by the local government.
    • Arnold Moll and Ioannes Hackart, junior merchants, sought promotion to Vos's position if his request was granted.
    • Iacob Cuijcq van Mijerop and Andries Werij also requested consideration for the fiscal role or another position if one became available.
• A translated letter from Arong Teko, a local leader in Macassar, was addressed to Joan van Hoorn, Director-General in Batavia. Dated 13 December 1701, it expressed friendship and goodwill, confirming the arrival of Van Hoorn's earlier letter, which had been received with great respect.
• The documents were signed by:
  • Cornelis Beernink (Governor)
  • I. Claesz.
  • I. L. Wesselburg
  • I. Vos
  • H. Moll
  • J. Hackart
  • A. van der Mijl

On 20 October 1701, officials in Macassar wrote to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) leadership in Batavia about several matters:

• Cornelis Cnaap, a provisional ship's carpenter from Amsterdam, requested his back pay from 1691 (two months' wages) be given to his mother, Maertje Dirksz. His mother had signed a document in November 1698 stating she no longer claimed the money, as Cnaap had married in Macassar and she wished to release the funds to him.
• The accountant Carel Galois also requested a transfer from Macassar, complaining he had received no promotions in years and wished to seek advancement elsewhere.
• Two enslaved children—a 7-year-old boy from Mandhar and an 11-year-old girl from Bougis—were sent to Director-General Joan van Hoorn on behalf of a man named Aron Beeko.
• A sealed box (a Macassarese betel-nut container) was sent to Abraham van Riebeek, a high-ranking VOC official, as a gift from a local leader, Dzjenelij Sapij, who was being held in Macassar. The sender claimed his "confused thoughts" prevented him from writing proper letters but asked the VOC to acknowledge the gifts as tokens of gratitude.

In a separate letter dated 20 October 1701, local rulers from Bima confirmed receiving VOC gifts, including:

• Fabrics, firearms (snaphances, muskets, carbines), and gunpowder from Governor-General Willem van Outhoorn and the Council of the Indies.
• Additional fabrics, muskets, curved swords, lead, and gunpowder from Director-General Joan van Hoorn.

The goods were loaded onto VOC ships bound for Batavia. Payment (6 stuivers per picol) was received by Paduka Radja Bima (the local ruler’s son) and another official from Lieutenant Jacob Astenbroek and bookkeeper Isaac Marmer.

The rulers of Bima sent in return:

• 100 picol (units) of sapan wood to Van Outhoorn.
• An enslaved woman (6 spans tall) to Van Hoorn, asking that the gifts not be refused, as they symbolized "a pure and sincere heart."

The letter was signed in Bima on 9 E joemadel alwal 1113 (local calendar) and received in Batavia on 14 November 1701.

The Macassar letter closed with a formal farewell, signed by seven officials, including Cornelis Deernink, Jacob Claesz, and Joannes Hackaert.

On 21 October 1701, officials in Macassar reported on a long-standing conflict involving the Dutch East India Company (VOC), local allies, and the Mandharese kings over control of the Tomini people.

• The Mandharese kings and their followers had been in Macassar for about 1 to 3 months, waiting for a meeting with the governor. This meeting was delayed first by a festival on 6 July, then by the governor’s wife falling seriously ill until 21 September.
• When the meeting finally took place, the Mandharese kings and the rulers of Chinrana claimed before Raja Bonin that they had done nothing wrong by taking the Tomini people. They argued:
  • The Tomini were historically tributaries (forced to pay taxes or goods) to Belenipa and other Mandharese kings, not independent.
  • Old Macassar records supposedly proved that Raja Belenipa had conquered the Tomini with Macassar's help long ago, sparing their lives in exchange for submission.
  • General Cornelis Speelman had included them in the VOC’s alliance, promising protection if they remained loyal. They feared losing control if others attacked them again.
• The VOC officials rejected these claims, stating:
  • Any old rights the Mandharese had over the Tomini were void after Macassar fell to the VOC in 1667.
  • The Mandharese had rebelled against Macassar and were only spared by the VOC, not their former rulers.
  • The alliance contracts never mentioned the Tomini as subjects of the Mandharese; instead, they belonged under the VOC’s authority in Amboina or Ternate.
• After negotiations, the Mandharese kings finally agreed to:
  • Send representatives north to gather the disputed Tomini people and hand them over.
  • Release Mandharese prisoners held in chains in Batavia as a sign of goodwill, as requested earlier by the governor of Thije on 11 May 1700.
  • The Tomini would then be sent to Ternate, either via Amboina or directly, to resolve the issue permanently.

Additionally, financial matters were addressed:

• The local treasury had cleaned out its cash reserve of 60 rixdollars (a type of currency) of "bad" or unusable money. Another 936 rixdollars of the same poor-quality money were collected and would be sent back to Batavia.
• A request was made to honor bills of exchange (a type of payment order) issued to:
  • The late Reverend Gerardus Geremitteerde.
  • The secretary Jacob Cuijk van Mijeran.
  • Mejuffrouw Engeltje Gramsbergen, the widow of Isaac van Thije.
• The estate of the deceased under-steersman Jan van de Vijver was settled earlier that year. Some creditors had disputed payments, but 11 original payroll accounts for soldiers under Van de Vijver were later found. These were to be registered and sent to Batavia for further authorization to pay the remaining creditors.
• A total sum of 10,330 guilders was accounted for, including:
  • 2,808 guilders for 3,096 pieces of sapphire wood loaded onto the ships Hennetje and Nierop in Bima.
  • 169 guilders for 400 pieces of black ebony wood loaded onto a ship owned by the widow Zantbeek.

• On 20 October 1701, the government of Ambon sent a letter to inform about financial troubles. They struggled with payments because large sums (around 30,000 rijksdaalders) were being taken out of Ambon, leaving little small change but plenty of gold. They asked for permission to force rice traders to deposit their money in the local treasury and issue bills of exchange instead.
• The letter also mentioned the case of Princess Sadja, daughter of the late Ternate prince Callamatta. She had arrived in Ternate on 14 July after wandering for years. The King of Ternate had detained her, questioning why she left Macassar. The Ternate government doubted her claims of mistreatment and asked for clarification on why she truly left.
• The Dutch government in Macassar explained that Princess Sadja was known for her immoral behavior, including a scandalous game called djimdjim (compared to sodomy). Despite her noble background, locals despised her. She had left with slaves under the pretense of a trip to Bonton but instead traveled freely for nearly two years before reaching Ternate.
• The Governor of Ternate, Pieter Roselaer, also reported that the King of Ternate sent a councilor to Tambocca to investigate raids by Ternate people against Raja Bontou's subjects. They hoped for a peaceful resolution.
• There were unconfirmed rumors of five English ships being spotted near Cajelij or Banjar Massing. The Macassar government investigated but found no proof, suggesting the report might have been exaggerated or misunderstood. They warned that such rumors could easily alarm the people of Mandhar.

On 20 October 1701, a financial report from Macassar detailed the expenses and financial struggles of the Dutch settlement. The report highlighted several key areas:

• Hospital costs for the past year totaled ƒ9,257.3.4, partly due to an increase in staff and patients. Normally, this would have been ƒ5,398.7.8, but the hospital contributed ƒ143.13.1 from its funds.
• Slave expenses were lower than the previous year because, in 1698-1699, slaves received clothing twice a year instead of once. This year’s cost was only ƒ34.2 more.
• Carpentry and maintenance costs rose significantly, with the first account at ƒ4,704.9.8 and the second at ƒ2,347.12.4, due to extensive repairs and new constructions ordered by the Dutch East India Company (E. Comp).
• Military payroll increased by ƒ4,502.12.9 because of a larger garrison, though the E. Comp was indifferent to where wages were paid. The report noted they followed standard practices for pay.
• Interest payments added ƒ146.7.8 to expenses, as funds from the orphanage and charity (diaconie) were loaned out.
• Gifts and donations rose to ƒ3,073.10, mainly due to hiring more mercenaries for urgent repairs, which would burden the E. Comp for another year or two.
• Small boats (chialoupen) cost ƒ205.9 more to maintain, as two boats, the Iohoor and Goa, were repaired extensively for a planned trip to Batavia.
• Extraordinary expenses of ƒ364.9 were mostly due to provisions for Governor Beernink's journey, though overall, these costs were ƒ834.17 less than the previous year.
• Gifts to local rulers (kings of Goa, Bonij, Bouton, and Bima) and unavoidable presents were approved by the E. Comp, adding to irregular expenses.
• Ship expenses increased by ƒ609.8.12, partly because the ship Eenhoorn was fully provisioned for a voyage from Banda to Batavia, and the IJsselt received an extra month’s supplies for 89 soldiers transported from Ambon.
• Lost profits amounted to ƒ10,500.5.2, largely because fewer small goods (like textiles) were sold this year. Textile sales dropped from ƒ6,661.11 to ƒ1,661.3.12, a difference of ƒ5,000.7.4, due to higher fabric costs.

The report also mentioned administrative adjustments. The second-in-command, Iacob Claesz, corrected past accounting errors as ordered. An investigation into missing weapons (including a mortar) found no major issues, though some minor discrepancies were noted. The report concluded by emphasizing stricter annual inventory checks to prevent future errors.

Finally, a letter from the Governor and Council of Amboina was received but not detailed in this summary.

• On 20 October 1701, officials in Macassar (on the island of Celebes, modern-day Sulawesi) sent a report to Governor-General Willem van Outhoorn and the Council of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in Batavia (modern-day Jakarta).
• The report was carried by a small ship called a chialoup, which arrived in Goa on 14 November 1701.
• The letter mentioned that earlier updates (sent on 20 April 1701) had already covered most recent events, but new financial records and administrative papers were now included.
• Key details from the report:
  • The total costs ("generale lasten") for the VOC in Macassar were compared between years:
    • 1700: ƒ163,330.13.1
    • 1701: ƒ184,520.16.8 (an increase).
  • A list ("generale Lielbeschrijving") of VOC employees and subjects on Celebes was included, showing a higher count than previous years.
  • Financial records were examined and approved, including:
    • Payroll books ("soldij boeken") for soldiers and officials.
    • Account books for forts like Zaleijer and Boelocomba.
    • Hospital costs, slave expenses, and fort repairs.
  • Shortages of goods were noted in a memo from August 1701.
  • Additional costs were listed, such as:
    • Rations for the main trading post: ƒ51,379.1.— in 1701.
    • Garrison pay and fortification repairs at Boelocomba and Zaleijer.
    • Extra expenses for expeditions (e.g., to Bima and Bonthain).
    • Ship costs, tolls (ƒ25,411.5.3), and interest payments.
  • The total surplus (extra income) for 1701 was calculated as ƒ21,190.3.7.
• The documents were packed in a case, including 100 pages of resolutions, letters, daily logs, and legal records awaiting approval.
• A merchant named Abraham Holscher had recently arrived, bringing updated information that reduced the need for lengthy reports.

On 20 October 1701, a letter was sent from Macassar (modern-day Makassar) to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in Batavia (modern-day Jakarta). The letter was carried by Captain Laout and addressed to the Governor-General Willem van Outhoorn and the Council of the Dutch Indies.

The rulers of Macassar, speaking on behalf of the Siri Maha Raja (the heir of the ruler), expressed gratitude for the gifts sent by the VOC and the Governor-General. They mentioned that such gifts had not been received before. As a token of friendship, they offered a female slave, though they humbly described it as a modest gift, like a "flower without scent." In return, they requested a flag and a drum for the Siri Maha Raja. They also mentioned their willingness to cooperate with the VOC's representative in Buton, though they noted the distance between Batavia and Buton made communication difficult.

The letter was part of a larger shipment of documents sent via the VOC vessel Goa, under the command of Jan Egtbertsz. The documents included:

• A letter from Governor Cornelis Deernink and the council of Macassar to the Governor-General and Council in Batavia, dated 20 October 1701.
• A copy of a letter from Governor Pieter Roselaer and the council in Ternate, dated 16 September 1701.
• A postscript from a copied letter, along with other records such as:
  • Copies of political council resolutions from 5 October 1701 onward.
  • Daily registers starting from 1 October 1700.
  • Outgoing letter books beginning 4 November 1700.
  • Incoming letter books starting 10 October 1700.
  • Records of punishments from 4 October 1700 to September 1701.
• A list of VOC officials, citizens, and subjects in and around Macassar.
• Criminal court records from 13 November 1700 to 4 August 1701.
• A list of necessary supplies for the government for the year 1702, including medical supplies.
• A secret letter from Governor Cornelis Deernink sealed with his personal signet.
• A copy of a letter from Governor Cornelis Deernink to Jacob Landerts, the bookkeeper and resident in Bima, dated 17 October 1701.
• A translated circular letter to the kings of Bima, Sumbawa, Dompo, Sangia, and Petrat, dated 15 October 1701.
• A sealed letter from the orphan masters in Macassar to the orphan council in Batavia.
• A letter from the reverend Gerardus Toen and the church council in Macassar to the church council in Batavia.
• Registers of incoming business documents and books, packed separately.
• Payroll books and papers for soldiers, also packed separately.
• A resignation request from the bookkeeper Carel Galois to travel to Batavia.
• A receipt from the steersman of the vessel for received damaged and unusable money.
• An invoice for sapang wood, unusable money, and ebony wood shipped from Bima.
• A report on disagreements regarding the armory.
• A memo listing goods found missing during an audit of the general administration.
• A list of VOC employees traveling to Batavia.
• Original sealed accounts of redeemed bills.
• A bill of lading for the unusable money being transported.
• An inventory of the vessel Goa, including two individuals: a boy named Pare from Mandar and a girl named Coenjoe from Bugis.
• A gift for Director-General Joan van Hoorn: a Macassar betel-nut box sealed with the VOC seal.
• A gift for Abraham van Riebeek: a similar box.
• An extract from the trade books of Macassar for the years 1700–1701, detailing profits and losses.
• 11 original payroll accounts of the late under-steersman Jan van de Vijver.
• A monthly wage statement for the carpenter Cornelis Knaep from Amsterdam, assigned to his mother Marritje Dirx.

The documents were signed by I. Cuijk van Mijer, the secretary, in Fort Rotterdam, Macassar, on 20 October 1701.

In October 1701, Governor Cornelis Beernink from Macassar sent secret notes to Batavia about meetings with local rulers. These included discussions with Raja Boni on September 1, 1701, regarding a person named Aron Teeko, and correspondence between Raja Gaa and the English in Banjar Massing from August 19 to September 1, 1701.

On October 20, 1701, Governor Beernink sent a secret letter to Batavia, including a message from Paduka Sirij Maha Radja Sepati, the ruler of Boeton (Buton). The ruler expressed loyalty to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and its leader, Governor-General Willem van Outhoorn, calling himself a "servant of Batavia." He promised to protect any shipwrecked Dutch sailors or goods, as he considered Boeton to belong to the VOC. The ruler also mentioned that one of his ships had sunk near Iapara, losing goods but saving all crew members. He sent a replacement ship to Batavia to buy new supplies for Boeton.

The ruler admitted he had not sent gifts earlier due to fear they would not arrive safely. This time, he sent small gifts to key VOC officials:

• A female slave (slapinne) to Governor-General Willem van Outhoorn
• A slave to Director-General van Hoorn
• A slave to Major Winkler
• A slave to Tsjabandaer (a VOC official)

He called these gifts modest, like a single betel leaf (pinang), but symbolized his sincere friendship.

The ruler thanked the VOC for past gifts received through Captain Lauwt and two mantrijs (local officials). He requested more gifts, especially snaphaunce guns (a type of flintlock), to be sent with the envoy Langlasan. The letter was sent via a Chinese boat led by Nakhoda Oesoangko on November 4, 1701 (or the 17th day of Dzjoemad alwal in the year 1115 of the local calendar).

The ruler repeated his loyalty, saying he would always support the VOC and hoped for continued friendship. He also mentioned sending 3 slaves in total as a sign of goodwill.

On 11 October 1701, secret notes from Governor Cornelis Deernink in Macassar were received, detailing discussions about a man named Aron Teecko. These included a recorded conversation on 1 September 1701 with the ruler of Boni, Radja Boni, regarding Aron Teecko's case. Another secret note from Governor Deernink, covering 19 August to 1 September 1701, discussed the correspondence between Radja Gaa and the English in Banjar Massing.

In a secret letter dated 20 October 1701, Governor Deernink sent a message to the authorities in Batavia. The letter included a friendly and sincere message from Paduka Sirij Maha Radja Sepati, the ruler of Boeton, addressed to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and its Governor-General, Willem van Outhoorn. The ruler expressed gratitude for the kindness and favors shown by the VOC and declared loyalty to the Company for as long as he lived. He offered to act as a representative for Batavia while staying in Boeton and promised to care for any shipwrecked Dutch sailors, from officers to the lowest sailors, since he considered Boeton to belong to the VOC. He humbly requested that his offer not be refused.

The letter also mentioned that Paduka Sirij Maha Radja Sepati informed the VOC and Governor-General Willem van Outhoorn about the arrival of an envoy, Captain Lauwt, along with two officials and their two ships. This information was part of a translated Malay letter, received on 4 November 1701, from the ruler of Boeton to the Governor-General and the Council of the Indies in Batavia.

In a letter from 1880, the Governor-General discussed concerns about conflicts in Wadjo (a region in Celebes, modern-day Sulawesi, Indonesia) and the potential involvement of Boni, another local kingdom. The letter referenced an earlier decision from 23 January 1879, where the Governor of Celebes and its dependencies was granted authority to supply hundreds of rifles to Boni if it became entangled in the Wadjo conflicts.

• The Governor-General expressed strong reservations about this decision, even though it was made under a previous administration. They believed arming one side in a local conflict was unwise because:
  • It could turn the opposing party against the Dutch government.
  • There was no guarantee the weapons would be used only for their intended purpose.
  • The Dutch might later face their own supplied weapons if they had to intervene in the conflict.
• The letter also mentioned a report from 16 June of the same year, noting rumors of serious disputes between Doutongou and Wadjo leaders.
• While no further updates on the Wadjo situation had been received, the Governor-General still saw value in sharing their concerns with the Governor of Celebes. They suggested that if similar conflicts arose in the future (like those in 1878), the Governor should carefully consider the risks before supplying weapons.
• The Governor-General agreed with the earlier advice from the Council of the Indies (Raad van Indië) dated 10 January 1879, which opposed providing weapons to local powers.

The letter concluded by stating that the Governor of Celebes should be informed that the decision from 15 January 1879 to supply weapons was not approved, aligning with the concerns raised.

• On 21 December 1670, a submission and alliance contract was signed between the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and the rulers of the region Voadso (also called Wadjo or Soadjo), represented by:
  • Matrea Lapalili Tomaloe, the main king and ruler of Voadso and Vosbra.
  • Lapadapi, leader of the yellow banner.
  • Lapaakita, leader of the colorful banner.
  • Lapau Nambon, leader of the petole (many banners).
  • Their three Vello Limpoya (advisors).
  These leaders acted on behalf of all the kings of Voadso and were introduced by Nadja Palaka to M. de Jongh, commander of the warship Rotterdam.
• The contract stated that Voadso had been conquered by the VOC in war, according to local customs. The kings accepted the land as a loan from the VOC and promised:
  • To defend against the king of Makarser.
  • To act as loyal subjects.
  • To let the VOC settle disputes among them.
  • To submit to Kadja Kalaka if the Wadsorezens (people of Wadjo) remained hostile.
• The VOC could remove kings at will, and their successors needed approval. Other rules included:
  • Destroying all forts in Voadso.
  • Banning other nations and their envoys.
  • Restricting travel without the commander’s permission.
  • Extraditing fugitives.
  • Following the Bongaisch Contract of 18 November 1667.
  • Paying a war fine of 52,000 realen (currency) in four installments.
• In 1675, the triple alliance of the Wajo kings was renewed by Kadja Palaka, but he kept control of the villages Isimana, Baringan, and Amoeroeng because Warso had broken the alliance first.
• Papalili Nomaloe was overthrown by the Wadjoreren (people of Wadjo) and replaced by Lapari Woesi Dau Mausapa Arve Mampoe (also called Aroe Amali), who was allowed to carry the ornament Kirita Solganrang.
• A series of conflicts and successions followed in Wadjo:
  • Wij was replaced by Patani Saroe Tomo Poeana Lodara (ruled until 1726).
  • Lamatona Losarka Poeaua Lazoem pang succeeded him and died, earning the title Zelaten-ngi Massgina.
  • Laga Ligo Hoesoennja (also called P’alaiengi-baroegana) followed.
  • Lararrae Paeauw Langatgi was overthrown by Lapatouus, king of Boni.
  • Pasalledot Anri-Arae Nampiri took over, collected taxes, expanded trade, and grew wealthy under Boni’s rule.
• In 1697–1731, Arae Seenkang, a Wadjorese prince exiled with help from Arbe Van (Ladalle Poeana Pabola Mapitein), took control of Pasir and Koeté. He failed to conquer Lanjer Massing but later raided the Mandhar coast.
• In 1733–1735, Arae Seenkang allied with rebels in Boni, including Bontoe Lankas. They attacked Lacasa, Kajeli, and Contoli, destroying Bwoolwet and enslaving its people.
• In 1736, war broke out between Boni and Wadjo, ending badly for Boni. Rebels fled to Wadjo, and the VOC governor attacked them with ships but failed. The rebels escaped to Boni and Maros, where Arae Leenkang was named Matoca (chief) under the title Lamadoe Kalan.
• The queen of Boni demanded the rebels be handed over, but Wadjo refused. Boni then declared war on Wadjo. Due to betrayal by Boni’s army leader and council, Boni suffered a major defeat at Aroe Sleukang.
• In 1738, Wadjo installed Daugraja as king of Boni and Aoelankas as king of Goahszee, declaring themselves enemies of the VOC. They attacked the VOC fort but were defeated by Governor Muntij.
• In 1739, Arae Seenkang invaded Mandhar with a large force, but Governor Muntij failed to stop the raiders.

This is a collection of official letters and records exchanged between Dutch officials in Surat (a key trading post in India) and the Dutch East India Company (VOC) leadership in the early 1700s. Below is a breakdown of the documents and their key details:

• Hendrick Swaerdekroon, the director, and the council in Surat sent an original letter to the Lords Seventeen (the VOC's governing board in the Netherlands) on 14 November 1700.
• Copies of letters were also sent by:
  • Hendrick Swaerdekroon, Joan Grootenhuijs (second-in-command), and Jean Diodati (fiscal officer) to the Lords Seventeen on 1 March 1700.
  • The same group to the High Government of Malabar on 7 November 1699 and 13 November 1699.
  • The same group to the Lords Seventeen again on 15 March 1700, with an added note from 16 March 1700.
• A secret letter from Swaerdekroon, Grootenhuijs, and Diodati to the High Government on 14 November 1700, including secret decisions made in Surat between 18 May and 28 July 1700.
• Letters exchanged between:
  • Swaerdekroon and Grootenhuijs (on the ship De Drie Kroonen) and Pieter Kettingh (director in Surat) from 12 December 1699 to 12 February 1700.
  • Kettingh and his council to Swaerdekroon and Grootenhuijs starting 13 December 1699.
  • Swaerdekroon to Lieutenant Ketel and bookkeeper van Breen on 19, 22, and 24 January 1700.
• Translated Persian letters from Governor Daanetcha and other officials to Swaerdekroon between 29 December 1699 and 12 February 1700.
• Reports from Ketel and van Breen to Swaerdekroon about their work in Surat from 5 January to 20 February 1700.
• Letters from Swaerdekroon to Governor Daanetcha between 26 December 1699 and 1 March 1700.
• Secret decisions made by Swaerdekroon, Grootenhuijs, and Diodati on 21 March 1700 and 10 April 1700.

On 8 June 1697, a report described a meeting between the Dutch governor and Radja Bonij (the ruler of Boni) in Macassar. The meeting took place after a conference held in Bontuale on 2 June, where a written complaint from Radja Bonij was presented.

• On 3 June, Radja Bonij arrived at the Dutch castle with two queen widows, along with many other kings and princes from Boni and Soping.
• Eight important leaders, two council members, Lieutenant Schipion, Sabandhaar (a local official), and Secretary Mijerop joined the governor and Radja Bonij at the table.
• The group noticed that Radja Bonij and his people had marked foreheads (possibly a cultural or religious sign) and that he only accepted snuff (powdered tobacco) from the governor but refused betel nut or tea until business was discussed.
• A document in Malay was read aloud with the governor’s permission. It contained a complaint that Radja Bonij had been falsely accused of killing three kings from Soping: those of Belo, Bila, and Pisin.
• The document also claimed that a Soping prince named Dain Mabanij had fled to Goa and was being held by the king of Goa, along with other troublemakers from Boni and Soping.
• Radja Bonij requested that the Dutch East India Company (VOC) officials in Ujung Pandang detain and judge these individuals according to their rights.

The governor responded verbally on 8 June 1697:

• He stated that Dain Mabanij had not fled to Goa but had instead sought protection from the VOC out of fear.
• About 2 months earlier, Dain Mabanij had been summoned from Soping to Bontuale by either Aroe Ponij or Radja Bonij, which worried him.
• The governor and council granted him protection because he was the son of the late king of Soping and had Malay ancestry through his mother.
• The governor explained that Soping was an ally of the VOC and not under Boni's control.
• The governor advised that any wrongdoers should be handled according to the Boni treaty, originally agreed upon by Admiral Speelman and later confirmed by Boogaart.
• When asked if the complaint was officially written down, the response was that it could be answered either in writing or verbally, but the governor decided an immediate verbal response would help calm tensions.

On 8 June 1697, a secret report from Makassar revealed that the Raja of Goa was plotting to restore his brother-in-law, the exiled king To-isa of Soppeng. This plan was suspected earlier in a confidential decision made on 10 April 1696, where officials feared it could disrupt the balance of power between three rival kingdoms.

The report suggested that the Raja of Goa might have been behind the removal of the queen regent of Trowata, which had caused tensions with Soppeng. The people of Boni likely knew more about these events than they had shared, as their growing hostility toward Goa seemed unjustified otherwise. The situation worsened when Goa reinforced its defenses—posting guards, patrolling day and night, and preparing for conflict—especially after Boni gathered a large number of troops near Bontuale.

Another report from 8 June 1697 described a formal exchange of letters and gifts between the Dutch governor and the kings of Boni and Goa. The last letter to Dutch officials, dated 29 May and written in Bontuale, was delivered on 31 May with a gift of 12 enslaved people (10 men and 2 women), considered the finest sent in years. Each was valued at 25 rijksdaalders. The gifts and letters were sent aboard the ship Boswijck with ceremonial cannon fire: 3 volleys from the castle and 9 from the ship, followed by 5 more from the ship upon the kings' arrival. This followed the protocol set in a secret resolution on 18 April 1696.

The kings of Boni and Goa had never before visited the governor together at the castle, avoiding disputes over who held higher rank. Traditionally, Boni was given precedence, and this custom was maintained. Before this meeting, the governor had learned that the court of Boni was holding a major assembly, though the purpose was unclear.

On 8 June 1697, a letter from Makassar reported a meeting with Raja Boni, the ruler of the Boni kingdom. The Dutch officials, representing the Dutch East India Company (VOC), expressed their displeasure over military actions taken against Sopingh (likely a region or group). They demanded an explanation and assurances that such actions would not happen again.

• Raja Boni responded surprisingly well, stating that the Dutch criticism was received as "fatherly discipline" and a sign of affection. He claimed his people found it pleasing rather than offensive and expressed gratitude.
• The governor first delivered the message in the Makassarese language (spoken by the people of Boni) through the Company’s interpreter, Jan Ferdinandus. It was then repeated in Malay by Raja Boni's interpreter, Carre-lessan.
• Raja Boni insisted his people genuinely appreciated the Dutch warning, contrary to expectations that they might resent it. The meeting ended positively, with handshakes and a celebratory feast initiated by Raja Boni, who toasted to the well-being of those who showed kindness to Boni.

The Dutch officials noted that Raja Boni seemed more politically astute than before, possibly due to good advice. His calm response aligned with a pardon granted earlier by the Dutch on 3 December 1696, after Raja Boni admitted fault and requested forgiveness. The letter also included a detailed account of the military actions against Sopingh, as requested by the Dutch, which the governor found thorough and clear.

The original letter from Raja Boni, dated 30 May 1697, was read aloud in the presence of the dowager queen Dain Tahalille and Aroe Mero. It contained thanks for Dutch gifts and support for Boni's prosperity.

On 8 June 1697, a ship from Makassar returned from Chirana with important letters. The governor and the Raja of Bone held further discussions. The ship had left the Bay of Bone on 4 May and arrived at Bontuale on the evening of 8 May around 10 PM. The next day, the governor was notified, and on 10 May, the Raja of Bone visited the governor with his entire court.

On 17 May at 8 AM, the letters and gifts were formally received in an unusually grand ceremony, even more impressive than the one in September 1695. Over 8,000 armed men were present, along with around 90 to 100 high-ranking leaders, kings, and princes in battle attire. They carried a gilded palanquin, accompanied by the kings of Berroe and Laijo as allies. After the reception, the delegation left with the letters and gifts under a salute of 9 cannon shots.

A second meeting with the Raja of Bone took place on 22 May. Around 50 kings and princes from Bone attended, including the regent and the kings of Belo, Pila, and Pisij from Sopingh, all wearing new purple turbans. They arrived at the castle at 3 PM.

During the meeting in the great hall, the letters were read aloud. The Malay translation was read by the royal secretary, while the governor reviewed the original Dutch version. The Raja of Bone requested clarification if anything was unclear, but the letter was read without interruption. After the reading, the Raja of Bone stood, removed his turban, and expressed threefold gratitude:

• First, for the approval of his election by the authorities.
• Second, for the accepted request to protect the two widowed queens (who were present).
• Third, for the governor’s faithful reporting of Bone's affairs to the authorities.

The governor noted that the letter contained additional matters not yet discussed. Since the Raja of Bone had earlier requested the governor’s interpretation, the governor believed the content might not have been fully understood.

On 10 June 1697, officials in Makassar (at Fort Rotterdam) sent a letter to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) leaders in Batavia, including Governor-General Willem van Outhoorn. The letter was received in Batavia on 28 June 1697, delivered by the ship Boswijk, captained by Theunis Ros, with accountant Jan de Molièr also on board.

• The letter included a message from Raja Bonij (the ruler of Bone), handed to Theunis Ros.
• It was signed by Jacob Cuijk van Mierop, the secretary in Makassar.
• A previous letter from 4 May 1697 had been sent via the ship Domburg, carried by senior merchant Matheus Schenkenberg.
• A copy of a register (official record) was later sent on 18 May via a sloop (small ship) led by a Chinese captain, confirming the original was properly handled.

The current letter (8 June 1697) was sent via the yacht Boswijk, which also carried cargo and passengers (details to be mentioned later). The writers noted they would delay a full reply until a better opportunity arose.

Regarding Raja Bonij:

• A previous VOC letter and gift for him were still in the possession of the governor of Bone, as Raja Bonij was away in Cinrana (likely for his father’s 40-day mourning period).
• He had promised merchants Abraham Holscher and ensign Pieter Pietersz that he would address the VOC matters upon his return.
• Raja Bonij was traveling back with his followers in four sturdy boats.

On 10 June 1697, officials in Makassar sent documents to Batavia (modern-day Jakarta). These included:

• An original statement about extra cash found in chest number 9 from the ship Zilversteijn, which had delivered silver to Makassar.
• A response about corrections made for people listed in a recent record from the ship Domburgh, who were no longer present.
• Copies of advice reports from Pieter de Vos, head of the general pay office, regarding payroll books from 1695 and 1696, sent via the ships Boswijk and Domburgh. These were answered by the local paymaster, Arnoldus Moll.
• A passenger list of people traveling from Makassar to Batavia on the Boswijk.
• An open letter from Arnoldus Moll to Pieter de Vos.
• 41 original accounts from people who had been on the wrecked ship Zilversteijn, excluding 5 who had already left on the Domburgh.
• 57 similar accounts from freed soldiers and disabled individuals traveling to Batavia on the same ship.
• 4 ship journals kept by captain Barent Bogaart and three helmsmen during the Zilversteijn's voyage from Batavia to Banda, along with 2 maps used during the trip.
• An expense report for costs covered by local administrators for the Boswijk.
• An invoice for goods loaded onto the Boswijk.
• A receipt for goods unloaded from the same ship by IS (initials only).

This collection of documents from Makassar, dated 10 June 1697, includes records of legal, financial, and administrative matters involving Dutch officials, local rulers, and merchants. Below is a breakdown of the key points:

• A letter book containing copies of incoming letters from 3 October 1696 to 8 June 1697.
• A memo listing the complaints of Raja Boni, written in Malay with Arabic script.
• A report on stolen goods belonging to the imprisoned King of Tambora, along with further investigations conducted on 20 May and 8 June 1697.
• Statements from multiple people about selling their accounts to the citizen Jan Reijnax.
• Copies of two legal documents:
  • A power of attorney signed by the soldier Matthijs Corbosier on 18 October 1696.
  • A bond (loan agreement) signed by the same soldier on 19 October 1696.
• A duplicate report by the officer Adriaan 't Hooft describing events involving the three kingdoms of Sumbauwa, Dompo, and Bima, dated 1 May 1697.
• Original legal documents from a case between the junior merchant Abraham Holsscher (acting as temporary fiscal, or prosecutor) and the citizen Erik Loijers over insults.
• A list comparing goods salvaged from the shipwreck of the Zilversteijn (sent to Banda) with the original inventory and cost report, prepared by Adriaan 't Hooft and assistant Adriaan Broers.
• Original statements about missing cargo from the Zilversteijn, recorded before the secretary Jacob Cuijk van Mierop and witnesses on 8 June 1697.
• A report by the ship’s captain Reunis Ros and shipyard master Bartholomeus de Grote on their investigation of the captain and helmsmen of the wrecked Zilversteijn, dated 8 June 1697.
• A collected list of questions prepared by the ship’s officers involved in the investigation.

On 10 June 1697, a ship named Boswijk left Makassar carrying official documents addressed to Governor-General Willem van Outhoorn and the Council of the Dutch East Indies in Batavia. The shipment included the following records:

• An original letter from Governor Isaacq van Thije and the local council, written on 8 June 1697 with a postscript added on 10 June 1697.
• A copy of political council resolutions made between 9 October 1696 and 23 April 1697.
• A copy of the daily register covering 1 September 1696 to 28 February 1697.
• A copy of the outgoing letter book, spanning 18 October 1696 to 30 May 1697.
• An additional document (listed as No. 5, but no details provided).