Transcriptions » Recently created summaries of historical documents

Users of Open Archives can have a summary made of the transcriptions created using handwriting recognition.
Both artificial intelligence tasks are not perfect, but often more than sufficient to make the historical document understandable. In the transcripts, names are underlined in green and clickable (to search the personal entries on Open Archives for the name in question), the recognized dates have a light gray background and recognized place names have a light purple background.


On 15 October, a trading post in Japan recorded the following goods and their estimated values (in guilders):

From Ship Sapho (Entry 9):

From Ship Sapho (Entry 106):

From Ship Sapho (Entry 11):

From Ship Canton (Entry 12):

From Ship Sapho (Entry 13):

View transcript 


This text discusses a shipment involving spiaulter (likely a type of timber or spice) from a Dutch trading post.

View transcript 


By 1619, foreign traders, especially the English and French, were using cowrie shells (Kauris) as ship ballast instead of stones, iron, or sand. The English paid £15 (under advance payment) for every 74⅓ lb (English measure) or 68 lb (Dutch measure) of cleaned cowries for their trading posts. Meanwhile, private French traders either sold cowries locally or shipped unprocessed ones to Europe.

The current purchase price of spiaulter (shell money) was ƒ13.10 per 100 lb, which was surprisingly low. Between 1766 and 1770, the same commodity had cost ƒ20–21 per 100 lb—over 34% more expensive than the current rate.

Another surprising fact was that the Dutch only imported about 150,000 lb of spiaulter from the Netherlands, while every returning English, French, or Danish ship from China carried at least that amount—sometimes even using it as mere ballast. The French specifically bought extra cowries in Bengal for this purpose.

View transcript 


This text describes the value and use of metals in Bangala (part of historical Hindostan, modern-day Bengal).

View transcript 


The official in charge of Manapar reported on the failed attempt to recover the lost money chest from the wreck of the ship Scholtenburg. Divers struggled due to rocky terrain and rough seas, and thick mud at the dive site made visibility impossible. The divers feared dangerous creatures lurking in the mud, leaving no hope of recovering the chest or anything else from the ship.

The report also corrected earlier numbers about deserters in the past year. Previously, it was claimed there were 9 Europeans, 9 Asians, and 10 Moors who deserted. However, the actual count (excluding survivors from the Scholtenburg) was:

The report also adjusted the total expenses for boats and smaller vessels, which were previously overstated. The correct total was 93,904 guilders, 13 stuivers, and 8 pennies—13,862 guilders and 10 stuivers less than earlier reported. The breakdown of costs by location was:

Additionally, the purchase of cowrie shells in Galle during the fiscal year 1777 was not previously reported. This purchase amounted to 62,396 pounds. Combined with the cowrie shells bought in Kolombo (excluding those delivered in August 1777, totaling 68,090 pounds), the grand total was 130,486 pounds.

Finally, the cinnamon peelers produced high-quality work during the major harvest, yielding 868 units (each containing 10 pieces).

View transcript 


The supply of cowrie shells would decrease significantly unless the price was raised. Local traders had bought cowries at high prices—up to 4 ropijen per kotti (a unit of 25 shells)—while the Dutch East India Company (VOC) had only paid 85 Indische stuivers for the same amount.

A local ruler (referred to as the sultan) sent only 1 ship that year as a gesture of friendship, warning that future cowrie supplies would remain low unless the VOC increased the price to at least 2 rijksdaalders per kotti.

At this new price, each pound of cowries would cost about 4 Indische stuivers. Additionally, buyers would lose 10% of the selling price due to impurities in the shells.

View transcript 


In 1777, officials referred to a rule under §218 regarding the instructions for pilots (boat guides). They ordered local authorities to ensure these instructions were expanded and fully enforced if they had not been already. In 1780, government ministers purchased 136,090.75 cowrie shells (a type of currency called kauris from the Maldives) for ƒ35,467, 17 guilders, and 8 stuivers. After sending this amount on returning ships, they later issued a strict order on July 20, forbidding any further unusual purchases and shipments of this kind without proper approval.
View transcript 


  • Kauris (likely a type of tax or trade good) was proposed to be increased by 11 stuivers (an old Dutch currency unit). The proposal included a promise to send more Kauris annually than had been sent before. This proposal was rejected.
  • The ministers addressed a complaint from the king mentioned in a letter: in 17XX (anno pass:o), Kauris in Galle (a city in present-day Sri Lanka) had not been paid at the rate of ƒ 4.5.– as it had been paid locally.
  • The ministers explained that the payment had indeed been made but was partially withheld—specifically, a 0.5% fee taken by the cashier, which had not been collected for two years.
  • The authorities disapproved of this new practice and ordered that all withheld amounts be returned this time to the sultan’s representative. This money was to be redistributed to those who were owed.
View transcript 


On October 6, 1675, officials inspected five sacks of kauris (a type of shell used as currency) in the presence of:

The inspection confirmed the shells were mixed with black sand and other impurities, just as they had been when first checked aboard the ship. The team weighed the shells in three good-quality sacks:

After washing and drying the shells in the sun, they were placed in a new sack and reweighed:

This showed a loss of 31 1/16% due to sand and dirt. The second warehouse master, De Moor, testified (based on the word of steersman Six) that the shells in a sack labeled L:a C: had also been mixed with black sand and were just as dirty. He could not understand how these shells had become so clean afterward, as they had remained in the warehouse in their original sack, with no other cleaner shells present.

The document also references the return ship Westerveld, listing quantities of goods:

  • 1,200 pieces of A 43
  • 1 boss (unit of measure)
  • 1 whole, 1 damaged, and 2 half vaa (barrels or casks)
  • 90 pounds of C (likely another type of good)
  • 40 stux (pieces or units)
  • 911½ dubb. (double units)
  • 8,621 pieces marked d.
  • Total value: 16,480 (currency unit not specified)

The inspection was reviewed by someone named Paul.

View transcript 


In 1646, during a council meeting, Naghoda Ibrahim presented a letter to the Honorable Commander of the Dutch East India Company (VOC). The commander kindly accepted it and asked if Ibrahim was willing to sell the cowrie shells he had brought at a fair price. Ibrahim agreed, stating he could deliver 491 kotta (each about 28 pounds when cleaned) at the same price he received in Ceylon or Colombo: 2 rijksdaalders per kotta.

The commander noted that the VOC had previously bought cowries for 1.5 rijksdaalders per kotta in Ceylon. However, he suspected the higher price might have been offered to encourage traders from the Maldives to bring more shells to VOC trading posts. Since cowries were in high demand in the Dutch Republic (selling for 15.5 to 17.5 stuivers per pound), he proposed paying 1.5 rijksdaalders per kotta now, with a promise to adjust the payment later based on the current price in Ceylon or Colombo.

The council agreed, and Ibrahim accepted the offer, trusting the VOC’s promise. He also requested a letter for his sultan, which was granted. The council decided to write to Gerrit de Heere, the governor of Ceylon, asking for confirmation of the cowrie price to ensure fair payment upon Ibrahim’s return.

Ibrahim then asked for additional—

View transcript 


  • On 13 February 1716, a report from Ceylon (modern-day Sri Lanka) mentioned plans to collect a large number of cowrie shells (called Caurus) by diving along the coast.
  • The report discussed financial struggles due to the loss of return ships and poor sales. To stabilize outgoing ships, they used 156 pounds of tin (called Loot) as ballast (weight to balance ships).
  • Over 20 years, they stored 156,000 pounds of tin in small boats near warehouses, sending it back to the Dutch Republic (the vaderland, or "fatherland") without selling any. Only 5,000 pounds were used years earlier to make cannonballs, with an extra 12,000 pounds kept for future needs.
  • They hoped to collect more cowrie shells soon, as new underwater banks with these shells were found near Berberyn (a coastal area in Ceylon). Testing would begin when weather permitted.
  • A letter from the King of the Maldives (written in November 1715) was included, reaffirming friendship with the Dutch. The king promised to help supply cowrie shells in the coming year, and his sailors agreed to cooperate.
  • The Dutch East India Company (called the Hoge Indische Regeringe, or "High Indian Government") had sent extra goods to help balance the ships:
  • Besides cowrie shells and tin, they also planned to add ballast stones and barrels of nails to the ships.
View transcript 


In November 1759, records from Colombo Castle (in present-day Sri Lanka) detailed financial transactions under the Dutch administration:

View transcript 


View transcript 


  • On 29 December 1699, officials in Malabar reported on trade matters involving Ceylon and the Dutch East India Company (VOC):
  • A request was made to Ceylon to confirm if 1¼ rijksdaalder (rx:s) could be exchanged for ducats (a type of coin). They also mentioned receiving goods with little cash from Malabar on that date.
  • A ship from the Maldives, led by a captain named Naghoda Ibrahim, arrived unexpectedly in Malabar in November 1699. The ship was originally bound for Colombo but was forced off course by strong winds and currents.
  • The ship carried a cargo including:
    • 491 cotta (units) of cowrie shells (used as currency), each containing 12,000 shells.
    • Some dried fish, coconuts, and other small trade goods.
  • The VOC commander in Malabar initially offered to buy the cowries at the Ceylon price of 1½ rijksdaalder per cotta, claiming this was the current rate in Ceylon.
  • Naghoda Ibrahim argued that he had received 2 rijksdaalders per cotta in Ceylon the previous year. After discussion, the Council of Malabar agreed on 7 December 1699 to pay 1½ rijksdaalder per cotta immediately but promised to pay the difference (if the Ceylon price was higher) upon Ibrahim's next visit. He accepted this deal.
  • The officials also reported receiving 7,689.5 gold "Moorse" ducats (a type of coin) from Surat via the ship Schoonderloo. However, since similar ducats were already available in Malabar and Cannanore at a loss if sold, they asked the Governor of Ceylon, Gerrit de Heere, and the Council of Colombo whether these ducats could be used or sold in Ceylon or Tutucorin at a fair price of 1¾ rijksdaalder (or 5 guilders and 5 stuivers) each.
  • If the answer was positive, they planned to send the ducats to Ceylon for the VOC’s trade operations there.
  • They also mentioned writing off (removing from the accounts) the following lost or unusable items from the VOC’s warehouses:
    • A hockel (small unit) of inferior foelie (a type of cloth).
    • 1,186 pounds of radix china (Chinese rhubarb, a medicinal plant).
    • Spoiled, dried-out, or missing goods in the warehouses.
    • Shortages in weights and measures of provisions.
    • Leaky storage containers in the provision magazine.
    • Unusable artillery equipment reported by the constable.
    • Worn-out surgical instruments.
  • These items had been recorded in earlier accounts (from 1695 and 1696) under the authority of Commissioner Paulus deroo but were never properly accounted for or handed over to VOC employees. On 14 July 1699, the council decided to officially write them off to avoid confusion in the accounts.
  • Further write-offs were made on 31 August 1699 for various spoiled, missing, or underweight goods, as well as discrepancies in ammunition and provisions at Fort Cranganore and the residency in Panani. These decisions were documented in council resolutions dated 11 July, 18 July, and 15 August 1699.
  • The officials requested that Governor Gerrit de Heere and the Council of Colombo review these actions and approve the adjustments to the accounts.
  • A copy of a convoy letter (a document for armed escort) was included with the report, addressed to the Governor and Council of Colombo.
View transcript 


In 1543, plans were being made to send two colomb-type ships to the Maldives to trade for cowrie shells, as had been done in previous years. However, the governor faced a shortage of available ships because:

  • The ship Africa had already been sent to Batavia.
  • The yacht Constantia and the shallops Elisabeth were assigned to the Malabar ministers and were set to depart for Cochin on 16 of that month.

This left only the following ships in port:

One of these might still be sent to Batavia, but the governor argued that keeping ships locally was necessary, especially since both vessels and crews were essential for emergencies. Therefore, it was unanimously decided not to send any ships to the Maldives for cowrie shells that year. The trip was postponed until the following year, with the hope that conditions would improve by then.

View transcript 


The following events were recorded in 1735:

  • In March 1735, a request was made regarding all land claims, rights, services, and benefits that Sammorijn of Paponettij had received. Additionally, Sammorijn requested that the two Lascorijns (guards) assigned to protect the free area of Peroemanattoe Chelewoe Cherikel be called back.
  • A message was sent to Sammorijn stating that, as per his orders, 4 trusted men were appointed to handle the case involving the village of Curolambattam.
  • Another message was sent to Sammorijn, reminding him of violations related to 2 points in the contract between him and the Dutch East India Company (Ecomp), specifically referencing points 1191 and 1108.
  • The Sultan of Maldiva sent a letter to the local sultan, requesting that all horse sales, both in Ceilan (Sri Lanka) and locally, be exclusively reserved for the Dutch East India Company.
  • On 26 August 1735, in Tekkenkoer, a letter (ola) was sent to the king with the same content as the one sent to Poo on the same date.
  • On 31 August 1735, a response was received from the aforementioned ruler. It stated that he had arrived at Cheram Magalam at the request of the King of Kochim (Cochin) to discuss Opbaikam (a local matter). The letter also mentioned that he was preparing for further action.
  • On 25 September 1735, the Ragia (local official) reported that Cotsjoe Catter had arrived.
  • References were made to earlier records from the years 1170 and 1179, though no further details were provided.
View transcript 


The document describes a trade report from January 1769, summarizing goods and profits from the Dutch East India Company's (VOC) activities in 1768.

View transcript 


In September 1764, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) reported on the sales of goods from the ship Vertinim Restan. The report noted that a significant amount of goods had been sold at sea during the voyage from Wy (likely referring to a location in Asia). By February 1769, it was clear that the demand for a product called Vertier was increasing, as 137 3/16 lb had already been sold by August 1769.

The report listed the following sales figures for various goods:

The following goods were also mentioned but had no sales figures provided:

The report concluded with another mention of Vertier, indicating its importance among the traded goods.

View transcript 


After deducting profits, the shipment of cowrie shells to Ceylon was worth 228,300 guilders, 2 stuivers, and 8 pennies. The writers believed this amount would be well-received by the respected recipient.

The text mentions that they recommended the new Commander, Iacob De Iong, to use all practical means to revive the trade advantages that had been delayed due to the burdens of war. They hoped this could be achieved by encouraging favorable merchant activities.

The cowrie shells from the Maldives mentioned here amounted to 37,491 pounds, purchased by the employees, along with a batch of other necessary goods.

View transcript 


In a letter from Siam dated 28 November 1725, the writer admits they had not properly reported earlier on the slow progress of tin purchases. Despite claims that local traders (inlanders) were suspicious of the Dutch East India Company (VOC), the writer argues this is not a valid excuse for the lack of cash to buy tin. They point out that the VOC had borrowed 2,000 tahil (a currency) from local officials, yet still failed to prioritize tin purchases—even though Batavia (the VOC's headquarters in Java) had strongly urged them to buy tin at low prices.

The writer dismisses claims that Chinese traders were dominating the tin market by offering higher prices (2 tahil more per bahar, a weight unit) and selling goods in exchange for tin. They argue that tin was actually cheap in China and at other VOC trading posts, with little demand, meaning Batavia's tin stockpile was already excessive and would take 8 to 10 years to sell.

The letter strongly orders the recipient to buy tin only with cash and to do so as slowly as possible to save the VOC's money, which was needed more urgently in places like Suratta (modern Surat, India) and Bengalen (Bengal).

The letter also acknowledges receiving a previous message from 15 August 1725, delivered on 16 September via the ship Risdam, along with enclosed documents.

View transcript 


In a letter from Siam dated 28 September 1725, Berquelang informed officials that goods belonging to a high-ranking noble (referred to as "her High Nobility") and intended for his ruler had been brought by the Dutch East India Company (VOC) ship De Tinnegieter. The goods were ready to be handed over.

The local VOC leader (called the "opperhooft") called a council meeting to discuss whether this matter should be completed on the upcoming Sunday, 18 October 1725 (8 days later). The council unanimously agreed to finalize the handover on that date without delay, as previously decided. Before this, the people would be addressed with a written statement.

The statement explained that the VOC leader and council had received letters from the High Government of the Dutch East Indies (in Batavia) via the ships Hoogermeer and Prins Eugenius, which arrived on 29 September and 15 October 1725, respectively. These letters announced a change in leadership:

The High Government ordered in their letter of 22 August 1725 that the inauguration be officially announced in Siam as well. This included reading the Act of Authorization and administering the oath of loyalty and obedience, as drafted by the Council of India and sent in copy.

View transcript 


On 9 April 1726 and 2 April 1726, documents were sent from Java’s East Coast aboard the ship Het Land van Beloften to the High Government of the Dutch East Indies in Batavia. The records, registered by H. Grootestraat, included the following items:

View transcript 


  • On 28 November 1725, officials in Siam (modern-day Thailand) sent an urgent request to promote the tin trade, asking for quick instructions before ships departed for Batavia (modern-day Jakarta).
  • Their tin stock had grown by 197 units since the ship Risdam left, and they needed cash to keep buying tin, as shown in their financial records.
  • To help the trade, they borrowed money from the local government in Siam:
    • Two bills of exchange worth 512 Ligoors (a type of currency) were issued.
    • The first bill was for Luconborie to pay to Heer Berckel (a person or company).
    • The second bill was for the owner of the tin smelters, payable in the same month to whoever delivered this request.
  • They asked politely for these payments to be approved and charged to their company account, as the amounts were already recorded in their trade books.
  • Since their last report on 15 August (same year), 8 local ships arrived in Siam from Bancosais (likely a nearby region), carrying low-value goods.
  • Meanwhile, 6 ships were ready to leave for Siam, showing ongoing but limited trade activity.
View transcript 


On 21 September 1725, in Siam, a man named Lhelm—known as a troublemaker—threatened the head of the Dutch trading post, Gregorius Hendrik Prageman. Lhelm pointed at Prageman and shouted that he would take revenge for something Prageman had done to him. He also warned that things would turn out differently than the previous year when Prageman had supposedly made a plot against him. Prageman called the assembled merchants and ship captains as witnesses to Lhelm’s insults and threats. After that, he left without responding further, and everyone else also left without making a decision about Prageman’s earlier proposal (which had been written down word for word). The people present signed a statement on 18 August 1725 in the Dutch trading office in India, confirming that everything described was true. The statement was signed by the official writer, Willem D' Ghij, and the following witnesses: They also reported that when they arrived on Amsterdam Island, the assistant Andries Wens, supervisor of the company’s warehouses there, showed them a written order from Prageman. The order instructed them to inspect the condition of the land. They found that heavy erosion from water had severely damaged the northeastern side of the island, and the damage was still getting worse every day. Without proper action, the situation would—
View transcript 


On 8 January 1726, a report from Siam stated that no one remained on the island of Eijsch. Following this, Mr. Berkelang was informed, as requested by a highly respected official. The request was for the tjau clangs (local officials) to accept a type of currency called tjauclangs at the old exchange rate of 85 for 80, treating it as standard money. This was because the silver used for these coins had been refined to match the quality of Siamese ticals (local silver coins).

Mr. Berkelang then ordered the tjau clangs to bring some samples of this refined silver for testing to confirm if it met the required quality. However, despite the officials' willingness, the process had not yet happened. The tjau clangs wanted all the refined silver handed over first before they would test it. The officials had not agreed to this yet, fearing the silver might fail the test like before. They planned to resist this demand as much as possible.

Because of this delay, no clearer information could be given about potential losses related to the refined silver. The officials hoped their actions would be seen as proper.

With the departure of the ships Risdam and Rapport to Coromandel Coast (Costij), the respected official’s recent demands regarding various goods had been met, except for the gum lac on sticks (a type of resin). Only a small amount of this had been obtained after the earlier request, so it was purchased immediately.

View transcript 



Previous pageNext page

Find your ancestors and publish your family tree on Genealogy Online via https://www.genealogieonline.nl/en/