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In a letter from Macassar dated June 5, 1744, a military account describes how it is better to confront enemies far from one's own territory. The writer explains that if the enemies had disputed their path earlier, they would never have entered their land. The campaign started in early February with only one-third of the required workforce. They engaged with the enemy, who approached them bravely. The Dutch forces defeated them and captured their fortifications. During this time, a concerning incident occurred involving Chinese residents, causing unrest among all parties. The army camped at a location they named Amsterdam for several days. The writer praises the common soldiers' loyalty and dedication. When supplies were distributed for 14 days, hoping their vessels would arrive, the strong currents of the Tjinrana river prevented the boats from advancing - even the smallest vessels could only travel 8 miles in 20 days. The army faced severe food shortages: The troops endured these hardships without complaint, which the writer notes as possibly unprecedented. Relief finally arrived the day before the letter was written.
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In Macassar on June 5, 1744, a report describes how after a man lost all his possessions in a fire, the Wadjorese people went to his creditor the next day and stood surety for him to protect his credit. The creditor didn't lose any money, as he personally confirmed multiple times. The text then describes a military expedition that began on December 3, 1740. After leaving the Castle and collecting supplies at Bonthair, they arrived at Tjinrana, the royal residence of Boni, on Christmas afternoon. Radja Palacka, having received much goodwill from the East India Company, had become overconfident. He wanted to be without equals or superiors, particularly the East India Company. The text notes that the people of Boni considered themselves equal to, not subordinate to, the Company, as shown by how they always said "Boni and the Company" rather than "the Company and Boni." The fort at Tjinrana is described as: Despite having 10 times more men than the Wadjorese, the defenders surrendered without resistance when attacked by the Wadjorese forces.
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A letter from Macassar dated June 5, 1744 describes the Wadjo people. While they shared some vices with the Boniers, they were brave in warfare and kept their promises. Unlike the Boniers, they weren't cruel to the defeated or secret murderers.

The Wadjo had a unique government system. Instead of rulers who only cared about their own interests, they had 40 regents (called Arou) who worked for the common good. These regents were chosen from the best citizens.

According to their history, the Wadjo descended from 7 wealthy families who fled from Loewoe due to a harsh king who wanted to treat them like slaves. They settled in a swampy area, initially surviving through farming.

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In Amsterdam, a woman from the Portuguese Jewish community made her last will and testament. She mentioned her sister Sara Abrabanel, who was to receive two wardrobes, two capes, a ring, diamond jewelry, copper and pewter items, linens, and other household goods upon her simple word, without any hassle. The testator wanted to: The document was signed in the testator's home in Amsterdam in the presence of witnesses Frederik Hheis and Thomas van Litt. The final signatures included Abarbanel, Wade David de Samuel Pinto, Frederik, and Thomas.
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In Amsterdam on July 6, 1743 at 8:30 AM, Ester Abarbanel, widow of David de Lemnel Pinto, made her last will and testament. Her requests included: The will mentions her original marriage dowry of 6,000 florins, which her late husband's will had left to her disposal, and which was now in the care of the Portuguese Jewish community leaders.
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On May 18, 1741, a report from Macasser discussed negotiations between several parties. The young King and Arou Tanette were informed about a ceasefire. The Soele Datou of Soping and Soelewatang of Tanette reported that their subjects did not agree to attack the Wadjorese city of Tosora with the Boniers as planned on the 7th. However, they were willing to follow the admiral's orders on their side of the river.

On Saturday the 11th, following a promise made by Daing Mangelaij to Arou Matoud and other leaders, the admiral sent first interpreter Jan Hendrik Vol to Tosora with these written instructions:

The agreement with the Company would remain as settled at Camp Victoria. After signing and swearing the treaty, a Wadjorese leader could be sent to Macassar at Castle Rotterdam to resolve minor disputes, answering only to the Company. The Wadjo leaders promised to respond to these proposals within two days but requested the Bonij army to leave Wadjorese territory to avoid bloodshed.

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Here's the summary in HTML:

In January 1786, several events took place in various regions. In Tidenreng, on the king of Bonij's orders, a relative named Laja was executed for murdering another prince. The Makassarese court appointed Eraeng sembang Parang, a full nephew of the king, as First State Administrator of Goah.

The region experienced severe west monsoon weather with daily rain, strong winds, thunder, and lightning. This caused:

News arrived that the Datoe of Sadinring had gone to Wadjo to arrange his son's marriage to the niece of the Toemilalang of Bonij. The latter had Wadjorese ancestry on his mother's side.

A dispute involved Mappa, a troublesome prince who requested to stay in Siang until the rice planting was complete (estimated at half a month). The Madaurang (state minister) was involved in negotiations about this matter. Aroe Pantjana sent a letter about his reconciliation with Soping and his arrival at Lamoeroe, where he was hunting deer.

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In Macassar on May 25, 1739, on Sunday October 12, church service was conducted by the sick visitor Philip Nairak. On Monday October 13, the young king of Boni came with two Suroangs named Djema Songang and Arou Oedjong. They were sent on behalf of the Boniers to explain: When asked about the daughter of Arou Palacca, they explained: They confirmed they would recognize anyone sent in the Queen's place as the ruler of Boni. They had previously feared Arou Tanette, but he was now staying in Loeboe. When the king noticed a red Salempoeris packet on the table containing the Wadjo contracts, he asked whether sending something wrapped in red cloth was a declaration of hostility. He was told it was done out of respect for the East India Company, not as a threat.
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In May 1726, several ships departed from Macassar. Carre Lidjarra sailed to Sumbawa with 5 crew members. Todamma from Wadjoe left with 5 crew members to collect debts. Pieter Fransz, a citizen, sailed to Banda with 24 crew members, carrying 35 loads of rice and 500 plates. Tot Jina from Wadjoe went to Passir with 6 crew members and 2 loads of rice. Totima from Wadjoe traveled to Zaleijer with 5 crew members. Iacobus Dias, a citizen, sailed to Passir with 8 crew members and 3 loads of rice. Rombeng from Macassar, an envoy of the King of Goa, departed with 6 crew members to collect rattan for his highness.

On May 28, 1726, more ships left Macassar. The Chinese merchant Thansinko sailed to Batavia with 18 crew members, carrying:

Bandee, a local resident, departed for Samarang with 20 crew members, carrying 2 pieces of wax and 10 Bouton boxes. The Chinese merchant Tsjakeenko sailed to Batavia with 22 crew members, carrying:

The Chinese resident Nihoksaij left for Batavia with 15 crew members, carrying:

Finally, citizen Albert de Vries sailed to Batavia with 10 crew members in a vessel owned by fellow citizen Jan de Madera, carrying 6 slaves.

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King of Sanarabonij was slow to pay off the government debt, with only 300 Rijxdaalders paid recently. He blamed his weakness, lack of people, and constant illness for not coming to discuss it. The rulers of Soping and Sedeenring sent a message to Patoe La E. (the governor) asking him to stop the Wadjo people from fighting against Bonij. He agreed this was best, especially since the English were not coming to help Wadjo. Sedeenring reported that there were no signs of war in Wadjo, although Goa had asked the Wadjo people to go to Panakoekan to wait for the English. They did not respond to this request. Jan de Patuhan (probably the King of Slanganoor) sent a messenger to the three united kingdoms (Bonij, Soping, and Wadjo) suggesting they work together to drive out all Europeans. Bonij and Soping were expected to refuse, but Wadjo's response was uncertain. Two ambassadors from Dompo arrived with a letter requesting that when the King of Sumbawa comes, their mutual disputes could be investigated. The King was said to plan to come, though Scribe Steijns wrote that only the governor would come.
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In Macassar on May 18, 1741, officials attempted to negotiate a new sheep trade agreement that would benefit Boni or at least renew the 1670 contract between the East India Company and Wadjo, as promised multiple times by the dispatched kings. After both sides agreed to a ceasefire, the first interpreter Jan Vol was sent to Tosora on March 11 with the following instructions: When these friendly negotiations failed due to the Wadjo ruler Arou Matouwa making various unacceptable excuses through his messengers, merchant Stemer and the brigadiers Vigera and Mom were sent to Tosora on March 23 for a final attempt at negotiation.
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In May 1741, Macassar reported that Boni could give up the district of Pattang Panoeaij and its subordinate places to Wadjo, as Matinroana Gaoelang and the current Queen had done before. However, they requested to keep their rights to the villages of Peneki and Toua, as the Queen would not approve giving up more to Wadjo.

On Friday the 17th, a large mortar and some cannons were sent from the camp to Solo. On Saturday the 18th, Wadjo representatives (Arou Kalacka, Arou Limpa, and Arou Botto - three of the forty kings) and three common messengers arrived. They conveyed greetings from Arou Matoua and the forty kings to the admiral.

They acknowledged the agreement with the Dutch East India Company and requested the Company's forces not to leave, so they could resolve differences and strengthen the alliance. They denied responsibility for Boni's refusal to honor previous kings' contracts. The admiral said he would discuss this with the young King of Boni and send a response through the chief interpreter Jan Hendrik Vol.

On Sunday the 19th, the admiral sent Jan Hendrik Vol to Tosora with this message:

  1. Greetings to Arou Matoua, the Council, and forty Kings of Wadjo
  2. The Company appreciates Wadjo's friendship and commitment to the recent treaty, provided Boni is included
  3. Leaving before formally confirming the contract violates Dutch law and military custom
  4. The Company is not responsible for disagreements between Boni and Wadjo
  5. As a friend to both parties, the Company offers to mediate between Boni and Wadjo to restore their traditional friendship
  6. They will depart after the contracts are confirmed

This message was signed at Victoria on February 18, 1741 by A.H. Smout.

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During their marriage, Cornelis Harmense van Boen and Grietje Arents van Crimpen accumulated wealth. The total estate value was 20,427 guilders, 2 stuivers, and 4 pennies. After deducting debts of 13,553 guilders, 3 stuivers, and 14 pennies, the remaining amount was 6,870 guilders, 18 stuivers, and 6 pennies. Grietje Arents van Crimpen was entitled to:

Her total entitlement was 6,380 guilders, 7 stuivers, and 13 pennies.

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Ships arrived from Macao to Canton carrying silk on September 5. Three ships went to A-schat and three to 's lands welvaaren, where their cargo was to be transferred or unloaded at the Bank Hall. Several Chinese junks (Chiampangs) arrived carrying pepper and tin from both locations and were unloaded.

Brun and Martin, private French traders, arrived from Macao. The merchants agreed to deliver about 40 pieces of the best Canton silk at 175 per piece, with 74-80% payment in cash, to be delivered within 2 months.

A shipment of 2,440 pieces of spelter (zinc) was brought to the factory. Captain Kuijper calculated he was owed about 2,000 pounds of pepper including his 2% commission. They paid 5,600 to their three merchants as an advance on contracted Canton silk.

No goods were processed for several days because the mandarins did not go to Wampho to oversee unloading due to Chinese holidays. 48,922 pounds of spelter that arrived at the factory earlier had to wait ten days before being weighed.

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On March 29, 1668, former Director General of New Netherland Pieter Stuyvesant and merchant Francois Hooghlant appeared before notary Pr. van Lin. They made an agreement about a trading venture in New York, America. Stuyvesant transferred to Hooghlant half of his one-fifteenth share in a business partnership with Jacob Venturin and others. This partnership was established by contract before a notary on February 27, 1668. According to the agreement:

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In the records, several types of legal transactions and documents were recorded between merchants and traders in the Dutch Republic:

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On July 2, 1811, Hermanus Iohannes Dingemans and his wife Maria Valentijn appeared before notary Jacob Scholting in Haarlem. Maria Valentijn was previously the widow of Roelof Sluijters, with whom she had shared all property in their marriage. She had made proper settlements with her six children from her marriage to her deceased husband Roelof Sluijters regarding their inheritance rights to their father's estate.

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This appears to be a historical Dutch registry from the years 921-952 listing travelers or migrants with their names and places of origin. The people came from various locations including:

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On September 29, 1694, people from Banda wrote about the serious damage to their spice gardens caused by poisonous ash from a horrible burning volcano (goenong api). The ash was ruining most of their spice trees, with more damage expected.

They made several requests to the East India Company:

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On July 9, members of the Council of Justice of Castle Batavia met in the council chamber, following an appointment made on April 6. Several officials were questioned, including:

Several slaves were also questioned:

The document was recorded by clerk J.D. Beynon and verified by C. Kuril and J.D. Oloenzeel.

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On Monday, March 2, 1789, statements were taken under oath from Deputy Commander Petrus Adrianus Golsbach, Bookkeeper Jam Steven Verspeyck, and Hendriks van Ligtenberg. Golsbach made notes about everything that was said through his personal servant who spoke both Dutch and Malay. This was done in the presence of Notary Mattheus and citizen Wollfrum.

The officer then produced a list of Chinese workers who had worked in the warehouses on the west side:

On Wednesday, March 4, 1789, senior merchants Casteels, Fredrik Hendrik Beynon, and Arnoldus Constantijn Mom appeared, along with merchant Carel Pieter Ruijgersman. Also present were locals Sabaradin, Diaman, and Kaij, slaves Salm Kalonkong and Nzille, free Bugis citizens Mamlaa, Joseph Bruijer, Assam, Borgimus, and Dul Toca, and the punished individuals Pul Agger and Chinese Lauw Samko. The officer reported that despite all efforts, Lim Siamko could not be found and was believed to have gone to Java.

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On January 8, 1789, Saxe, Staket, and tax collector van Massau examined records about warehouse space. The space known as Salt Storage Number 4 was under the control and seal of head merchant F.I. Beijnon. The examination was legally valid since commissioners were working as investigators, not just witnesses.

On January 6, officials interviewed several workers including warehouse foreman Deel from Batavia, Chinese worker Kauw Samko, laborers Maandag and Batjo, and bookkeeper Jan Steven Verspijck.

On January 7, 1789, they questioned more workers including bookkeeper Jon Lenerurm, foreman Assau, foreman Meriuur from Sumbawa, slave Telip from Boeges, and foreman Jeseph from Batavia.

The officials tried unsuccessfully to question Chinese worker Lem Siamko about information he had given to second administrator Goldbach in 1741.

On January 26, they interviewed Isaac Cornelis Domis, Hendrik Nicolaas La Clee, Jacobus Hendrik Paringauise, and Gerardus Theodorus Petrus van Rossum.

On January 27, 1789, merchant and administrator Carel Pieter Reygersman and bookkeeper Hendrik van Lachtenbergh were questioned, along with several foremen and laborers.

On January 31, officials interviewed a series of slaves including Djaoedin from Batavia, Alie from Boegis, Marjar from Bimae, Ismael from Sumbauwa, Klonkong from Bali, and several others.

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In this colonial Dutch court document from 1694, several debt collection cases were handled:

In all cases, the defendants were also ordered to pay court costs.

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In 1703-1704, there was a dispute about a Portuguese brigantine ship named "Nossa Santa de La siedadij Joseph". The ship was led by Captain Dionisio Ribeijro Quaresma, a Portuguese commander. The case involved several parties in Amsterdam and Curaçao.

The key points of evidence include:

The dispute centered on whether the ship was Portuguese or Spanish. The Portuguese ambassador Francisco de Souda Pacheco requested the return of the silver. A treaty was made with the King of Portugal on May 16, where Portugal promised to pay 850 crusados to the West Indies Company for all claims.

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According to a report from Mallabaar dated October 6, 1739, ships encountered hostility, with threats made about future encounters. The enemy forces had obtained a four-pounder metal cannon from Dutch forces.

The report mentions several Europeans in enemy service, including:

Their naval force consisted of:

Their land forces included:

Their fortress was well-equipped with gunpowder, lead, cannons, and various weapons. They also possessed three mortars and several bombs. Only one person, a constable's mate named Josep Provencaal, knew how to operate the mortars, and he was forced to fire them into the mountains in the evenings for the entertainment of the Angria leader.

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