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On 22 October 1728, a family from Tankoe (now part of Indonesia) arrived in Macassar (modern Makassar). They showed serious interest in settling in the Bugis community. Many people testified that the area had never been as safe for Christians as it was at that time, partly due to respect—or even fear—of the Dutch East India Company (known as the VOC) and its weapons. Officials hoped this fear would last, as it helped maintain order.

The VOC had previously dealt with disputes involving the kingdom of Boni (modern Bone). On 28 June, 9 August, and 17 September of that year, they discussed claims made by the Boni royal court regarding certain VOC subjects from Tankoe. The King of Boni demanded the return of a woman named Caretoena, along with her relatives and slaves—totaling 33 people. The king argued that Caretoena had once been a slave of his mother back in 1699 and provided other reasons to support his claim. He even offered to swear an oath and asked the VOC to overlook past arrogance from his subjects if it would help his case.

However, the VOC refused the request. They believed giving in would encourage more disputes and unsettle their peaceful subjects in Tankoe. The VOC also pointed out that the kingdoms of Boni and Goa were bringing up very old, questionable claims. If they allowed such cases, legal battles would never end. A similar dispute had already been raised—and rejected—in 1699 by a man named Crain Ballawaija from Goa. The VOC hoped their decision would align with the intentions of their superiors.

The envoy Johan Egid van Egmont van der Nyenburg sent reports from Naples to the Dutch government in February 1742:

• The Duke of Montemar was assigned by the government of Florence to manage military march routes and any issues that arose along them.
• On 8 February, an earthquake struck Livorno. Earlier quakes had caused over 1 million guilders in damage.
• The Duke of Modena reportedly claimed rights to the duchies of Herrara and Comacchio, while expressing respect to the Dutch authorities.
• The queen of Naples was in good health and planned her first public appearance after childbirth, visiting the cathedral of St. Januarius the following week. Van Egmont hoped to receive his farewell audience soon, as most of his luggage had already been sent to Holland.
• Newspapers reported a rumored 28-month neutrality pact between the King of France and the Republic of Genoa (dated 27 February – 19 March 1742).
• Spanish troops from Orbetello and Neapolitan troops from Abruzzo were still in the Papal States.
• The Duke of Montemar stayed in Pesaro with the Marquis Paolucci. Rumors suggested Sardinian troops had entered Milan, but the Sardinian Ambassador denied this.
• Van Egmont requested 2,000 guilders for his return trip, as approved in 23 August 1738, and asked for an advance payment order.
• Two royal warships and ammunition transports left Messina for the Adriatic on 13 February.
• A Spanish and Neapolitan general reportedly met in Modena under a truce.

The letter was signed in Naples on 27 February 1742.

On 22 October 1728, a report was sent from Macassar regarding the actions of the ruler’s subjects on the lands of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in Tankoeroe and other places. The report discussed the ongoing issue of kidnappings and murders of Europeans, including a specific incident at the Basaar Boegis market on 20 August 1726.

The ruler was urged to hand over the main troublemakers to the VOC for punishment, to set an example. The ruler responded with sadness, explaining that it was impossible to hand over any suspects because many of his own people had died in the conflict. He also mentioned that he and the queen had been in danger themselves.

When asked if his subjects’ extreme violence and the killing of unarmed Europeans demanded justice, the ruler admitted it did. He acknowledged that such murders—even of Christians—were unacceptable. The VOC governor assured him that the Company always punished wrongdoing fairly, without favoritism.

The ruler thanked the governor and promised to ensure no more Europeans would be killed by his people. He had already issued orders in Bontualac and Bonij that anyone who harmed a Dutch person would face severe punishment, including execution. Additionally, if neighbors failed to stop or report such crimes, they and their families—even children and grandchildren—would be enslaved alongside the murderer’s family.

The report confirmed that these orders had been publicly announced upon the arrival of the leaders from Bonij.

On 22 October 1728, officials in Macassar continued discussions with representatives from the kingdom of Boni. The Boni court (royal advisors) asked whether the Dutch agreed that their refusal to grant Bontam (a region) to King Daing Massezee was justified and reasonable. The Dutch responded that not all kings shared the same opinion and that the current king should not be blamed for past wrongdoings by his ancestors. Despite this, the Boni court insisted on their request for control over Bontam's resources.

The Dutch officials stated they were following their original instructions and were not authorized to make a final decision. They asked if the Governor-General (or his representative in Batavia) had previously decided to keep Bontam under Dutch control and whether this had been reported back to the Boni court.

The discussion also touched on the issue of Tain Massezee (a noble from Boni) and the demand for justice regarding the killing of Europeans. The Governor-General's representative replied that their current mission was limited to negotiating only about Bontam and Daing.

Later, the Governor reminded King Daing Massezee that the Dutch had already responded to his requests, as recorded in meetings on 15 June, 18 June, and 28 June 1728. The king had repeatedly and earnestly asked for control over Bontam.

Additionally, Governor van Arrewijne had previously warned King Aroukajoe (another Boni ruler) about his incorrect assumptions and support for acts of violence.

On 22 October 1728, officials in Macassar reported to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) about their dealings with local rulers.

• The allies had been notified on 17 September about a meeting, and important leaders from Pompo, Tambora, Pekat, Sangar, and Sumbawa were also invited.
• A letter from the VOC, dated 18 March 1727, was formally shared with the rulers of Boni and Goa on 15 June. The rulers found the mention of Bontain unclear and asked the governor for further explanation.
• They also questioned why Daing Massezee, a messenger from Batavia, was involved, as mentioned in a letter from 12 March.
• The rulers claimed the VOC's letter was not confusing when read in their own language. However, they still disagreed with the VOC's decision to stop them from using Bontain's resources.
• They argued that past rulers like Arou Palacca and Madrangang had misused these resources, causing harm to the VOC despite warnings.

The rulers insisted their request about Bontain was being ignored, not the letter itself.

On 22 October 1728, a letter was sent from Macassar to Governor-General Mattheus De Haan and the Council of the Dutch East Indies in Batavia.

• The letter mentioned a previous shipment of patchiallang (cassowary) feathers sent on 17 September with two sets of payroll records.
• A duplicate was sent via an inland vessel to Samarang, with hopes it would arrive safely.
• The ship Wassenaer was expected in Batavia with a cargo of 3,000 piculs (a weight measure) of sapanwood from Sumbawa.
• The resident (local Dutch official) D'Harder had reported on 13 September that the shipment was ready, and the response was recorded on 8 October.
• The actual load of sapanwood was estimated to be at least 3,500 to 3,600 piculs, as past experience showed ships of the same size could carry up to 4,000 piculs.
• Former Bima resident Abraham Walburg had explained that sapanwood was often cut unevenly, making it harder to stack efficiently, which could reduce the total load by 300 to 400 piculs per shipment.
• The letter requested 2 ship holds for direct transport to Bima to collect the remaining 2,852.5 piculs of sapanwood, expected to be ready by January or February 1729.
• The writers also mentioned they had previously informed the king and nobles of Bima about the request.

• On 22 October 1728, a report from Macassar detailed political changes in the region:
  • Bain Masse's father was removed from his position in August due to his "shameful life" and corruption involving opium. His father, Massezee, was reinstated as leader instead.
  • Massezee was considered more suitable for the role, as he was next in line. However, he claimed he was too old and declined the position, though officials suspected this was a strategy.
  • The leadership of Arou Tanette had previously been granted to Bain Masse's father, but after his exile, it passed to Massezee due to Bain Masse's misconduct.
  • Daing Massezee (also called Crain Tamalallang) had ties to the Goanese court through marriage and returned to Tanette without complaining about the loss of his property and slaves.
  • The Bonijse court (from Boni) and the Goanese were in conflict over Massezee's assets, with the Bonijse still claiming rights to his remaining wealth, though the Goanese strongly resisted.
  • Officials feared this dispute could cause tension between the two courts.
• The King of Mandar, Radja Ballanipa, and his officials were summoned by the Bonijse court:
  • The Bonijse attempted to remove Radja Ballanipa and replace him with another king, but the loyalty of Mandar's local leaders prevented this.
  • As punishment, the Bonijse demanded a fine and 40 young slaves (aged 10–12) from Mandar.
  • The Mandarese protested, arguing they had done nothing wrong and had only come to Macassar to attend the meeting, not to accept punishment.
  • They threatened to seek protection from the Dutch East India Company (VOC) or return home immediately if forced to comply.

On 22 October 1748, a report from Macassar noted ongoing disputes with local rulers, particularly involving the King of Goa and the King of Tello. The main issues included:

• The King of Goa repeatedly demanded the return of children from Macassar, claiming they were wrongfully held. Specifically, 5 children of a man named Bappa Bouan (a Macassares born in Goa but later moved to Tello and then Kampong Malajoe) were at the center of the dispute. The King of Goa insisted they were not slaves but freeborn, yet still demanded their return or their father’s deportation to Goa.
• The Dutch Governor had previously ruled in favor of the children’s freedom on 14 June after an investigation, but the King of Goa continued pressing the issue, even after being told the children were free to choose their own path.
• The King of Goa also complained about a man named Pain Matara, who was denied entry to Dutch-controlled lands in Labackan without prior notice. The Dutch had warned the king that permission was required before acting on their territory.
• Another conflict involved the people of Pollangbangkeng, who accused the King of Tello’s subjects of invading their lands. The Dutch proposed waiting until after the rice harvest to investigate the boundary disputes.
• The King of Goa had also promised a written statement to reclaim 203 unspecified items, but this had not yet been provided.

The Dutch officials found the persistent demands from both kings unreasonable, noting their aggressive and relentless requests without proper justification.

• On 23 October 1738, a report from Macassar listed missing, loaned, or damaged items from a Dutch East India Company (VOC) inventory.
• Weapons and equipment shortages:
  • 2 pairs of bastert (mixed-quality) pistols missing:
    • 1 pair loaned to coachman Simonvase.
    • 1 pair loaned to mandor (supervisor) Jan Frederik Kool.
  • 1 partizan (long spear) loaned to the civil militia (borgerij).
  • 152 snaphaunce (flintlock) muskets loaned out:
    • 20 to the estate of a deceased rijksbestierder (governor).
    • 20 to the Young King (local ruler).
    • 20 to Glarrang of Molucco.
    • 16 to Arae Tanette.
    • 22 stored in the pagger (warehouse) as reserves.
    • 28 to the civil militia.
    • 26 to the Equipage Master (quartermaster), of which 7 were lost or damaged during a march to Maros.
  • 72 cartridge pouches:
    • 20 loaned to the Young King.
    • 2 to Glarrang of Molucco.
    • 28 to the Equipage Master, with 11 missing or damaged.
    • 22 to the civil militia.
• Enslaved individuals under the Sergeant of the Tronc (prison):
  • 1 Mangarij man, who died of smallpox in the Company’s hospital on 7 December.
  • 1 Salassa man from Macassar, who died in the Company’s garden on 17 August.
• Medical tools under the Head Surgeon of the Castle:
  • 6 fire irons (for cauterizing).
  • 10 branding irons.
  • 1 pair of tongs.
  • 1 bullet screw (for removing bullets).
  • 1 small chisel (unusable).
  • 2 small chisels.
  • 1 raspatory (surgical scraper).
  • 1 small saw.
  • 3 trepans (drills for skull surgery) with three crowns.
  • 2 thin beakers.
  • 2 hidden beakers.
  • 1 thomaal (surgical knife) with a 6–6 measurement.
• Other missing or damaged tools:
  • 1 axe.
  • 6 woodcarvers’ adzes (unusable).
  • 6 hanging straps.
  • 6 small rings.

On June 30, 1695, officials in Macassar sent a report summarizing key events since their last update in May 20, 1695. They referenced earlier letters, including one from May 21 and its follow-up on May 28, which had been carried by a sloop from the Chinese captain in Macassar. The report focused on recent developments, particularly the conflict involving Raja Tambora and the kingdoms of Bima, Dompo, and Sumbawa.

The officials noted that Raja Tambora had devastated much of Bima and Dompo, including the important village of Wawona, where Bima's people had stored their main cannon and ammunition. Raja Tambora claimed he was acting on orders from the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and threatened Raja Cam (likely a local ruler). Rumors also suggested he planned to exploit grain shortages on Java's east coast to attack Batavia.

Due to a lack of ships, the officials struggled to send updates to Batavia. However, on July 17, 1695, they allowed Gerrit Jansz. Box, a Batavia citizen, to continue his journey to Batavia in his sloop. Box had arrived from Ambon 12 days earlier and was inspected by the fiscal and two members of the Council of Justice before requesting permission to sail. The officials approved his departure, hoping it would meet with approval from their superiors.

The report also confirmed earlier advice about Raja Tambora's aggression, emphasizing the destruction he had caused in Bima and Dompo, where resistance had collapsed.

On 5 May 1695, in Amboina, Mattheus Schenkenbergh wrote a formal letter to the Governor-General Willem van Outhoorn and the Council of the Dutch East Indies in Batavia. He expressed frustration over ongoing accusations and disrespect he faced, particularly from Pieter Roselaer, which weakened his authority and reputation. Despite his four years of experience, he felt forced to repeatedly defend himself, harming his ability to lead effectively. He hoped the Council would accept his explanations and not hold him responsible for issues beyond his control.

The letter included several attached documents to support his case:

• A list of documents sent on 30 April 1694, including records from the trading office in Amboina.
• A memo from Abraham Pietersz, dated 11 June 1694, about cloves stored in the Castle Victoria warehouse.
• A statement from Pieter van der Poort.
• An extract from a letter by Pieter Roselaer, dated 9 October 1694.
• A request regarding 1,000 ducats stolen by Volckert Adensz van Staden, a "sweeper," from the Dutch East India Company’s cash reserve in Amboina.
• An inventory of goods and cash found in Van Staden’s home on 13 June 1694.
• Confessions from Van Staden, dated 25, 26, and 28 June 1694.
• A court appointment from Amboina’s Council of Justice against Van Staden, dated 28 June 1694.
• A sales list of Van Staden’s publicly auctioned goods on 14 July 1694.
• A sentence against Van Staden by the Council of Justice, issued on 3 August 1694.

Another note, dated 8 May 1695, mentioned a transaction involving Pieter Koselaer and the Company’s assets in Macassar. The letter was signed by Schenkenbergh from Castle Rotterdam in Macassar.

• On 17 May 1686, a letter was delivered to officials in Macassar (now Makassar), confirming that a man named Jntje had to cancel his planned trip due to bad weather. The letter was signed by Willem Hartsinck, Willem de Ruijter, Francois Prins, Isaacq Clarisse, Harmen Hansen, and J.S. Cox at Rotterdam Castle, Macassar, on 25 May 1686.
• Additionally, a woman named Engeltje Bijstervelt deposited a sum of 220 rijksdaalders (Dutch currency) into the Dutch East India Company’s cash register in Macassar on 23 May 1680. This money was meant to be received again by the junior merchant Adriaan van Taren in Batavia (now Jakarta).
• A translated letter from the Raja of Bone and the princess Daijn Talille was received by Governor-General Joannes Camphuys and the Council of the Indies on 7 June 1686. The letter, sent via a Chinese junk ship captained by Ongwarko, expressed:
  • Gratitude and loyalty to the Dutch East India Company.
  • Shock and sorrow over the death of the Dutch ambassador Tak, killed by Javanese forces.
  • Their readiness to support the Company militarily, with ships prepared and awaiting orders.
  • Requests for guidance from the Company’s President in Macassar, as they trusted his knowledge of the Company’s intentions.
  • Gifts sent to the Governor-General: the Raja of Bone sent 2 spears (one gold-trimmed, one plain) with quivers and 2 boys; the princess sent 4 girls. Paduca Sirij Capathoe sent 2 boys, asking that the focus be on the people sending the gifts rather than the gifts themselves.
• Another translated letter, from Sultan Facharroedijn Abdul Djalie, the Raja of Goa, and other nobles, was also received on 7 June 1686. It included:
  • Warm greetings and praise for Governor-General Joannes Camphuys and the Council of the Indies, acknowledging their power and justice.
  • Confirmation that they had received and read a letter from Batavia with great respect, though its beautiful words brought sorrow (likely referring to the ambassador’s death).
  • Hopes for the Company’s continued favor and guidance.

On 13 May 1704, officials from Bima received documents in Macassar, including:

• A copy of answered questions by seven sailors (including a helmsman) from the English frigate Ligoor, brought from Bina on 28 April 1704.
• A translated Malay letter from elders, royal family members, and the community of Sangar, delivered on 15 April 1704.
• A letter from the king of Boni to Governor Willem de Zoete, brought by Aroud' Jalie from Chinrana.
• A response letter from Governor-General Willem van Outhoorn, dated 23 April 1704.
• A report by assayer Willem Hoeling on gold mines in Bantiernoerong and Lamolo, submitted on 14 April 1704.
• A statement about testing old gunpowder stored by the Company, newly delivered by the ship Zaemslag on 26 April 1704.

Two days after the ship Zaemslag left for Batavia (following a letter sent on 4 April 1704), the ship Eenhoorn arrived in Macassar with:

• Merchant and fiscal inspector Joannes Snoek
• Three prisoners: Marcus Lantbeek, Oumar Alij (a Moor), and Carre Sidjarra (a hostage from Lingh).