Transcriptions » Recently created summaries of historical documents

• On 28 April 1852, Johannes Gerardus Hendricus Beelman, a 24-year-old servant living on Singel street, and Wilhelmus Johannes Wiemers, a 45-year-old coachman living at Biegdstraat 64, appeared before the civil registry official. They reported that Maria Eingerer died on 27 April at 4 o'clock in the morning at Oudezijdsvoorburgwal number 4 in Amsterdam. She was 69 years old, had no occupation, was born in Bessendorf in Hanover, and was the widow of Frederis Buchholtz.
• On 28 April 1852, Jan Nichel de Zyn, a 29-year-old with an unclear occupation living at Clooyerstraat 62, and Johannes Mattheus Trooster, a 33-year-old shoemaker living at Dirk van Hasselsteeg gang 1, appeared before the civil registry official. They reported that Dina Jacoba Margaretha Kuhn died on 27 April at 10 o'clock in the evening at Prinsengracht number 3. She had no occupation, was born in Amsterdam, and was the daughter of Dina Kuhn.
• On 28 April 1852, Gerrit Brandhoff, a 45-year-old peat measurer living at the deceased's house, and Huinrich Wolff, a 51-year-old with no occupation living at Rozenstraat 42, appeared before the civil registry official. They reported that Johanna Elisabeth van Beekhoff died on 27 April at half past 11 in the morning at Baangracht near Passeerdersgracht. She was 84 years old, had no occupation, was born in Amsterdam, was unmarried, and was the daughter of Hendrik van Beekhoff and Elisabeth Knoffelook, who were both deceased.
• On 28 April 1852, Henrik Wilhelm Duyvendak, a 36-year-old shopkeeper and husband of the deceased, and Bartholomius Pasteuning, a 35-year-old lock keeper living at Eleuuscheuwstraat 157 and brother of the deceased, appeared before the civil registry official. They reported that Johanna Sebecca Pasteuning died on 26 April at half past 5 in the afternoon at Eerste Looiendwarsstraat number 16 in Amsterdam. She was 26 years old, had no occupation, was born in Amsterdam, was married to Henrik Wilhelm Duyvendak, and was the daughter of Johannes Pasteuning and Catharina Pelle.
• On 28 April 1852, Hermanus Wijnberge, a 23-year-old street vendor and father of the deceased, and Hendrik Stam, a 33-year-old shopkeeper living at Blanstraat 4, appeared before the civil registry official. They reported that Johannes Wijnberge died on 27 April at 8 o'clock in the morning at Buitenbrouwerstraat number 32 in Amsterdam. He was 4 months old, was born in Amsterdam, and was the son of Hermanus Wynberge and Maria Theresia de Ryk.

• On 18 August 1852, two marriage ceremonies took place before a civil registrar in Amsterdam at the town hall.

First Marriage:

• Willem Gessenick, a 27-year-old vegetable seller living in Amsterdam, married Geertrui Ryvordt, a 27-year-old woman without a profession living in Amsterdam.
• The groom was the adult son of Casser Gisseniek (deceased) and Maria van Barlenburg, a vegetable seller living in Amsterdam.
• The bride was the adult daughter of Adriaan Ryvordt, a painter living in Amsterdam, and Anna Pieternella Ongeboer, living in Amsterdam.
• The groom's mother and the bride's father were present and gave their consent to the marriage.
• The marriage banns had been announced without objection in Amsterdam on 8 August and 15 August.
• Birth certificates of the engaged couple and the death certificate of the groom's father were submitted.
• The groom and witnesses confirmed under oath the identity of his parents because of the father's death.
• Both parties answered "yes" when asked if they accepted each other as spouses and would fulfill all duties required by law.
• The registrar declared them married by law.
• Witnesses present were: Hre van Batenburg, the groom's brother-in-law, a 46-year-old shopkeeper; Paulus Koppen, the groom's brother-in-law, a 27-year-old merchant; Simon Maly, 27 years old; and Jacob Barend Bessem, the groom's brother-in-law, 48 years old, all living in Amsterdam.
• After the document was read aloud, it was signed by the witnesses and the registrar, but the spouses and both mothers declared they could not write.

Second Marriage:

• Abraham Christiaan Lorenk, a 27-year-old shoemaker living in Amsterdam, married Sara Klekzer, a 24-year-old worker living in Amsterdam.
• The groom was the adult son of Hendrik Christiaan Lorenk (deceased) and Elisabeth de Vries, a ragpicker living in Amsterdam.
• The bride was the adult daughter of Hermina Klekzen (deceased).
• The groom's mother was present and gave her consent to the marriage.
• The marriage banns had been announced without objection in Amsterdam on 8 August and 15 August.
• Birth certificates of the engaged couple and the death certificate of the groom's father were submitted.
• Both parties answered "yes" when asked if they accepted each other as spouses and would fulfill all duties required by law.
• The registrar declared them married by law.
• Witnesses present were: Petrus Dorstegn, a 41-year-old worker; Johannes Meeuwx, a 24-year-old grain miller; Gerrit Brandhoff, a 45-year-old brush maker; and Jacob Blok, a 27-year-old cigar maker, all living in Amsterdam.

Reniersz's account books showed a difference of 7816 guilders and 4 stuivers, which equals 15,632 guilders and 10 stuivers, compared to what was actually found. This was clearly stated in the daily register dated last day of October. The writer could not understand how such a large difference could have occurred. The writer promised to continue investigating everything carefully, including collecting outstanding debts which were already slowly coming in, and asked to be trusted with this task.

Regarding trade, nothing had been accomplished up to that point, mainly because foreign ships had not arrived and because of constant business matters at the headquarters. The writer hoped that the Company's goods would fetch their proper prices and produce good profits. All efforts would be made so that larger and more important capital could be entrusted to them for the benefit of the honorable Company in the future.

The small cargo that had been sent on the yacht Zoutelande and the fluyt ship d'Postilioen had arrived well in quantity but not in quality. In the yacht there were 2 damaged packages and in the fluyt ship there were 4. They would try with all possible effort to repair these and sell them to various buyers for the greatest profit of their employers. They would inform their superiors about the results soon.

Regarding their efforts in carefully investigating the dealings of the Macassarese and Portuguese, as well as other rumors, and pressing for payment of the unusable 1776¾ maesen (a type of currency) as reported by assistant Krul, their superiors could read about this in their daily register and in the copy of the letter written to the Moluccan governor Sijmon Cos. The writer also referred to the resolution about stopping the construction of ships under number 14.

The writer sadly had to report that due to the unruly behavior of their sailors, their desertion and other problems, and especially due to the incitement by several treacherous Dutch deserters (7 in total, who constantly tried to corrupt others), they faced daily complaints. One of their subordinate boatswains on the sloop de Kreest, a modest man named Pieter Iansz van de Doel, had been led so far astray from the path of virtue that he had first committed theft, then abandoned the Company's service and deserted to their known enemies, the Portuguese.

Viero van Eda reported that two English ships from Bantam and their cargo had reached Macassar, which was already well supplied with cloth but still being fought over with weapons. The English made a good profit there and brought back a large quantity of gunpowder, muskets, and other war ammunition to help the foreigners and encourage them to make new voyages to Amboina to buy cloves. For this, they offered 300 masen per bhaer. However, nothing came of it, so not a single clove from Amboina arrived in Macassar that year. They hoped to prevent this in the future as well. But about 60 bhaars of very damp and impure cloves arrived with three ships from Gammelamma, which the English bought for 280 masen per bhaer to bring back to England.

The English sold most of their gunpowder to the Spaniard Pedro de La Matta, who was a resident there. He sent it along with a good amount of rice and other supplies to Ternate with several ships, which were hard to catch by Dutch ships because they were fast at rowing and sailing. Three other ships and a frigate would go there again in November with rice and other food supplies, along with a good amount of cloth. The King was also a major participant in this, and the trade with Gammalamma and Manila was pursued more than before. That year, together with the Portuguese from both Samboanga and Manila, they received about 60 realen in gold in return. Two junks left again in May and June, and the ship of Francisco Fiera with a large cargo.

• 15 May 1600: The Dutch reported they had almost no medicine left because they had only received supplies from Admiral van Caerden that were worth mentioning.
• They had received no wine, arak (a strong alcoholic drink), oil, bacon, or meat for over 7 months, and even before that they had been completely without such supplies on several trips, even though proper obedience and order were maintained there.
• The situation was very bad for them compared to Banda and Ambon, where everything could be obtained more easily. Those places had also been better supplied with food, ammunition, and war supplies from the ships and from Bantam than the Dutch location, even though such supplies were not as necessary there as they were where the Dutch were.
• The Dutch noticed from some people that the Moluccas were not held in as high regard as they should be. This was partly shown by the orders given on Banda to Bantam, which only recommended and ordered that Banda itself be supplied, without even thinking about the Dutch locations.
• This had been followed so carefully that none of the yachts sent from the Dutch location to Bantam had returned, so everyone looked out for themselves there and no one tried to return to the Moluccas.
• The messengers of this letter could give a good report to the Honourable Lords about all this, since they had witnessed everything there with the Dutch for 18 months, during which time they had also experienced worries.
• The Dutch explained how highly the Moluccas should be valued based on present findings: on the island of Makian alone, over 1,500 barrels of cloves had been picked during this season, of which they now had about 1,100 barrels in hand. Due to a lack of cloth, they would obtain the rest more slowly.
• According to the inhabitants, they could produce up to 2,000 barrels, but time would tell. The Dutch would do their best to obtain everything.
• If they had been well supplied with cloth, they could have known exactly by now what this island could produce in cloves and could have advised the Honourable Lords about it. They had several means to achieve this, but it would now take longer and still be uncertain, because the inhabitants were not very willing to sell their cloves for cash, which was also not as profitable for the Company.
• Those who had traded the cloth for money against such a season had done badly. The cloth had mostly been borrowed from the office of Makian, which was a great disappointment to those who would have preferred to see it otherwise and were sure that enough could be obtained in time if they were abundantly supplied with everything.
• If they only gave the inhabitants cloth on credit for the coming season and kept it in storage without selling anything for money (which they should still start doing in time), it would cause the clove picking to be started with more eagerness and care. On the contrary, when everything could be obtained for money, many put clove picking aside, it being enough for them to be able to get costly cloth. The people there seldom strove for great wealth.
• The Portuguese knew better than the Dutch how to handle these things. They used to supply these people with only as much cloth as they needed for maintenance, for which they received everything themselves. Several other reasons could be mentioned, which would be addressed at another opportunity.
• The Dutch also had to consider what was being done there by the King of Spain to drive them out. From the report of Captain Apollonius Schotte from the Honourable wise and prudent Lords of 9 January 1681 (written as 14), they learned about maintaining his places and allied Tidore, for which no labor, people, or costs were spared, without any other advantage or profit being enjoyed so far.
• In the writer's opinion (subject to better judgment), the Spanish clearly understood what was at stake in the outcome of the war there: namely, the entire state or well-being of the Indies for the

On 2 July 1619, Jan Pietersz Coen, the Governor General, issued orders regarding ships. He instructed that 4 ships should go to Parany. The warehouses should be built 36 feet deep inside the houses, 15 feet wide for a gallery, 14 feet wide, and the top of the house should be high enough so there could be suitable living space above the warehouse, just like the old house of Jaccatra, being about 35 feet high in total.

All ships returning should sail directly to Jaccatra without stopping at Bantham, including all other ships currently in Manila or Japan. Friends were to be informed of this at the fort in Jaccatra.

Jan Pietersz Coen acted as Governor General over all forts, trading posts, ships, yachts, and trade in the Indies on behalf of the High and Mighty States General of the United Netherlands, His Princely Excellency Mauritius, born Prince of Orange, Count of Nassau, and the directors of the general chartered East India Company.

On 3 July 1619, Hendrick Jansz was appointed as Commander over the ships Den Engel, De Bergerboot, De Morgensterre, and De Jager, which were to sail to Jambij, Patana, and Japan. It was highly necessary to appoint a capable and qualified person to promote trade and to watch out for the English everywhere, to guard against them as the greatest enemies. If they encountered any English ships, they should use all force and effort to overpower them, either by force or by cunning, while treating any crew captured well. All money and goods should be properly registered and distributed to those entitled to them.

Hendrick Jansz was commissioned and authorized as Commander over the mentioned ships to command, maintain good order and discipline, administer justice in civil and criminal matters, and do everything a good and faithful Commander should do. All senior merchants, skippers, officers, and sailors were ordered to recognize, respect, and obey Hendrick Jansz as their Commander.

On 10 July 1619, instructions were given to Hendrick Bruijstersz, senior merchant, and the council of the ship Hoorn and the frigate Seijlon, sailing to Lucipara and Jambij. They were to sail as quickly as possible directly to Lucipara and anchor in the strait to intercept all junks sailing through the strait to Malacca or elsewhere. They should especially try to capture the junks from Macassar, Japara, Damma, and other areas under the Mataram ruler that might be sailing to Malacca with rice.

Instructions for dealing with different junks included:

• Any junk with rice should be stopped and the rice transferred to their ship until it was fully loaded. If more rice was captured than the ship and frigate could carry, the excess rice should be brought to Jaccatra with the junk.
• Junks from allies or those in friendship with them, specifically those from Patana, Siam, Thoor, Jambij, Suckedana, Cheribon, Grissij, Jortan, Surrabaija, and Palmban should be allowed to pass freely and unharmed. However, if

On Thursday, August 13, 1772, a meeting took place regarding a debt issue with Aoij Ragia. He had signed an express document twice, in both Dutch and Malabar languages. He requested that both he and the Company should each receive a written copy of this document. His concern was that in the future, through arbitrary decisions or bad advice (as he called it), exceptions might be made against the agreement, which would cause him trouble again. The meeting decided that his request was reasonable and agreed to give him the duplicate copies of the mentioned list.

Next, the Commander shared his thoughts about the behavior of Aoij Ragia, following up on what had been recorded in the resolution of September 28 of the previous year concerning Aoij Ragia. The Commander noted how this Moorish administrator, despite the emphatic measures taken, continued his problematic conduct.

Paulus Jacob Valckenaar, the outgoing Governor, handed over a memorandum to his successor, Mr. Jacob Roeland Thomaszen, who was the incoming Governor of Ternate. This document was numbered 13.

On August 31, 1777, the Council examined and compared the trade books of the Government from the years 1776/7 at the Trade Office inside the Castle. They found that all expenses and write-offs were legal because they matched with the issued orders. They also assumed that the successive costs were kept as low as possible and that the burdens were unavoidable.

The Council noted that several debts were still outstanding in the books as of late August 1777:

• The King of Ternate owed ƒ41,027:13:8 for provided cash, linens, and dispensed goods
• The King of Tidore owed ƒ10,153:4:0
• The King of Batchian owed ƒ908:11:0
• The authority of Macquian owed ƒ3,960:0:0
• Senghadje Mortier owed ƒ297:0:0
• The nobles of Ternate owed ƒ1,188:0:0
• The authority of Maba owed ƒ198:0:0
• The authority of Weda owed ƒ200:0:0

The Council explained that the kings were sometimes in need of cash and could not always be turned away, even though it was desirable but impossible to determine when these debts would be settled. The kings had received recognition payments and were supposed to repay gradually with their favor money from Batavia, but it remained uncertain when these rulers would pay off their debts.

The debts of the Sangir kings, arising from received cash, gunpowder, and lead, had decreased somewhat this year. These kings had promised to deliver coconut oil in return, which they had already begun to do:

• The King of Taroena owed ƒ40:6:0
• The King of Chandar owed ƒ171:15:0
• The King of Manganitoe owed ƒ98:9:0
• The King of Chiauw owed ƒ226:4:8

The King of Chiauw, who was the largest debtor, was able to pay. There was no need to worry about collecting these debts.

Resident Wentholt had collected more money since late August 1777 on behalf of the Company, so that the outstanding debts would likely soon be settled.

Additional outstanding debts included:

• The junior merchant and former Gorontalo Resident Reinier Hoeques owed ƒ2,488:5:8 for shortages during his residency
• The junior merchant and former Gorontalo Resident Nicolaas Dionijsius Mol owed ƒ25,517:0:6
• Interest on the seized guarantee money of Governor Valckenaer and the former Gorontalo Resident Uterwall needed to be paid

Several accounts had been settled and were recorded in the new books:

• The new account of the General Office: ƒ40:7:0
• The new account of Gorontalo: ƒ39:5:8View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3523 / 0628  

  
  

  1 August 1778, at 9 o'clock in the morning, a report about the comparison of trade books was examined at a meeting of the council in Moluccas. Present were Governor and Director Paulus Jacob Valckenaer, incoming commanders Jacob Roeland Thomaszen and senior merchant Godfried Carel Meurs, captains Hop de Meike Joseph Stephanus, Gerardus Willem van Renesse, and Koene Koenes, Secretary Johan George van Raesveld, and Hendrik Ambrosius Johnzon. The report concerned the comparison of trade books from 1777/78. The meeting followed a written order from 10 April of that year. The appointed members, including a merchant and a tax collector, had gathered on Saturday 1 August 1778 at 9 o'clock in the morning for the council meeting.

  View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3523 / 0627  

  
  

  David Haum Menatar was given the power to act as a substitute representative. He was authorized to publicly announce and sell certain houses and land located in the village of Naarden. The property was situated on the side of the Rwaar de Vagt, with Pelleman as a neighbor on one side and Dirk Westerhoff on the other side, or whoever else might be the neighbors. Menatar could sell the property under conditions and for an amount that he and his advisors thought appropriate. His responsibilities included:

  • Receiving the payment
  • Handling all arrangements
  • Transferring ownership of the property
  • Handing over all documents and papers related to the property
  • Promising to follow all rules and procedures
  • Paying the lord's taxes and fees on the property

  Menatar was authorized to do everything necessary for this sale, just as if the principal was present himself. The document was signed in Amsterdam with Arnoldus Commelin and Arent de Ruijter as witnesses.
  View transcript NL-AsdSAA / 604589 / 196  

  
  

  On 21 April 1766, Heer Joseph Tesurum Lobo appeared before notary Hermanus van Heel in Amsterdam. He was authorized to represent Mejuffrouw Gratia Peixotto, wife of Joseph Musaphia, and Juffrouw Lea Peixotto, wife of Josua Peixotto den Silva. Both women had received permission from the aldermen of Amsterdam on 28 October 1765 to handle their own rights in the estate of their late mother Lea Abensur, widow of Jacob Peixotto, and their late brother Josua Peixotto (also known as Mendes Peixotto Junior) while their husbands were abroad. Their rights included:

  • Managing legal and financial matters
  • Selling real estate found in the estates together with other heirs
  • Collecting money

  The representative also acted for Jacob de Pinedo and his wife Juffrouw Abigail Peixotto, as well as Juffrouw Ribca Peixotto, an unmarried adult daughter. This authority was given through a power of attorney dated 7 November 1765, passed before notary Hermanus van Heel. He further represented Sara Peixotto, also an unmarried adult, and Rachel Peixotto, widow of Emanuel Pareira, according to a power of attorney from 14 April 1766 passed before notary Johannes Lijkoff in 's-Gravenhage. Additionally, he was authorized by the aldermen of Amsterdam on 6 September 1765 to represent the portions belonging to the minor Daniel Peixotto and Isaac Peixotto, who was described as unfortunate.
  View transcript NL-AsdSAA / 604589 / 195  

  
  

  • 3 September 1847: Jan Christiaan Moeleman, a porter aged 42 living in the city hospital, and Willem Frans Steevert, without profession aged 47 living in the same place, reported the death of Evert van Beusekom. He was a painter aged 48, born in Amsterdam, living at Haarlemmersdijk 212. He died on 2 September at 7 o'clock in the morning at a house on Achterburgwal, district 1, number 1. He was married to Maria Hendrika van Sichem and was the son of Evert van Beusekom and Johanna Susanna Lwarts.
  • 3 September 1847: Jan Christiaan Koeleman, a porter aged 47 living in the city hospital, and Willem Frans Steevert, without profession aged 47 living in the same place, reported the death of Johannes van Doorn. He was a cabinet maker aged 19, born in Amsterdam, living at Vinkenstraat 188. He died on 30 August at 6 o'clock in the afternoon at a house on Achterburgwal, district 1, number 1. He was unmarried and the son of Jan van Doorn and Iana Laros.
  • 3 September 1847: Jan Christiaan Moeleman, a porter aged 42 living in the city hospital, and Willem Frans Steevert, without profession aged 47 living in the same place, reported the death of Maria van Boven. She was without profession aged 28, born in Groningen, living at Gooiersheeg 4. She died on 28 August at noon at a house on Achterburgwal, district 1, number 1. She was married to Leonardus Rosmuller.
  • 3 September 1847: Jan Christiaan Moeleman, a porter aged 42 living in the city hospital, and Willem Frans Steevert, without profession aged 47 living in the same place, reported the death of Hendrik Faber. He was a baker's assistant aged 26, born in Godesberg, living at de Hal. He died on 1 September at 4 o'clock in the morning at a house on Achterburgwal, district 1, number 1. He was unmarried and the son of Samuel Faber and Catharina Elisabeth Maridort.
  • 3 September 1847: Jan Christiaan Moeleman, a porter aged 42 living in the city hospital, and Willem Frans Steevert, without profession aged 47 living in the same place, reported the death of Johan Herman Bunsen. He was a glove maker aged 58, born in Paderborn, living at Zwartlakensteeg 19. He died on 2 September at 9 o'clock in the morning at a house on Achterburgwal, district 1, number 1. He was married to Catharina Rotselaar and was the son of Christoffel Bunsen and Elisabeth Kramer.View transcript NL-AsdSAA / 2335941 / 27  

    
    

    The lieutenant governor negotiated with the residents of Bonoo and Alsou after their strong position became clear. The residents agreed to a truce and surrender, paying approximately 1,100 pounds worth as compensation. They promised not to raid the company's subjects or allies anymore. The people of Manipo and Kelangh also paid about 800 pounds as penalty for their faults. All these payments were divided among the armed forces mentioned, along with other captured goods.

    The place of Houttemori Altros had always been considered the strongest in the land and unconquerable. Never before had such a large military force been assembled in this area. The conquest of this place and the impressive size of this force caused great fear and respect among the people of Loehoe, Combelle, and all other doubtful places. It appeared that by continuing this way, which could be done without much cost to the Company, all surrounding places could be kept under good control.

    The clove harvest this year was very successful in some places. From Lochae, 80 bales of cloves had already been received and brought to the castle. The people of Hitto also started delivering, and it was expected that this year in total about 800 bales of cloves would be obtained.

    At the harbor they found the ships De Trouw and De Zuider Eendracht with the sloop Kleijn Hollandie from the Moluccas. They learned that the people of Ternate and Tidore were at war again. The Tidore people had planned to build a fort on a corner of the island of Ternate to threaten the company's fort Marieco located on Tidore. However, they were prevented by the Ternate people, who with the advice and help of General Reael were building a fort on that same spot. Since this was being done under the protection of the ship De Morgenster, they understood that General Reael had not yet come here because there were no other ships in the Moluccas at that time.

    Last year they were promised from the Moluccas that this coming year 1,000 bales of cloves would be obtained from there, but they understood they would receive little or nothing.

    A discussion was held about what should best be done for the general Company, namely whether it would be wise for General Coen to visit the Moluccas or Banda as soon as possible to inspect the places and establish all proper order there, and also whether some ships should cruise above Banda. After much discussion, the final decision was postponed.

    It was further decided that Hans Keijsers' junk should sail with advice to Solor to summon the company's ships from there to join the fleet.

    The yacht Den Neptunis arrived safely here from Banda, bringing news that peace had been made between those of Salamme and their allies on one side and those of Lonthor, Pouloron, and their allies on the other, though those of Lonthor themselves did not agree. This yacht brought from there 70 sacks of mace, reporting that in the forts Nassau and Revenge there were both nutmeg and mace lying, amounting to about one yacht's cargo.

    They understood that on 30 January past, the yacht De Vos had not yet arrived there, which

    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1069 / 0297  

    
    

    The Dutch fleet held a meeting and unanimously decided to sail to Amboina as quickly as possible with all ships. Once they had favorable winds, they departed. The frigate Ceylon was in poor condition, so they decided to send it to the Strait of Sunda with 25 men to patrol and warn Dutch ships about the English. Ships were expected daily from Patria, the Coast of Coromandel, Ticco, and other areas. Senior merchant Jacques le Febre was assigned to go with the frigate with orders that if the ship Zeewolff came from Ticco loaded with pepper, he should send it or the Hert with cargo to Patria, and all other ships to Amboina. He was also to maintain written communication with Dutch personnel in Jaccatra and Bantham, and ask those in Bantham to have the governor of Jaccatra negotiate a good peace. On the 5th, they sailed east along the coast but made little progress due to calm weather. The frigate Ceylon separated from them and turned west to warn incoming Dutch ships about the English. On the 6th, the council met and decided to send the ship Delft, which was most heavily loaded, to Patria through the Strait of Bali so the directors could receive the valuable cargo and be informed about events. To finish loading the Delft and obtain water (which the entire fleet needed), they decided to stop at Cape Mandalique. The Berderbooth would sail to Bima for rice and other provisions, and the yacht De Jager would go to Solor with messages to warn Dutch ships about the English. That day they were near Cherison, but progress was slow due to calm and variable winds. On the 10th, the fleet of 8 ships reached Cape Mandalique in the evening and anchored near Tronde Island, about 3 miles east of Japara. They found very good water on the mainland near the island. The journey from Isaccatra had taken 7 days due to calm and variable winds. On the 11th, 12th, and 13th, all men were busy loading water. They transferred large silk chests from D'Oude Zonne and some pepper from De Jager to the Delft to complete its cargo. The Delft was manned with 90 healthy and 20 sick men who had been on land, and it would sail to Patria through the Strait of Bali. They also transferred 2 metal half-cannons to the Gouden Leeuw to strengthen defense against the English. On the 14th, they all departed from Mandalique in the evening after obtaining good water without encountering any people. That day they sent the yachts De Valck and De Jager to Jortan to buy fresh provisions for the fleet and the ship Delft. De Jager was ordered to spend no more than 3 days at Sovtan, then sail between Madura, find the Delft at the eastern end of Java, provide it with provisions, and continue to Solor as decided on the 6th. De Valck
    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1069 / 0294  

    
    

    On 22 October 1728, a report was sent from Macassar listing the population and military resources. The population included 1,960 people from various groups: 3,412 people who were Makassarese, Buginese, Chinese, Ambonese, Bandanese, and Malays, totaling 3,721 people. There were also 2,076 people from Poelongbankeen and its area, and 6,129 people from Glissond. Additionally, there were 16,502 people on Boelo Comba and Bontain, 14,087 people in Salijer, and people in Maros and its area.

    The East India Company's vessels at Macassar numbered 8, consisting of:

    • 1 sloop
    • 3 patrol boats
    • 2 barges
    • 2 boats

    At that time, the patrol boat was being equipped with fighting equipment. Besides repairing the broken mast of the Oppas, some small repairs were being carried out to make the vessels suitable for necessary services, including collecting the tenth rice harvest. Similar maintenance was also performed on the sloop Pompelmoes and the barges at the proper time. Further vessel repairs were specified on an accompanying list.

    The civilian vessels belonging to citizens and other free residents at Macassar consisted of:

    • 10 sloops
    • 106 small boats
    • 10 patrol boats

    This information came from a report by the harbor master included in the daily register on 9 September.

    All secretarial documents were being sent, including resolutions, daily registers, incoming and outgoing letters, improvement records, and specifications of arriving and departing vessels. Criminal court cases since the last notification dates were also sent, along with the third set of wage books from 27 and 17 March 1728.

    Additionally, a request was made twice for cash needs and personnel, including:

    • 1 wagon maker
    • 1 medical visitor
    • 1 corporal
    • 3 clerks
    • 4 gunsmiths
    • 1 coppersmith and butcher
    • 1 tinsmith
    • 1 blacksmith
    • 1 locksmith
    • 6 house carpenters
    • 3 masons
    • 4 ship workers
    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 8196 / 0230  

    
    

    • A group of people from Ambon (Orangkays), Bandanese, and Javanese from Cirebon planned to start a revolt around or inside the castle by pretending they came to complain or ask for something.
    • Their plan was to take control of the castle and start a fight. If they could not begin this properly, they would help the Bandanese and Javanese who were already working in the city to completely take over and destroy everything.
    • During this general revolt of murder and fire, they intended to escape with as many of their wives and children as possible in Javanese boats, without telling the women and children about their plans. They believed that by not becoming Christians they were legally abandoned, and thought they would not lack wives if they reached other lands while staying alive.
    • Following this plan, 8 Orangkays left for Cirebon without using the excuse of collecting palm leaves or reeds.
    • At a general meeting held in the new houses of the people from Lantor, led by Ebrahim van Lontor, they complained that the honorable Lord Governor-General made them work every day without paying them anything, while before they had always received 6 for their work.
    • They decided to speak to the Lord Governor-General about this at a suitable time and place. If he did not give them a satisfactory answer, Ebrahim would stab him, which all the other Orangkays agreed to do at the right time.
    • The confessor admitted he had offered to carry this out himself, saying that because he had freer access to the Lord Governor-General than others, he could accomplish this better than anyone. For this purpose he had already bought a rapier or kris.
    • They also planned to ask the honorable Lord Governor-General if they could all go to Banda together. Once there, they would behave so quietly and obediently (along with the others there) that they hoped over time to gain free access to the castle while delivering their nutmeg and mace, so that people would have little suspicion of them.
    • Meanwhile they would look for a good opportunity to take over the castle and murder all the people. For this purpose they had spoken with a Bandanese named Camba, whom the Company had previously sent to Banda on the ship Wapen van Delft, telling the Bandanese there to behave quietly and obediently, hoping they would soon join them.
    • If no good opportunity for this attack appeared, they would come at night with some small boats under the land of Banda and take everyone with wives and children away from there.
    • They had completely resolved not to submit to the Dutch under any circumstances, but to free themselves by all possible means. For this purpose they had also sworn to each other by handshake on their religion to keep their plans secret until death and not reveal anything.
    • Finally, he said that to confirm their intentions they had kept back 12 spears and 2 muskets from the weapons that had been given to them during certain expeditions, which they kept under the pretense of having lost them or other excuses.
    • He said he understood that some secret meetings with Javanese and Bandanese had taken place several times on a certain piece of land inland (which had belonged to the King's son of Jacatra), where they had spoken with Javanese and held discussions, though he had not been present.
    • He only understood that they agreed not to kill each other if they met in the forest. The Javanese had also asked how things were with the Dutch and whether there were many people in the city, to which they had answered yes, that there were many Dutch, Chinese and other free people. The Javanese did not really believe this and said they wanted to see for themselves, which made him certain that the Javanese (who had caused the last alarm) had come to spy on the situation themselves.
    • When asked why he had not revealed all this earlier, he said that guards and halberdiers had refused to bring him before the Lord Governor-General and forbidden him on the way to approach his honor. He also said that sometimes he did not dare to speak to the Lord Governor-General because there were too many
    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1075 / 0483  

    
    

    The English from the island of Banda had moved from their side and written protests were exchanged back and forth about this. The friends were not ashamed to estimate their damage and interest at a sum of 124,215 pounds sterling, as could be seen in the papers that were sent about this matter. The orders that the Dutch in Banda had issued some time before the arrival of the English ships against various troublemaking and undermining activities would not be explained further here, but readers were referred to the letter of 7 May where these were laid out in detail. The mentioned friends continued their plans on the mentioned island and left without showing the slightest sign of using force. With permission from the governor of Dam and the Council, they anchored at the roadstead of the Castle on Neira on 1 April to wait there for the change of the monsoon season, and then return to Bantam, which they did. During this time, neither the mentioned Mr. Hunter nor Jan Dutton went ashore or showed any unfriendliness beyond the content of the mentioned protest. It appeared as if they had only come to leave again, trusting that the named protest would more than adequately cover the costs of their voyage. This seemed to have been their standard practice against the Dutch Company for some years. They had visited Macassar on their way there and back, and at first tried hard to persuade some Macassarese, Bandanese and Amboinese people to go with them to Poulo Rum, but they could not convince anyone despite the great promises they made.
    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1238 / 0115  

    
    

    • On 23 October 1738 in Macassar, a list was made of local military personnel, totaling 746 people (later corrected to 742). This included 5 captains, 3 lieutenants, 10 flag bearers, 43 sergeants, 61 corporals, 2 drummers, and 622 soldiers (later corrected to 618 soldiers).
    • The document was signed at Castle Rotterdam in Macassar on 30 September 1738 by W. van Duijvenvoorde.
    • Some retired soldiers asked permission to keep their salary payments. These included bookkeeper Johannes van der Sluijs, sergeant Jacob Cramer, sexton Johannes Staal, corporal Custagius van der Goes, and soldier Everhard Plosius.
    • The total population count of the Company's servants, citizens, and their families for that year was 46,695 people, broken down as follows:
      • 2,160 Company servants, citizens, and families
      • 2,199 Macassarese, Buginese, Chinese, Ambonese, Bandanese, and Malays
      • 601 residents of Campong Baroe
      • 1,232 people from Palembang, Glisson, and that area
      • 9,355 residents of Bulukumba and Bonthain
      • 18,820 people from Selayar
      • 6,408 from the northern provinces
    • On 25 October of the previous year, house carpenter Matthieu Lala was promoted to master craftsman with a salary of 24 guilders under a 3-year contract, replacing the promoted foreman Roeloff Huijskens.
    • On 27 December, someone was appointed as chief interpreter (the sentence is incomplete in the original text).
    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 2437 / 1390  

    
    

    
    

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