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Margareta Hendrina Tatum, widow of Jan de Witt, appeared before notary Casparus Henricus van Heimberg Reuvens in Haarlem on 12 January 1786 (Thursday evening between 6 and 7:30) to make her will. She was of sound body and mind.

She cancelled all previous wills and testaments she had made, either alone, with her late husband, or with anyone else.

She left the following amounts:

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This document was passed in Amsterdam in the presence of Pieter Vlot, a ship captain from this city sailing to Rotterdam, who lived on the Achterburgwal canal, and Johannes Zelger, who lived on the side of the Stock Exchange, as witnesses. The witnesses declared that they knew the appearing woman and were well aware that she was the person she claimed to be in this document: the widow of Jacob van den Vrock.
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10 March 1783 Harme van Weeren, manager of the Hague-Delft ferry service in Amsterdam, appeared before notary Daniel van de Brink. He stated that on 11 May 1731 he had been appointed to this position by the mayors and governors of the city, on the condition that he provide security for his trustworthiness in the amount of 2,000 guilders. This security was most recently provided on 7 September 1751, when Jacob Smit and Pieter Vlot, both skippers from Rotterdam, together and each individually, acted as guarantors for him for the sum of 2,000 guilders. Because Jacob Smit had died, another person needed to be appointed in his place. Isaac Teering, also a manager of the Hague and Delft ferry service, would take on this role. Harme van Weeren declared he would free both Pieter Vlot and Isaac Teering from their guarantor obligations, binding all his possessions, both movable and immovable, present and future. He also stated that due to his weakness he was unable to appear in person.

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Jan Klanke, an unmarried daughter living in the Eerste Blomdwarsstraat between the Blomstraat and Blomgracht in Amsterdam, and Aaltje Oommers, living on the Bickers Island at the Achterom in the same city, appeared on February 3, 1746 before notary Jan Verleij. Both women were of sufficient age to testify.

They came at the request of Elisabeth Vlot, widow and appointed heir of the late Bastiaan Mol. The witnesses declared that:

The witnesses were prepared to confirm their statement under oath. The document was drawn up in Amsterdam.

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On 16 December 1746, Elisabeth Vlot, wife of Bastiaan Molop, gave power of attorney to Thomas Pieters. The power of attorney was registered under number 308 and number 165 by Witsen.

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January 6, 1836, at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, the death was registered of Klaas Kinte. He died on the 5th at 6 o'clock in the morning, 25 years old, currently living in the military hospital where he died. He was born and had most recently lived in Oldebroek in Gelderland. He was a cavalryman with the 3rd cavalry division, son of Tijmen and Hendrikje. According to the official report, the deceased left no real estate and left behind a child. The declaration was made by Moles Marusdesing, 21 years old, living in the military hospital, occupation soldier and friend of the deceased, and by Abraham Filarske, 22 years old, living as above, occupation servant of the deceased. After reading aloud, the document was signed by both witnesses and confirmed according to the law by the alderman, appointed by the mayor according to Article 95 of the City Regulations. January 6, 1836, at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, the death was registered of Marten Dekker. He died today at 1 o'clock at night, 69 years old, living at Klein Kattenburgerstraat Number 121 Canton 2, and died there. He was born here, occupation ship's carpenter, widower of Jannetje van der Linden. The deceased left no real estate and left behind a child. The declaration was made by Gerrit van Wijk, 36 years old, living as above, occupation bread baker and neighbor of the deceased, and by Klaas Levendig, 32 years old, living at Hoogte van Kadijk Number 17, occupation carpenter and acquaintance of the deceased. After reading aloud, the document was signed by both witnesses and confirmed according to the law by the alderman. January 6, 1836, at 10 o'clock in the afternoon, the death was registered of Johannes Coenraad Arindts. He died on the 4th at 8 o'clock in the morning, 32 years old, living at Reguliersdwarsstraat Number 138 Canton 3, and died there. He was born here, son of Johannes Coenraad Arindts and Anna Barbara Leippert. The deceased left no real estate and left behind a child. The declaration was made by Johannes Cornelis Arindts, 38 years old, living as above at Number 140, occupation copper worker and brother of the deceased, and by Klaas van der Weijden, 56 years old, living as above at Number 141, occupation brewer and acquaintance of the deceased. After reading aloud, the document was signed by both witnesses and confirmed according to the law by the alderman. January 6, 1836, at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, the death was registered of Albert Pelser. He died on the 4th at 2 o'clock in the morning, 1 quarter year old, living at Looiersgracht Number 71 Canton 3, and died there. He was born here, son of Albert Pelser and Hendrikje Zoet. The deceased left no real estate and left behind a child. The declaration was made by the father, 36 years old, living as above, occupation bookbinder and father of the deceased, and by Gerrit Brandhoff, 30 years old, living as above at Number 76, occupation woodcutter and acquaintance of the deceased. After reading aloud, the document was signed by both witnesses and confirmed according to the law by the alderman.
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First Marriage:

Second Marriage:

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Reniersz's account books showed a difference of 7816 guilders and 4 stuivers, which equals 15,632 guilders and 10 stuivers, compared to what was actually found. This was clearly stated in the daily register dated last day of October. The writer could not understand how such a large difference could have occurred. The writer promised to continue investigating everything carefully, including collecting outstanding debts which were already slowly coming in, and asked to be trusted with this task.

Regarding trade, nothing had been accomplished up to that point, mainly because foreign ships had not arrived and because of constant business matters at the headquarters. The writer hoped that the Company's goods would fetch their proper prices and produce good profits. All efforts would be made so that larger and more important capital could be entrusted to them for the benefit of the honorable Company in the future.

The small cargo that had been sent on the yacht Zoutelande and the fluyt ship d'Postilioen had arrived well in quantity but not in quality. In the yacht there were 2 damaged packages and in the fluyt ship there were 4. They would try with all possible effort to repair these and sell them to various buyers for the greatest profit of their employers. They would inform their superiors about the results soon.

Regarding their efforts in carefully investigating the dealings of the Macassarese and Portuguese, as well as other rumors, and pressing for payment of the unusable 1776¾ maesen (a type of currency) as reported by assistant Krul, their superiors could read about this in their daily register and in the copy of the letter written to the Moluccan governor Sijmon Cos. The writer also referred to the resolution about stopping the construction of ships under number 14.

The writer sadly had to report that due to the unruly behavior of their sailors, their desertion and other problems, and especially due to the incitement by several treacherous Dutch deserters (7 in total, who constantly tried to corrupt others), they faced daily complaints. One of their subordinate boatswains on the sloop de Kreest, a modest man named Pieter Iansz van de Doel, had been led so far astray from the path of virtue that he had first committed theft, then abandoned the Company's service and deserted to their known enemies, the Portuguese.

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The text discusses the Dutch East India Company's monopoly trade system (alleenhandel) in Sumatra, Borneo, and Cayenne. The administration sought ways to increase income under the new system during its first years. This included reducing coffee cultivation. The text mentions concerns about the treatment of indigenous people and questions about whether it was appropriate to force them to grow specific crops. The discussion also extended to Ceylon and involved considerations about the suitability of the land for cultivation.
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Viero van Eda reported that two English ships from Bantam and their cargo had reached Macassar, which was already well supplied with cloth but still being fought over with weapons. The English made a good profit there and brought back a large quantity of gunpowder, muskets, and other war ammunition to help the foreigners and encourage them to make new voyages to Amboina to buy cloves. For this, they offered 300 masen per bhaer. However, nothing came of it, so not a single clove from Amboina arrived in Macassar that year. They hoped to prevent this in the future as well. But about 60 bhaars of very damp and impure cloves arrived with three ships from Gammelamma, which the English bought for 280 masen per bhaer to bring back to England.

The English sold most of their gunpowder to the Spaniard Pedro de La Matta, who was a resident there. He sent it along with a good amount of rice and other supplies to Ternate with several ships, which were hard to catch by Dutch ships because they were fast at rowing and sailing. Three other ships and a frigate would go there again in November with rice and other food supplies, along with a good amount of cloth. The King was also a major participant in this, and the trade with Gammalamma and Manila was pursued more than before. That year, together with the Portuguese from both Samboanga and Manila, they received about 60 realen in gold in return. Two junks left again in May and June, and the ship of Francisco Fiera with a large cargo.

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On February 2, 2 ships departed for Macassar, 1 for China, and 1 small ship for Alencastro in Wingurla. On February 30, 2 ships left for Macassar and 1 for China. These ships belonged to Joan Laurenco, Joan de Prado, and the third one belonged to various married people from Maccouw. The cargo they carried consisted of various sorted cloths, amber, red coral, incense sticks, incense, and some small items of little value. One ship was loading its cargo to sail to Bengal. In total, 11 ships paid 32,050 xerafins in royal taxes at the customs office, except for the last 2 ships mentioned going to China and Bengal, which had not yet departed. According to the viceroy's statement, he did not send a galleon to Portugal in 1678, but after the peace treaty was agreed upon, he had 2 ships made ready to sail. These were a large galleon called Nossa Senhora de Populo and the largest ship recently arrived from Portugal called Nossa Senhora dos Remedios, which was immediately repaired. Both ships left for Lisbon on the 2nd. The exact cargo contents and crew size remained unknown. According to the latest report from the Company's spy, the taxes on the goods carried by these ships (excluding smuggled and royal cargo) amounted to 22,300 xerafins: 1,500 for the Pedro galleon and 6,400 for the other. The former governor Dom Pedro d'Alencastro sailed as flag officer on the largest ship, and Francisco Rangel Cointo sailed as captain on the other ship to Portugal. In February, 1 galleon and 1 smaller ship departed for Portugal.
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The Dutch controlled several locations in the region, though some inhabitants remained under Spanish rule. People from places like Cernatanen, Mackianesz, Montyresen, and Batsianesen, as well as inhabitants from the mainland coast of Gillolo, sided with the Dutch. The island Motix had been brought under Dutch control by order of Admiral van Caerden, following Ariaen Clemenssz, who served as captain. Clemenssz's son had been beheaded by 3 Germans from Tidore. The inhabitants of Motix had been scattered and destroyed, so the Dutch relocated many people from Ternate there, along with all inhabitants from a place called Gane. In total, about 2,000 souls now lived on the island. Because they had just been relocated and found the land very barren, and because they were used to strengthen and protect the settlement, they only harvested about 50 or 60 barrels of cloves on one side of the land. Within 3 or 4 months, they expected to harvest much more during the next monsoon season, hoping to send a good supply of cloves home, along with what was still being gathered on Mackian, which was estimated at 5 or 6 hundred barrels, though the inhabitants claimed it would be more. The fort called Nassau was now complete. Its bastions had been completely covered with lime and stone, so they need not fear enemy attacks. The island Mackian was also provided with fortifications. To avoid great repair costs, these had not yet been completely covered with stone and lime, but this work was now being undertaken at all locations and was expected to be completed within 6 months. The inhabitants of the island helped by providing lime and stone. Regarding governance, since Admiral van Caerden's second unfortunate imprisonment (who would have served well due to his good experience in governance and his ability to maintain authority), no effective leadership structure had been established. On 9 January 1601, the writer noted that everyone in authority disagreed with each other. Some wanted supreme rule to remain entirely with the people of Ternate, who had willingly placed it in Dutch hands, not trusting themselves with it. Others wanted a system like in Bantam and other places. The writer felt it was unnecessary to deceive these people, as they were clever enough and not as simple as one might think. They knew why they had called for Dutch assistance: namely, for the war they had against the Spanish and Portuguese. They feared the people of Tidore, who had always been loyal to the Spanish and Portuguese, would rise above the people of Ternate. The people of Tidore felt the same way against the Dutch and the people of Ternate, so the peace requests from these 2 nations were nothing but deception. The inhabitants were also sufficiently governed by Malays and Javanese, so adding Dutch governance was unnecessary. Since customs could not be applied everywhere in the same way, as lands had different characteristics and inhabitants had diverse temperaments and conditions, it was best to adapt governance as much as possible. The main principle was not to wrong these people or allow wrongs to happen to them, not to demand anything unreasonable from them, and especially not to interfere with their religion in the slightest. These had been the main causes of the Portuguese downfall in these regions. One could make as many agreements with these people as desired, but they would not have much value since they did not want to keep all their promises unless brought to it with polite authority. Flattering governance had proven harmful there. The people of Ternate and those nearby could be counted among the most warlike nations in the world. They could endure proper authority founded in reason very well, which the writer had experienced on various occasions while on expeditions with people from Ternate and Mackian and while working with them on fortifications in different places. They were very accepting of European ways of war. Everything they did aimed at worldly honor, making them very similar to the Romans. They would often rather die than endure what they
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On 2 July 1619, Jan Pietersz Coen, the Governor General, issued orders regarding ships. He instructed that 4 ships should go to Parany. The warehouses should be built 36 feet deep inside the houses, 15 feet wide for a gallery, 14 feet wide, and the top of the house should be high enough so there could be suitable living space above the warehouse, just like the old house of Jaccatra, being about 35 feet high in total.

All ships returning should sail directly to Jaccatra without stopping at Bantham, including all other ships currently in Manila or Japan. Friends were to be informed of this at the fort in Jaccatra.

Jan Pietersz Coen acted as Governor General over all forts, trading posts, ships, yachts, and trade in the Indies on behalf of the High and Mighty States General of the United Netherlands, His Princely Excellency Mauritius, born Prince of Orange, Count of Nassau, and the directors of the general chartered East India Company.

On 3 July 1619, Hendrick Jansz was appointed as Commander over the ships Den Engel, De Bergerboot, De Morgensterre, and De Jager, which were to sail to Jambij, Patana, and Japan. It was highly necessary to appoint a capable and qualified person to promote trade and to watch out for the English everywhere, to guard against them as the greatest enemies. If they encountered any English ships, they should use all force and effort to overpower them, either by force or by cunning, while treating any crew captured well. All money and goods should be properly registered and distributed to those entitled to them.

Hendrick Jansz was commissioned and authorized as Commander over the mentioned ships to command, maintain good order and discipline, administer justice in civil and criminal matters, and do everything a good and faithful Commander should do. All senior merchants, skippers, officers, and sailors were ordered to recognize, respect, and obey Hendrick Jansz as their Commander.

On 10 July 1619, instructions were given to Hendrick Bruijstersz, senior merchant, and the council of the ship Hoorn and the frigate Seijlon, sailing to Lucipara and Jambij. They were to sail as quickly as possible directly to Lucipara and anchor in the strait to intercept all junks sailing through the strait to Malacca or elsewhere. They should especially try to capture the junks from Macassar, Japara, Damma, and other areas under the Mataram ruler that might be sailing to Malacca with rice.

Instructions for dealing with different junks included:

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On 6 July 1737, a young Puliyas boy arrived in the city of Cochin by boat. He lost control of his vessel and it was swept away by the current. Since he was unable to row against it, he and his boat drifted to the outermost area. He was rescued by fishermen and brought before the honorable Commander.
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On 5 June, a census was taken in the city of Cochim of subjects of the Dutch East India Company and residents living west of the bridge of the bazaar Cannarijn and on Pagadinjo. The census was ordered by the authorities and was carried out by the kamiakkappel Joan Rodrigus and the flag bearer of the lascorins Manuel de Croes. The census listed the households of the Company's subjects living in these areas, organized according to their ancestry and rank. This took place in 1737.
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On Thursday, August 13, 1772, a meeting took place regarding a debt issue with Aoij Ragia. He had signed an express document twice, in both Dutch and Malabar languages. He requested that both he and the Company should each receive a written copy of this document. His concern was that in the future, through arbitrary decisions or bad advice (as he called it), exceptions might be made against the agreement, which would cause him trouble again. The meeting decided that his request was reasonable and agreed to give him the duplicate copies of the mentioned list.

Next, the Commander shared his thoughts about the behavior of Aoij Ragia, following up on what had been recorded in the resolution of September 28 of the previous year concerning Aoij Ragia. The Commander noted how this Moorish administrator, despite the emphatic measures taken, continued his problematic conduct.

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Paulus Jacob Valckenaar, the outgoing Governor, handed over a memorandum to his successor, Mr. Jacob Roeland Thomaszen, who was the incoming Governor of Ternate. This document was numbered 13.

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On August 31, 1777, the Council examined and compared the trade books of the Government from the years 1776/7 at the Trade Office inside the Castle. They found that all expenses and write-offs were legal because they matched with the issued orders. They also assumed that the successive costs were kept as low as possible and that the burdens were unavoidable.

The Council noted that several debts were still outstanding in the books as of late August 1777:

The Council explained that the kings were sometimes in need of cash and could not always be turned away, even though it was desirable but impossible to determine when these debts would be settled. The kings had received recognition payments and were supposed to repay gradually with their favor money from Batavia, but it remained uncertain when these rulers would pay off their debts.

The debts of the Sangir kings, arising from received cash, gunpowder, and lead, had decreased somewhat this year. These kings had promised to deliver coconut oil in return, which they had already begun to do:

The King of Chiauw, who was the largest debtor, was able to pay. There was no need to worry about collecting these debts.

Resident Wentholt had collected more money since late August 1777 on behalf of the Company, so that the outstanding debts would likely soon be settled.

Additional outstanding debts included:

Several accounts had been settled and were recorded in the new books:

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