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In Amsterdam, on Monday, November 12, 1691, at 6 PM, a will was drawn up before notary Michiel Sewaas and witnesses.
The testators were Jurriaan Bastiaansz, a ship's carpenter preparing to sail to Ceylon for the Dutch East India Company (VOC), and his wife, Dirkje Croesen. Both were in good health and of sound mind. They declared this will as their final wishes, revoking any previous wills or agreements.
They named each other as the sole heir, meaning the surviving spouse would inherit all property, assets, and debts upon the other’s death. If they had children, the surviving spouse was required to raise and educate them according to their abilities and social standing. Upon reaching adulthood or marrying (with the surviving parent’s approval), the children would receive their inheritance—either the deceased parent’s share or their legal portion. The surviving spouse would manage the children’s inheritance without needing to provide guarantees or security. The surviving spouse would also act as guardian for any underage children, without interference from the Orphan Masters (Weesmeesters) of Amsterdam or other cities. If Dirkje Croesen died first without children, her parents, Koert Kroesen and Machteltje Theunis, (or the surviving parent) would receive their legal share of her estate. If Jurriaan Bastiaansz died first without children, Dirkje Croesen’s parents (or the surviving parent) would inherit all his property, assets, and rights. If Jurriaan Bastiaansz remarried after Dirkje Croesen’s death, he had to first secure the children’s inheritance from their mother’s estate.

On 29 October 1645, in Amsterdam, a legal agreement was made in front of the notary Wilhelmus Silvius and witnesses Jacobus Beverlanden and Pieter Boommeester.

• A property sale was finalized between:
  • The sellers: Cornelis van Backer (aged 24), acting as father and guardian of Cornelia van Backum, and his adult daughter Emelia van Backum. They lived on Bloemgracht.
  • The buyer: Adolf Enckraed, who lived on Klevniersburgwal.
• The sold property included:
  • A shop with goods made of Delftware (pottery) and Hebardware (possibly metalwork).
  • Half of a cellar under a house called "The Rose" on Prinsengracht, marked by an "Evening Star" on the facade.
  • A stall made of sails and planks, also belonging to the shop.
• The total sale price was 200 Carolus guilders (a type of currency), which the sellers confirmed was fully paid.
• The sellers gave up all rights to the property, allowing the buyer to take full ownership and use it as they wished.
• The sellers, including Cornelia van Backum, promised to guarantee the sale and protect the buyer from any future claims. They also agreed to be personally and financially responsible if any issues arose.
• Since Cornelia van Backum could not write, she marked the document with a symbol. Emelia van Backum signed her name, while Cornelis van Backer signed as well.
• The document was officially recorded and matched the original draft by notary Silvius.

Additionally, on the same day, a sworn broker named Sacharia van twaelf stver appeared before the same notary for a separate matter related to the guild of brokers in Amsterdam.

In 1623, a letter was sent to the directors of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) regarding the delayed arrival of the ship Salmander near Narden. The Salmander had not yet arrived, and it was feared it might have passed Ceylon. There was hope, however, as a ship had been spotted near Matura four days earlier, though it was unclear whether it was the Salmander or an enemy vessel. The writer expressed concern about running low on water and mentioned that the ship's captain, Olphert Brouwer, had separated from the fleet, which caused difficulties.

The fleet had waited near the eastern side of Cabo Comorin until December 28, 1622, but due to the loss of two ships, the Arckers, and limited supplies, they were forced to abandon their position. They decided to sail to Ceylon and eventually reached Malacca with great effort and damage to their sails.

The writer had already prepared a force of 780 soldiers, along with sailors and 300 lascars (local soldiers), to be transported by several ships, including the Goes, Avondster, Taytjens Manaer, Mosambique, Romeijn Boterblom, Taijoan Caneelschilder, and Waterpas, as well as smaller vessels like the Japarna, Colombo, and eight thonis (small boats).

The news of the directors' safe arrival with an additional 270 men was welcome, as it strengthened their forces. The writer remained hopeful, under God’s protection, that their combined forces would succeed. Though their original plan was to attack the enemy by surprise, they now had to reconsider their strategy due to new circumstances.

• On an evening around 7:30 PM, a ship was pushed onto the shore by heavy ice, causing a thick mooring rope (called a "horse line") to break from the bow anchor.
• On January 26, the crew secured the ship again with a heavy cable at the bow.
• On January 27, the top of the rudder was damaged against the shore, and carpenters were sent to repair it as best as they could.
• On January 28, they reinforced the anchor with another rope, but both heavy ropes and the horse line were damaged by the ice.
• On February 3, the crew moved the daily anchor into deeper water.
• On February 6, they set the foresail and topsail to try to free the ship from the ground but made no progress.
• On February 7, they managed to float the ship in deeper water by morning using sails and wind. They brought the rudder on board but couldn’t reattach it because the carpenter had forgotten to make a hole in it. At 12:00 PM, they lifted anchor and drifted further from shore. Around 1:30 PM, they took on a lighter (small boat) to help turn the ship, but ice pressure caused the ship to drift about five strekken (an old Dutch unit of distance).
• On February 23, heavy ice pushed them so hard that nothing could stop it.
• On February 24, they lifted anchor and repositioned it westward, hoping the ice would clear. They threw some stones overboard to lighten the ship. By 11:00 PM, the wind helped them reach slightly deeper water.
• On February 25, they lifted anchor in the morning and sailed with the intention of going to Medemblik, but old ice and a large ice field from Wieringen blocked their path. Forced to change course, they sailed toward Ven (likely Enkhuizen or a nearby port).
• Using sails and a small boat to steer, they reached Ven around 2:00 PM. They dropped a small anchor on shore and pulled the ship off the ground.
• Finally, they secured the ship to shore with a tow anchor and a heavy cable as far as they could.

Around 150 to 200 men were left behind, but the city (sad) and the fort in Ceylon were to remain under the control of Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC) until further orders. The writer expected the ships Avondster and Leeuwin to arrive soon to help transport the remaining prisoners. Afterward, they planned to return from Coromandel to the VOC.

The ships Goes and Worcum were mentioned as impossible to send due to the remaining goods blocking their departure. Experienced sailors judged it impossible to get these well-suited ships to Cape Comorin by September 1, 16. However, the writer asked the VOC to ensure these ships would join the upcoming fleet near Comorin as soon as possible. They also warned that the ships’ crews and supplies should be loaded onto other vessels for 8 to 10 months, as these ships currently lacked everything they needed.

Earlier, the writer had planned to send 20 men from Tuticorin to Nagapattinam on August , hoping to follow by mid-August. The goal was to complete the mission and then join the remaining forces—either by sea with small ships or by land—to reach Tuticorin. There, they would assess the enemy’s next moves and secure Colombo, Mannar, and Tuticorin for further VOC support.

The writer assured the VOC that they did not intend to risk significant forces at Nagapattinam or São Tomé. Instead, the plan was to keep the soldiers actively engaged. They would hold Nagapattinam until at least early August.

In 1621, a report discussed the trade of spices from Asia to Europe. The quality and quantity of cinnamon shipped to Batavia (now Jakarta) on recent voyages met expectations, which was well-received. However, there was a significant issue with pepper from Malabar (a region in southwestern India): nearly 9% less was delivered than agreed.

The officials responsible for overseeing this trade were instructed to pay closer attention to ensure accuracy in future shipments. If shortages continued, they would face serious consequences. The merchants, including Reinier Serooskerck and Francois Coijs de Haese, warned that due to increased competition, securing high-quality pepper at previous prices would be difficult. They advised accepting this reality as part of the nature of trade.

Additionally, there was an unfortunate incident on July 2, 1621. The ship Avondster (Evening Star), anchored in Galles Bay (likely Galle, in modern-day Sri Lanka), was lost after its anchor cables failed during rough weather. The helmsman, Bartel Schagh, was blamed for not responding quickly enough. He allegedly ignored the situation, instead accusing the ship’s pilot, Coert Alberse, and the quartermaster, Dircq Willemsz, of neglect. Suspicion arose that the small night watch crew may have contributed to the mishap.

A group of Dutch ships, including the Reijger, Concordia, Avondster, and Utrecht, sailed from Gamron (modern-day Bandar Abbas, Iran) bound for different destinations. The Reijger was headed to Pulicat (on India's southeast coast), while the other ships were destined for Coromandel (eastern India) and Bot (likely a misspelling of Batavia, modern-day Jakarta).

• The ships combined their journey until near the Bay of Galen (possibly the Bay of Bengal).
• On 10 October, a severe storm scattered the fleet. The Reijger turned toward Pulicat and arrived quickly, but the fate of the other ships remained uncertain.
• The Reijger had barely enough supplies—only 6 to 7 days' worth of water and rice—due to the urgency of the voyage.
• If the ship hadn’t reached Pulicat in time, the crew, cargo, and vessel would have been in extreme danger.
• Arriving so late in October was risky, as winds typically shifted to northeast by then, making navigation difficult.

The ship Sluijs should not be delayed but sent quickly via Masulipatam and Malacca to Batavia. The monsoon winds won’t allow for further delay in sending the Mochase shipment.

• All prisoners from Jaffanapatam still aboard the Avondster should be sent immediately so they can return to the homeland (Patria) this season. Most are soldiers, so removing this "scum" from India sooner is preferred.
• The writer will transport two chests of abassys (coins) to Jaffanapatam and deliver one chest each from Negapatam and Tegenapatam, along with previously sent fanums (currency), to Sir van der Merct.

The Nayak of Tanjore sent one of his nobles, Ragia Golpaneijck, as an ambassador to Negapatam to settle matters but continues to block the city, cutting off supplies that could reach the Dutch. The situation may change upon the writer’s arrival, and uE (likely a high-ranking official) will be notified promptly.

• Enclosed is a list of imprisoned soldiers still on the Avondster, with names to be added and the total number reported to the writer.
• A petition from the provisional council of Jaffanapatam is included, which seems somewhat excessive. After reviewing, adjusting, and reducing it, uE should send it to Batavia for approval of any requests that cannot be fulfilled locally.

• An official report describes an incident involving two people named Pieter and Hanna, who were known for causing trouble and using violence at a house called avondster huijse (Evening Star House), owned by Jacob and located at the corner of molensteegh (Mill Alley).
• The incident took place on or before 1694 and involved a previous altercation with a man named Hendrij Stoten.
• During the conflict, Pieter and Hanna drew their knives and attacked a man named Harmen, stabbing him in the back and tearing his coat off his body.
• The two continued their aggressive behavior, threatening to harm others physically, including pushing someone to the ground and kicking them.
• The situation escalated to the point where the victims could no longer enter the house safely due to the violent actions of Pieter and Hanna.
• The report notes that these two individuals had a history of causing continuous disturbances and were considered dangerous.

Evert van der Laen sent the ships Salamander and Naerden near Cape Comorin on 5 December with orders to meet him near the Avondster (Evening Star). They were to wait for news from Ceylon before anchoring near the coast. Expecting to find the Salamander, Naerden, Avondster, and the galley Boterbloem (Butterflower) near Cape Comorin by 10 December, he set sail after arranging the necessary orders with his council.

However, things did not go as planned. The Avondster and Boterbloem were still anchored there, having failed to reach Ceylon. The Salamander and Naerden had already left, and due to strong north-easterly winds, there were concerns they might have passed the Cape or even reached Ceylon. After waiting until 25 December, fears grew stronger. To resolve the uncertainty, the decision was made to send the Avondster and Boterbloem to Ceylon, with plans to follow after a few more days if the other ships did not appear—just as they did, in fact, 3 days before the Avondster and Boterbloem departed.

In October 1789, the following events were recorded:

• A ship called De Ionge Jeremias, loaded with various supplies for the local settlement, left on Friday, Sunday, and Tuesday.
• On Wednesday, October 21, a ship named Constantia arrived from the east in the evening and anchored in the harbor. Another small two-masted ship passed by heading east.
• Nothing notable happened on Thursday, October 22 or Saturday, October 23.
• On Friday, October 23, a government meeting took place at 8:30 AM.
• On Saturday, October 24, a court session was held at 8:00 AM.
• Nothing was recorded on Sunday, October 25.
• On Monday, October 26, a ship from the east passed by heading west. In the morning at 9:00 AM, Commander Johannes Reijnouts and his bodyguards visited the sultan’s court and returned around 10:30 AM. A letter was received from the ship De Eensgezindheid, which had arrived in the Sunda Strait from the Netherlands, and was sent to the authorities that evening.
• On Tuesday, October 27, the commander of the fort, de Barthe, was sent to Batavia aboard the Constantia with a full load of pepper. The ship left the next morning.
• Nothing else was recorded until Thursday, October 29.

• The text discusses a trade agreement involving Dutch merchants and local intermediaries (referred to as tolcken and Ottena) in Japan around the year 1654.
• The merchants decided not to immediately reveal their full demand for copper to the Japanese suppliers (Coopluijden). They believed that:
• Waiting would lead to a larger supply of copper at a lower price, as the intermediaries assured them more would be available soon.
• A large amount had already been traded that year, suggesting future availability.
• Wagenaer (likely a Dutch official) was tasked with monitoring the situation. If the required copper wasn’t delivered on time, further negotiations would take place to ensure readiness before trade began.
• The Dutch purchased 20,000 bales of goods, mostly raw silk (rijs) and taru (a type of rush or plant fiber)—the maximum the ships could carry:
• 16,700 bales of raw silk.
• 3,300 bales of taru (including silk allocated for the ships’ needs).
• Out of these, 8,900 bales were sent to Taiwan (Taijouan) on September 8.
• The rest of the text hints at additional payments or goods (silver, copper, and other necessities) but cuts off before details are provided.

On 28 March 1729, in the Dutch trading post at Gamron (modern Bandar Abbas), two incidents occurred:

• Christiaan Willem Salters, a sailor, was caught trying to desert by boat and was considered a fugitive.
• Boudewijn van Eijs, the ship’s carpenter’s assistant on the yacht Binnenwysent, jumped overboard at night. He was presumed to have swum to an English ship called Avondster (which had arrived on 6 March) and sailed away with it that same night.

On the following Monday, envoys from Ormuz failed to appear with their promised letter, despite their earlier commitment on 21 March to deliver it for reading. Instead, they asked when the ship Samaritaan was set to depart. The authorities then ordered the Chealoup Cornelia to weigh anchor early the next morning and sail toward Larak Island. The plan was to deceive the islanders by pretending to leave, with further instructions to be given once the envoys’ letters were finally received.

The council met for two days to discuss military strategy against an enemy threat. They considered reports from Commandeur Roothaes and his advisors, who warned that the enemy might send ships to Ceylon to bring reinforcements and strengthen their position, which could harm Dutch plans.

• The council—including Adriaen Roothaes, Pieter de Bitter, and Daniel Looper—agreed that weakening their naval forces would damage the Dutch East India Company's reputation. Since sea power was vital for control in India, they decided to strengthen, not reduce, the fleet near Goa.
• They replaced the unsuitable English yacht Avondster with the better-armed Vlielant, transferring goods and cannons from other ships to improve the fleet.
• The fleet, now consisting of 9 ships (Phemx, Terschelling, Tholon, Weesp, Goutsblom, Worcum, Znickzee, Vlielant, and Leeuwinne), would be reinforced with 1,050 men, including 90 soldiers—115 more than before.
• With this increased force, the commanders and council hoped to not only resist the enemy but also attack them boldly if they ventured out.

The second discussion focused on whether to send remaining forces north along the Malabar Coast or south toward Ceylon. While capturing Diu (a key Portuguese stronghold) would be profitable, concerns arose:

• Leaving the enemy behind could be risky, especially since reinforcements might take over 6 months to arrive.
• If the fleet near Goa were defeated (which they hoped to prevent), Ceylon—where no updates had been received—could fall to the enemy.
• Even if the enemy didn’t send a full fleet, they might still dispatch smaller ships to Ceylon, forcing the Dutch to respond too late.

In 1627, a decision was made to strengthen the fleet near Goa to confront the enemy with force and maintain a strong reputation. The following ships were placed under the command of:

• Commander Adriaen Goothaes
• Vice-Commander Adriaen van Lenen
• Schout-bij-nacht (Rear Admiral) Venck Jansen

• Phenix
• Thoolen
• Vlielandt
• Weesp
• Wijk bij Duurstede
• Schellingwoude
• Goudsbloem
• Zeeleeuw (Sea Lion)
• Leeuwin

On 11 September 1704, a report was sent from Macasser (now Makassar) to Batavia (now Jakarta) by ship, carried by a trader named Nachoda Co. Soeko from Bugis. The shipment included official documents for the Dutch East India Company (VOC), such as:

• A box with payroll records, containing:
  • Payroll books from 1 July 1703 to 30 June 1704.
  • A general list of all VOC employees in Macasser as of 30 June 1704.
  • A detailed version of the same list.
  • A short summary of the general list, as per a separate register.
• 15 descriptions of all VOC employees, citizens, Chinese subjects, other settlers, and their enslaved people, based on the latest count.
• 16 copies of decisions made by the political council in Macasser from 2 July 1704 to 29 August 1704.
• A daily logbook from Fort Rotterdam in Macasser, covering 1 July 1704 to 31 August 1704.
• An original sealed letter from the respected Council of Justice in Macasser to:
  • Adam van Rhijn, Extraordinary Councilor of the Indies and President of the Honorable Council of Justice in Batavia.
• A duplicate of the letter, also sent via Nachoda Co. Soeko to Samarang (now Semarang).
• A memo (#19) listing bills of exchange that had been paid and were being transferred.

The letter explained that since their last report, sent on 2 July 1704 via the ship Eenhoorn to Bima, this was the first chance they had to send updates. Many traders had been delayed—some by orders from their rulers, others out of personal curiosity—after a presentation by the governor to the united alliance of Celebes (now Sulawesi), led by Raja Bonij.

The report was signed by A. A. Froiville, secretary in Macasser, and addressed to:

• Willem van Outhoorn, Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies.
• The Noble Lords, the Council of the Indies in Batavia.

This document discusses two key events from 1689:

• A record signed by Wijnant Muller in Boulecomba (on the island of Calicunken) on 15 April 1689, confirming the receipt and distribution of a ninth share (a type of tax or payment) for that year. The letter closes with a formal farewell, placing the recipient under divine protection.
• A translated message from the King of Pisser to a high-ranking official (referred to as "President") in the same region, dated 21 April 1689. The message includes a letter from the Pangran of Pourne Gare to his brother, the Admiral of Oedjon Pandang. The Pangran states that upon receiving the Admiral's letter (delivered by a man named Mang Dejan), he immediately sent his own envoys—Petro, Wangsa, Wiera Wangsa, and Nala Wangsa—to Poulo Zout on 15 April 1689.

In a letter to the respected and wise leader Willem Hart, who served as the president and highest authority in Macassar, along with the honorable council of Macassar, the writer acknowledged receiving their letter from March 31.

• The letter mentioned that a ship called the Gonting would return and dock in the bay of Bankala.
• The crew would load goods, specifically a type of spice called "brand loondt," at that location.
• The writer had been tasked with overseeing this process, as per the council's orders.

The writer reported that:

• The ship Arent was sent off on April 10 carrying 23 last (a unit of weight).
• The ship Macasser was sent off on April 14 with the same amount, 23 last.

On 10 September 1701, officials in Timor received reports from the people of Lamakera about several incidents:

• A boat with 3 enslaved people had been taken from them. Authorities promised to investigate this matter when possible.
• There were 5 Chinese traders and 6 Portuguese ships (chialoepen) in Lifau (modern Oecussi), along with a Macassares boat (gonting) claimed to belong to the son of the King of Macassar.
• The people of Lamakera had previously captured a boat but later released it. Since the translator from Lawaijangh did not report this, officials doubted the truth of the claim.

Due to the inability of the head officer, Captain Focanus, to act, Joannes van Alphen, the bookkeeper and second-in-command, was sent to Lifau on 4 July to purchase wax. Upon his return, he reported the following:

• Two Macassares ships, 5 Chinese traders, and 6 Portuguese chialoepen had been trading in Lifau.
• Two of the Portuguese ships planned to sail to Batavia (modern Jakarta) but were forced to Macassar by strong winds. There, they sold their goods and returned to Lifau in April and May, claiming to have permission from the governor.
• In early May, a Macassares gonting arrived in Lifau, allegedly belonging to a prince, the son of the King of Macassar. This prince had traveled from Macassar to Alor and Solor in April.
• The prince was summoned by Captain Moor Domingo de Costa to Larantuka but later went to Lifau at the request of a friend. He carried only a small amount of iron goods for trade.

Van Alphen also brought disappointing news, though the text cuts off before detailing what it was.

In April 1693, the following events took place in Castle Nassau in the Dutch East Indies (now Indonesia):

• On Monday, April 27, around noon, the ship Eemland arrived from Batavia (now Jakarta). It brought letters from the High Government (the Dutch colonial authorities) dated February 28, 1693. That same evening, the local government officials gathered to read the letters in a meeting. The contents were later recorded in an official letter book.
• On Tuesday, April 28, the Eemland arrived again, this time from Batavia via Macassar (now Makassar), carrying a cargo of rice.
• Another ship, the Kroonenburg, also arrived with letters from the Council of Macassar and a message from Batavia. These letters were read aloud in the government meeting that same day and later recorded in the same letter book.
• A man named Laurens Harmansz, a Christian Mardijker (a freed slave of Portuguese descent) from Amboina (now Ambon), left Castle Nassau on the same day. He sailed on his own ship, a gonting (a small sailing vessel) with a capacity of 32 last (a unit of weight). The ship was crewed by 7 people. Laurens Harmansz had arrived earlier on March 11, sailing along the east coast of Java from Batavia.

On 24 January 1667, Dutch officials near Macassar (modern-day Makassar, Indonesia) observed that the local people were shocked by the sudden arrival of their fleet. The ruler, Radja (the local king), had earlier sworn loyalty to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) but was now fearful because his forces were weak. Reports suggested:

• The enemy leader Crain Croeroe had been driven away and was now a day’s journey from Macassar.
• The Radja had far fewer troops than usual—possibly fewer than 1,000 armed men in total.
• The Radja’s court was in disarray, with some nobles leaving and others arriving, making the situation unstable.

The Dutch believed that if they attacked Macassar at that moment, they would likely succeed. However, their orders strictly forbade attacking the city or its forts unless absolutely necessary. Instead, they decided to continue their voyage along the southern coast of Celebes (modern Sulawesi) to cause as much damage as possible.

On 22 January 1667, near the reef of Banakeka, they captured a small boat from Banjarquam (modern Banjar, Borneo). The captain, a Javanese man, claimed he had been driven off course by storms. The Dutch took 350 bundles of rattan and 296 pounds of wax from him before letting him go with a letter for the VOC officials.

Upon reaching Curata (near modern Takalar, South Sulawesi), the Dutch split their forces. Radja (the Dutch-aligned local leader, not the king) and his men attacked the village of Callois Paugheka, burning it and capturing 14 people. Meanwhile, another group, led by Captain Poolman, marched to the highlands and burned the village of Mayenbing, along with five or six nearby villages. They destroyed rice and other supplies, sparing only a few houses. The Dutch then continued their campaign along the southern coast, targeting enemy settlements.

In 1682, several documents were submitted to the Governor-General in Batavia (modern-day Jakarta), detailing events involving Dutch and foreign ships, personnel, and local interactions:

• On July 7, 1682, a letter from Baltus Doene, the commanding helmsman of the yacht De Snaauw, was delivered. It included a logbook covering May 18 to June 27, 1682, describing patrols near Welcomst Bay alongside smaller vessels. The letter was handed to the shipper Jurrien Agges.
• A list of 28 Javanese people was recorded. They had arrived in Bantam (modern Banten) from Suratta (modern Surat, India) aboard the Benjanese (from Banjarmasin) ship De Oliphant (The Elephant).
• A short report outlined the strength of Dutch forces and local Inlandse (Indonesian) military in Bantam, including those unable to fight due to illness in the hospital.
• Letters from the commanders of the yachts Naaldwijk and Couwerve were sent from the blockade near Tanara (modern Tangerang) on July 11 and July 31.
• On August 4, a Chinese person from Jurtiaffa (likely Batavia’s Chinese quarter) delivered a message.
• A letter from Captain Joan Albert Sloot, dated August 18, 1682, was received from the warship Patchialang in the Sunda Strait.
• On July 23, a pass (safe-conduct document) was issued for the Salamat from Macassar (modern Makassar).
• A gonting (small boat) from Bantam arrived in 1682 with an attached report.
• A Chinese junk (ship) provided an account about Turtiassa (likely a place or event). Translations of Chinese letters from the sabander (harbor master) Sacradana to a Chinese recipient were included.
• On August 2, 1682, a letter from Major St. Martijn, a council member in Bantam, was sent to the Governor-General.
• Two letters from the commanders of ships and yachts (Couwerve and Naaldwijk) stationed near Tanara were submitted on July 17 and July 24.
• On August 12, 1682, an English document was translated by local English council members: Edward Barwel, Nicolaas Waite, and Charles Sweeting, delivered alongside Mr. Nigh.
• An extract from the logbook of shipper Steven Claarbout (from January to April 6, 1682) described how the ship De Betuwe (mistakenly called Veluw in the text) was detained by Lampongers (people from Lampung).
• On July 17, the ship Egelenberg arrived in Bantam with three unspecified items.

• On 24 October 1697, officials in Macassar reported on several personnel and administrative matters involving the Dutch presence in the region.
• Cattholomeus Banda and his children were sent back with a recognition payment of 28 kan (a unit of currency) each. Though he had previously received poor reviews, he had behaved well since August 1695, when he was brought ashore from Cronenburg. He worked diligently as a court messenger and later as a payroll clerk. However, he later turned to debauchery and ran an illegal tavern, abandoning his supervisor, Arnoldus Mol, under the excuse of an injured thumb.
• Due to his misconduct, especially after the death of his wife, he was demoted on 2 July to a soldier with a monthly wage of 10 guilders. His five daughters were placed under the care of the Brothers Deacons to be supported in an almshouse.
• On the same day, Bartholomeus Zuijdhoff from Amsterdam was appointed as a payroll clerk with a monthly wage of 4 guilders. He had temporarily filled in during dry seasons but was also prone to debauchery, to the point that he could no longer write clearly when sober. He was subsequently sent to Banda as a soldier in July.
• Hendrik Steenkop and Arnold Mol were granted 20 kan sek each on 6 August for managing administrative duties from April to June, in addition to their roles as fiscal and garrison bookkeepers. Approval for this was sought from higher authorities.
• The officials also mentioned agreements with local rulers:
  • The Raja of Goa was granted certain conditions, and citizen Reijnier Kempe was licensed to leave for Napatta.
  • Dato Napatta succeeded the Labakkans Company in detaining counterfeiters, with emoluments (fees) until April.
  • The Company of Goa was permitted, upon special request on 3 September, to send 6 enslaved people under the free Macassar man Care Mangeweij to Batavia. This included 2 cows as gifts to a Moorish priest and 4 cows for sale, with proceeds to be used for purchasing necessities.
• Citizen Reijnier Kempe obtained permission on 10 September to sail directly to Batavia to repair a sloop he had borrowed from Jacob Wollenberg, a Batavia citizen. The sloop had been damaged during a previous voyage, forcing him to return to Macassar after continuous pumping and bailing.
• Regarding local governance:
  • Dain Mapatta was appointed as the King of Tsjamba on 4 December, succeeding his deceased father, Crain Patina.
  • The King of Labakkan was fined 25 reals on 5 February for a civil offense.

On 24 June, a letter was sent from Ternate to Bata (likely referring to Batavia, modern-day Jakarta) via the citizen Barent Steenhoff. A copy of this letter was sent on 2 July with the yacht Cochin. The current letter, dated 16 [month unclear], was sent with the small ship Suijlen and arrived in Ternate's harbor.

• The ship’s captains were ordered by President de Jongh to first visit Gorontalo to collect iron cannons, then sail through the Strait of Bouton toward Macassar (modern-day Makassar) before continuing to Batavia.
• Due to strong southern winds and rough currents, they couldn’t round the northern point of Celebes (modern-day Sulawesi) and barely reached its northern tip.
• Unable to sail along Celebes' eastern coast, they decided to take an alternate route via Manado along the island’s western coast to Macassar, which they completed successfully in a short time.
• This proved that Ternate could be sailed to and from year-round.
• The ship’s purser, Jochem Sipman, reported in a private letter to President de Jongh that people from the island of Sangir had arrived in Manado.

Merchants who had been in Westmonsoon the previous season often sold or secretly transported enslaved people to Batavia, making it difficult to detect theft. To prevent this, officials began confiscating travel documents during inspections of departing ships. However, many traders bypassed this by secretly transferring their documents to associates who remained behind and followed later. Despite these efforts, confiscation was deemed ineffective and eventually abandoned.

Officials learned that 3 to 4 ships from Malay were docked near Batoukeke. They ordered Laurens Vosch, a ship’s captain sailing from Batoukeke to Mandahar in May, to investigate. He found 5 small vessels, two of which had passes—one from Batavia (held by a captain named Intchie Moeda) and another from the resident of Japara (held by Intchie Fakiero). Vosch seized 15 enslaved people and 55 reals (a type of currency) in cash, sending them to the castle on the ship Rambangh. The five vessels never arrived, likely because they had acquired stolen people and feared questioning. The seized enslaved individuals were sold at a public auction, and the 55 reals were turned over to the Dutch East India Company (VOC).

Recently, in the Grissee River, a Maleijer captain named Intchie Paniang was caught secretly trading 10 enslaved people before authorities noticed. The assistant Evert Pietersz was sent to bring him in. Intchie Paniang had a pass from the officials but complained about losing his large ship, claiming he barely escaped with a small boat. He fled that same night, leading officials to suspect his larger vessel was hidden nearby, and he was using the small boat to avoid suspicion while engaging in illegal trade.

Similarly, traders licensed to sail to Macassar had also been at the castle and properly registered, as noted on their passes and confirmed by the president.

On 19th of the month, the president was informed of a vessel near the Bougijse Quarter that had come from Mandahar. Upon inspection, it was a small Javanese boat with 8 Maleijers. Seven claimed they lost their ship in the previous Westmonsoon and had no supplies, so they resorted to coastal trading. The eighth man, however, said he came with a captain named Intchie Bone on a small ship from Radja Sopingh on the coast of Java. They admitted to making a trip to Mandahar with Intchie Bone's knowledge and funding, bringing back some rice and old cloth. Intchie Bone denied involvement, claiming they only asked Radja Sopingh for permission to sail to Tanete.