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On 5 August 1665, in Malacca, a plan was made to finalize an agreement the previous evening and send the gangs away that day. However, the ships Raathuijs and the yacht Purmerland, filled with people bound for Batavia, arrived from Coromandel in the afternoon. Also arriving was the hooker boat Camphaan with 143 packages for Malacca, including some unbleached and locally undrawn fabrics. Following the recommendation of the honorable governor Spleelman, these goods were to be accepted by the first two ships without any unloading of other items from those vessels. His Excellency had assured them that Nieuwendam would be supplied further and had communicated that the honorable lord's order was to prioritize Batavia over Malacca for the East India trade. Additionally, it was noted that the general East India trade would fall significantly short this year due to many external factors.

It was decided to let the aforementioned ships proceed after writing about their arrival, even though they had only taken on water and wood. In the meantime, they would remain obedient servants.

The letter was signed by Joan van Riebeek, Mighiel Cune, Hadriaan Schimmelpenning van der Oij, Joan Massis, and Abram den Bak in Malacca on 5 August 1665.

The document was accompanied by 1199 guilders.

On 26 October, a letter from Poolvoet was signed. The ship Sparendam had safely arrived and on 1 July sailed to Japan with cargo worth 58,919 guilders. The cargo included deer hides, cow hides, sappanwood, camphor, elephant tusks, and roe deer skins.

The king of Siam and Berkelang seemed to want to maintain the Company's monopoly on hide trade through their charter. They not only banned the export for all others but also did not demand any from the Dutch, which showed special favor.

The king sent a junk to Japan with the borrowed helmsman and mate, loaded with sappanwood, elephant tusks, camphor, and black sugar. At sea, the junk sprang a leak, letting in 5 feet of water. The Siamese decided to return. It was thought they would resume the journey the next season but would struggle to complete it without wintering somewhere, which would reduce profits and their enthusiasm.

It was hoped that over time, the losses of the previous steersman and supercargo would be recovered, as the king had already allocated twice as much money to them as they had earned for the Company.

No junks had arrived from China in Siam that year, which had not harmed their trade. On 28 March, a Portuguese patache from Macau arrived with a little Spanish taffeta, coarse porcelain, and some silk. It brought news that the regulators of Canton had refused to trade with the 3 ships sent there by the Siamese king 3 years earlier, and also refused to grant them permission to depart. This seemed to hinder His Majesty's navigation everywhere. The Portuguese in Macau were also being intolerably harassed by the Tartars. One of the Portuguese ships, which had sailed from Siam to Macau the previous year, had caught fire and exploded upon arrival, with about 80,000 reals worth of merchandise on board. The crew had saved themselves with a boat.

The Siam trade books were closed on 31 July after 12 months, with a profit on lead and linen cloth of ƒ 35,233:4:1. However, the interest payments and the amount borrowed against 20,348 Civilian reals, totaling ƒ 11,793, had to be deducted, leaving a balance of ƒ 23,440. The expenses incurred during this period, including gifts sent to the king over 2 years, amounted to ƒ 30,863, leaving the Company's Siam office with a deficit of ƒ 7,423.

To continue trade, merchant Poolvoet had again dispatched 20,000 taels of shot silver from Japan, along with some other small items, which were also sent there with the fluyt Westwout.

Their letters had been received by the King and the Barcalong with extraordinary honor, but the gifts had seemed somewhat meager to them. From the Princess Royal, they had received 2 more letters, each with a clock and an elephant as a gift, recorded on 3 December, to which they would respond accordingly.

On 8 of this month, the fluyt De Zeeridder arrived from Siam, having been sent from Tonquin. With it, they received 75 loads of rice, 95 piculs of sappanwood, and 69 catties of the best sort of eaglewood, totaling ƒ 6,443.

A letter from merchant Enoch Poolvoet, dated 22 December, reported that, besides the aforementioned De Zeeridder, the fluyt Westwout had also arrived from Japan with the previously mentioned 20,000 taels of Japanese shot silver, and from Hokkieu.

In Malacca, it was reported that everything remained in a desired state. On 30 July, the yacht Pipelij and the fluyt ship Den Vergulden Tijger arrived at the roadstead. They had brought various clothes from Pulicat and Masulipatnam to fulfill their obligations, totaling 121 packs, along with other necessities. These were intended to hold out until further relief, which was expected soon.

Den Vergulden Tijger had been ordered to sail from west of Sumatra with its load of 852 packs of clothes. However, due to unfavorable winds and the inability to round the Cape of Ache, this proved impossible. As a result, the leaders were forced to continue their journey through the Strait of Malacca and stop at that place en route. There, the remaining space on the ship was filled with 100799 lb of pepper, worth ƒ13291.

In Malacca on 12 September, news arrived at Rheede via a letter dated 6 August. This letter reported that four ships from Goa had arrived in Malacca on 23 June, 26 June, 9 July, and 18 July. Two of these ships were heading to Macau, one to Tonquin, and one to Siam. The cargo of the Macau-bound ships mainly consisted of rice, salt, saltpeter, sulfur, and other goods.

On one ship was Don Alvis de Silva, sent by the Viceroy in Goa to replace the current Governor in Macau. On another ship was Manuel Saldanha, also sent by the Viceroy as an ambassador with letters and gifts for the Chinese Emperor at the Peking court. He was accompanied by the well-known Father Andrea Gomes, four other clergy members, some military officers, and 60 European soldiers to be stationed in Macau.

On the third ship, a Jesuit named Philippo Marino from Genoa arrived with letters and gifts for the King of Tonquin. If he was admitted to Tonquin and not allowed to go to Canton, he would proceed to Peking. The outcome would depend on the circumstances.

The fourth ship belonged to the King of Siam and was commanded by a Portuguese named Anthonij Rodriges de Gere. It carried jewels, mainly emeralds, 60 packages of clothing for the King, and 20 packages for private individuals.

Good relations were maintained with the King of Johor as usual.

On 613, the sailors intended to enter the bay and explore the area, as a man had pointed out the location where they should first anchor. He claimed the entire region was called Cantam or Canton and that the city of Canton was located within Haerlems Bay. The sailors showed him that the river of Canton flowed into the sea through the islands of Maccaure, where they believed the city was located. However, the man insisted on his story and added that the river of Canton was named after the region, not the city. This man caused great doubt among the sailors, as they had never heard anyone in Tayouan speak with any foundation about the location of Canton. Everyone in Tayouan focused on the river of Canton, and they also found, as they sailed closer to Canton, that the presumption escaped them, which happened on the 22.

Some people had not arrived, but they still acted as guarantors and main supporters for their usefulness. This situation would have been very valuable to them, especially if trade with Japan and Manila were still ongoing. Additionally, if they could not send significant reinforcements from Goa to Manila, the Jesuits would be working hard to prevent this, as they would suffer the greatest loss in Macao. This loss would affect both their plans to spread their faith and their income, since they own half of Macao’s houses and lands, which they rent out.

The author once spoke with some Chinese from distant silk-producing areas. He asked where the Mandarin Iquan, now in Peking, or his Coopluij (associates), had previously obtained silk from Nankin or nearby regions, and how far they had traveled with the junks. The Chinese replied that they bought the silk in cities, specifically Kanghchin and Voetchie, and then transported it down the river to a city called Ninghphoe (believed to be Nimpo), located near the sea in Sekiam. This city is near the Cape of Summer, where the Portuguese had traded before. The Chinese did not dare go further upstream with their junks. It is possible that the Portuguese had previously driven out or suppressed pirates in that area.

If the Company made the city, the trust of Jacob Keyser, free from the Portuguese, the biggest and most certain profit would be asked. They wondered if this would offend the Tartars and Chinese regarding the capture of the city Macao. They also wondered if the Tartars and Chinese would be willing to trade with the Company if they were not on good terms before. If the Company could achieve this, it would be beneficial because they pay 500 taels annually for the ground, as well as fees for large ships, anchor fees, and more to the emperor. This could be seen as if it were done to their own subjects, and therefore they might not allow trade at first. However, if their attitude changes and they see that no further attempts are made on their empire, and that it was only to expel the Portuguese—their hereditary enemies—it might soon be restored to a peaceful state. Especially if the Company initially pays the usual duties in a civil manner, after which the Company will not lack trade.

Pieter de Goyer and Hendrick Baron also stated that it would currently be unadvisable to attempt anything hostile against the city, as it is under the submission of the Chinese Crown.

On 1 October 1666, a Moorish ship arrived in Malacca for the second time that year and then departed. This was noted by the following servants: Balthasar Bort, Johannes Massis, Hadriaen Schimmelpenninck van der Oij, Abraham den Back, N. Muller, and Jan Joosten, who stood by.

On 4 October 1666, a Portuguese ship left Macao and arrived in Malacca. Two of its ships were sold there. Fernandus Manuel returned in June after facing bad weather. A small ship from the Johor Sultan was also mentioned, but the fate of a third Moorish ship was unknown—it may have reached Acheh or Cannanore or been lost at sea.

The Portuguese ship S. Anthony, which had previously come from Masulipatnam, now sailed alone to Macao. Only 3 Portuguese ships remained from Goa, but two left for Siam, and one, blocked by a blockade, sold its cargo of clothes in Malacca.

One of the ships going to Siam carried the angry Don Fernandus Manuel, who had returned with the aforementioned Moorish ship.

After driving China out of that corner, they could also take control of Macao, provided China did not obstruct them there. Otherwise, they would also have to fear the English, who, to get involved in trade with China, could easily settle there and greatly hinder them.

If the work were to begin now, they would have to consider whether occupying Macao should be prioritized to enjoy a more peaceful trade in that northern region. They noticed that even if they were allowed to trade in China, due to the great hardships, they would barely be able to endure there. To avoid these, they would sometimes, like the Portuguese always did and as they themselves had done on Caijpan, need to take possession of one or another suitable external place for trade. Macao seemed most suitable for this, but then the troublesome detour via Taijoan and Formosa would have to be significantly reduced or, in the absence of trade there, completely abandoned.

The condition of the city of Macao is known to be poor. According to reports, it would be easy to take control of the trading post, as the locals may or may not be allowed to import goods. Only about 50 Portuguese people are currently present.

Jacob Keyser notes that the poor state of Macao has been known for years. While in Tonquin, he heard from Japanese, locals, and others that the city's situation was dire. The wealthiest citizens had moved to the coast of India or Goa, with the most reliable information coming from Canton. Daily, both free and enslaved locals were leaving Macao for Canton. Many mixed-race people were joining the service of other kings for a modest salary of 25 Maes in silver and 4 to 5 gantangh of rice per soldier.

Hendrick Baron states that Macao has fallen into a poor and desolate state over the past 3 to 4 years due to the Dutch trade and navigation in Canton. The Portuguese will eventually have to abandon the place, as their trade has been ruined by the Dutch presence. No one will go to Macao when all goods can be bought more cheaply in Canton, whether from the Dutch or the Portuguese.

Pieter agrees that Macao is in a state of decline.

On 29 October 1676, a report arrived from China. It stated that the current bold Chinese King Gouongh, along with the well-known son of Copin and the young King Singlamongh, had sworn an oath of friendship and loyalty to each other in Hoksieum. Together, they pledged to drive out their common enemy, the Cartars, and restore one of their own as ruler of all China.

They also tried to include the Cantonese Pinglamonghs in this agreement. Although these initially agreed, they later shamefully hesitated. To take revenge, the two kings joined forces to seize the city of Canton by force. Gouongh attacked by land, and Sepoan by sea. They agreed that each would keep what they captured.

When the rulers in and around Canton heard this news, it caused great alarm. The governor of the forts in the Tonquan river, located about 6 miles up the Canton river, surrendered the forts to the commander of Sepoan's fleet upon his arrival. He handed over the seal of the King's Pinglamongh in Canton, under which he had governed until then. In return, he was allowed to continue as governor under Sepoan's seal. He now rules under the title of Pontock, not only over the forts and their lands but also further up and down the river, including the surrounding islands.

• A request was made to attach copies of resolutions, daily registers, letters, and other papers for reference.
• Due to the transfer of the city of Canton to the Chinese side and the rise of the Pinghlamonghs, the young Majesty Longhja ignored their affairs.
• Longhja did not accept the gifts brought by their representatives and even tried to hide their arrival from the new government.
• He ordered the gifts to be returned to the ship and secretly instructed that a letter from their authorities be taken away cleverly, fearing it might reach the new governor, titled Foeijen.
• With their representatives sent back without any instructions, they were left confused and unsure how to proceed in Canton.
• The river was also cut off from the city, as it was occupied by the Sepoanders, leaving uncertainty about who held authority—the Sepoanders or the Loijen in Canton.
• As a result, they decided to go to the trading post Bhaij of Lampocam, hoping to sell most of their goods there.

On 29 October 1676, a letter was sent from China to Joan Maatsuijker, Governor General, and the honorable councilors of India in Batavia. It was received in Batavia on 26 November 1676 via the ship Burger Manhafte, captained by Jacht de Smith.

The first letter to the honorable councilors was sent from the island of Timon near Malacca on 21 June 1676, a copy of which was enclosed. Since then, they had continued their journey to the bay of Houtainon, located in front of the Canton River on the coast of China, and had arrived safely, thankfully. They had not encountered the ship De Brantgans, although it had been sent from Batavia only 3 days after them. Since they did not know where De Brantgans was, and had not received any advice or significant returns from the honorable councilors beforehand, the current letter was sent via the yacht of the honorable free merchant Abraham Wijs de Smith. This was done so that, before the departure of the return fleet to the fatherland, the honorable lords could be informed about their encounter and actions in China, according to the orders given by the honorable councilors.

To report on this in an orderly manner, they would first briefly relate the main events to the honorable councilors. Then, they would further elaborate on each point as they deemed necessary for the honorable councilors' thorough understanding of the matters.

On 29 October 1676, in Cheijlon, concerns were raised about the behavior of Regent and the handling of a letter. The letter was supposedly already sent by the Regent but was not found, leading to suspicions of deception to hide the letter. The letter never resurfaced, raising questions about the involvement of the young Mai:t.

Tjoncqua refused to let the committee return to report this and forced them to sail to Canton. Upon arrival, the young Mai:t showed no concern about the missing letter, even though it had been weighed at the gift-giving. He later claimed the letter was with the Sepoanders and had been sent by Regent Houtajmon to Con:ls sepoan in Chinchieuw instead of Con:ls pinghlamang in Canton. These claims were proven false by the account of Nachoda Tsamqua and the Cantonese Jonck from Batavia, recorded on 14 August. Tjoncqua acted on secret orders from the young Con:l, also known as Tonghja.

On 29 October 1676, a letter from China discussed a credential letter sent to the Mandarin by Honghja. It was explained that Conghja would receive the letter from the Sepoanders (who should bear the name Quansuijs) and understand its content to respond. There was no need to remind about the copy of the letter, which had been translated into Chinese and sent to the old Maijt by Simja, as it was already shown to Conghja's father along with gifts like a cellar sack and distilled waters.

The letter confirmed that Conghja had secretly received the letter with knowledge and explicit orders. This was further supported by Tsjoncqua's report on 14 October, stating the letter had not yet reached the Taijsongkon because the messenger had returned due to war between the Sepoanders and those from Kocksieuw. Taijsongkon showed no further interest in the original since he had obtained a copy. Tsjoncqua assured that he would write nothing else but that the letter and gifts were received, implying all was well with the Taijsonkon.

They confirmed their previous statement fully and hoped that VEd=le would now understand that they could not have anticipated such a secret and deceitful act. They also hoped VEd=le would excuse them, especially since they had made every effort to recover the missing letter. Eventually, everything was resolved, and those who had initially caused them trouble, particularly Taijsonghkon and his loyal servant Tsioncqua, now treated them with great friendship. Recently, their representatives were even invited to Taijsonghkon’s home, where they were warmly received and honored for a month. Currently, a prominent factor of Taijsonghkon was negotiating with them, finalizing the delivery of the agreed-upon goods against their pepper, so this mission might still be successful, even if not everything went as planned. However, some merchants had unwillingly returned, and others would have to wait for the next market unless all goods, except the pepper, were brought back.

To explain further how their representatives were treated in Canton, first, they were confined like prisoners in a small shop, unable to leave or interact with anyone in the city, not even to visit the sovereign. They only went to the home of the chief factor Chamgouja and once to Taij songkon’s.

29 October 1676