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On 23 October 1738, a letter from Macassar requested that the Dutch East India Company send a ship or another vessel to store and transport the harvested rice from the plains.

In the margin, a note dated 7 September 1738 from Valckenburg mentioned that Dinamos Coerewang had visited the previous evening on behalf of his king. He reported that a messenger from Matoa Wadjo had been sent to Crain Bontolancas to order him to make every effort to ensure that all former allies and subjects of Goa would be treated with kindness and that the unwilling would be forced.

On 25 August 1737, Datoe Soping from Macassar sent greetings to the honorable and highly respected lords, the honorable council, and other well-meaning friends.

He informed them that a nobleman named Arong Atting had been summoned by the matoa of Wadjo. Upon arrival, he found a Soeroeang (envoy) of Bonij's king, who delivered a message on behalf of his queen. She intended to send the first Tomilalang nobleman Dain Mamala in Hab Aroe Tannette to show signs of wanting to conquer the land of Bonij for the Netherlands East Indies, along with the honorable lord Adriaan Hendrik Smout, the appointed Governor and Director, and the honorable council of Rotterdam Castle in Macassar.

After sailing from Cormandel to Macassar, they learned that skipper Abraham van der Marck, who was then in charge of the Bantam settlement, had allegedly mistreated the officers of an English ship. Therefore, they summoned him to answer for this before the Council of Justice, as recorded in the resolution book on 19 of the same month. However, he sufficiently cleared himself of the charges on 13 July.

The Thomas, an English ship, had been at sea for about 12 months without any capital. Its captain was Thomas 's Kimer, brother of the Agent at Bantam. During the voyage and in Batavia, he had much trouble and unrest with his crew. The anchor was often raised and dropped, or the entire crew went ashore, except for a few, claiming they refused to sail with him again due to the poor treatment they had endured during the journey and feared more of the same. With no supplies and no capital to save themselves, they even ended up in disputes with each other before the Council of Justice. Eventually, they reconciled with the captain.

They wanted to bring harsh terms and keep the trade in Macassar for themselves. If any of their yachts went there, they should check if the English would keep their word and provide good assurance so that the matter could be considered without hesitation.

They had promised a good reward to the aforementioned Schort. The aforementioned Englishman also informed them that about 40 junks from Macassar sailed to Roehoe and Combelle, and it would not be possible to prevent them from transporting cloves, even with many yachts. Most of the junks were manned by Malays from Patana, Hohor, and other places who did not reside in Macassar but traded throughout the Indies. Few natives of Macassar sailed on junks to distant places. The junks from Amboina came via north Celebes, the widest gate of Bouton, or south Saleijer, with few passing through the Boucqueron. Some unloaded goods on the east side of Celebes and transported them overland to Macassar with buffaloes.

The King of Bouton had requested assistance against Macassar. If any of their ships or yachts passed by and were still in good condition, they could greet him on their behalf and give him a small reward instead of the slave he had sent. They should explain that it had not been possible to support him this monsoon due to their forces being sent against the Portuguese from Macau and the Spaniards from Manila. They hoped he would hold out against Macassar victoriously and that they would visit him next monsoon if possible.

Governor Speult had proposed to pay the soldiers' salaries monthly from the gains to excuse the ransom and maintain order among the citizens. They agreed if it could be arranged in Amboina to use the income from the land and the surplus from local trade to pay for the garrisons and other expenses, which they also considered profitable for the Company.

They should properly inform themselves about the situation of the Alfures.

In 1403, there was hope to soon bring Cayeli to peace. However, this hope was dashed when the Patchiallang ship, which had been sent to patrol the North, was found wrecked on the rocks upon its return. As a result, it could not be saved. The region of Sas was unsettled due to the behavior of Arou Boijoe, but the ministers hoped to calm the unrest and resolve the conflicts between the local people and those from Saleijer. The people of Saleijer had paid their annual tribute and, due to their poverty, were excused from providing services for the expedition against Wadjo the following year. Instead, they were to supply lime and chalk, along with approval for the election of some leaders under the given order.

There was still unrest in Mandhar. A ship had run aground there, and trees had been discovered according to a report. The unrest in Mandhar continued due to the dispute between Tjenra Mandhar and Marainia Bellanippa. This situation had unfortunately led to a disadvantage for the Compagnie (Company).

Previously, Tjenra Mandhar had shown goodwill towards the crew of the ship by providing money, as well as food, drink, and arranging safe transport. As a result, the stranded and departing cargo was saved in this way and otherwise.

Via telegraph through Soerabaija, favorable reports were received about the situation in the Mandhar States, under the government of Celebes and its dependencies. The expeditionary troops sent to the aforementioned states had returned to the capital Makassar by 30 November 1882. The main ruler of Mandhar was provisionally replaced.

Mandhar-Papalang and Mandhar-Lembeang had already partially paid the damages imposed by the government for earlier committed beach looting. Wala-Nipa, located in Mandhar, was punished for resistance. On our side, one European and one native, both belonging to the Zeemacht, were killed.

A telegram received on 24 November 1882 from Bandjermasin via Soerabaija reported favorable news about the condition of the residency of the Southern and Eastern divisions of Borneo, and about trade and shipping there. The prices of essential goods remained unchanged.

On 9 June 1740, a list of items was recorded in Macassar, including:

• 2 needles
• 1 plowshare
• 1 caulking hammer
• 1 iron tool
• 1 chisel
• 1 drill bit with a handle
• 1 pair of pliers
• 1 file
• 1 anchor
• 2 sea charts on paper
• 1 parchment sea chart of Macassar

The document was signed in Castle Rotterdam on 27 May 1740 by C=s Rosenboom and agreed upon by G=t Fek, secretary.

It was addressed to Adriaan Hendrik Smout, Governor and Director, as well as Admiral and Field Commander of the Celebes coast.

On the morning of the same day, the undersigned delivered to the ship Velzen, docked at Rheede, 183 male and 3 female slaves. These individuals were sealed with the Company's seal on their right arms. Their names included:

• Gappa van borrisello
• Paria basse Soema
• Macassar Sappa enbo
• boegis panaij
• Sandauw bassa
• Bontoparrang
• Pakko
• Zaena
• Sopping Paddaij
• wadjou bidoe
• Boegis Simbang
• mangeraij lasaij
• Boegis Sarre
• Turatte tadewa
• Boegis tomara
• Manje
• badjoe
• bontoparrang
• Poelo

In 1661, the budget for wages was ƒ100,672, but it was already insufficient. The ship de Crabnabanda was sent to Guinea to get more linen cloth. Military actions in Manipa caused this. Even though sailors and soldiers received only half their pay, the total expenses, including a part of ƒ100,673:12:15 for general soldiers, were very high. Profits from selling clothes and goods were similar to previous years. The country's income was 2,000 guilders more, but interest payments of ƒ9,528:15:15 and other trading costs reduced the overall profits. Many clothes from the American cargo were recorded as credits, but they had been debited with an advance when they arrived. Due to peace in Ceram and high demand for linen there, advances on linen would be larger. The calculation to stretch the cloth supply until January 1662 was too tight, so they might not last until the arrival of supply ships. Therefore, the small ship de Cras was sent to Banda to ask friends there to provide surplus Guinea linen cloth. The need for more cloth increased because of the expected trade to Ceram and Bima, and what was needed for the clove monsoon. They hoped this would increase the East India Company's profits. If the Ceram people made trips to Macassar, Java, and elsewhere as per their contract, they would take a lot of people from Amboina and Banda, requiring as many clothes as the Amboinese themselves. This was especially true if, besides the sago trade, the East India Company could trade other goods without loss. They tried to find out if more people than Orangcaya Leewt and Sengadie Touban were involved in hiding many unregistered clove trees, as reported to Deleeuwin in request 8.

On 30 April 1705, in Macassar, Radja Bonij took leave to return to his kingdom for the benefit of the unrest. Previously, in the past year, communication was established with the returning Ternate ruler via a ship. Additionally, the improper actions of Radja Raginda in the lands of Caijeli were addressed, and two letters, dated 9 August and 24 October, were received and responded to accordingly. Copies of these can be found in the outgoing journal letter book on their respective dates.

To avoid repetition, it was referred to proceed with the Bonij matter, from which there had been a slight deviation due to this interruption.

On 6 November, Radja Bonij with his two wives came to the castle of the governor De Roo and the council to take his leave. He was to travel to Chinrana in Bonij. Meanwhile, the transport vessels that belonged to his highness were brought to the seaside near the castle. After a reception and expressions of great satisfaction, the king, accompanied by his entourage, embarked on his journey directly without stopping or waiting anywhere else.

Apart from what was discussed and continued, apart from the matter of the people from the district of Ouronkeke who were previously in Goa and still residing there, which falls under the matter of Goa and the king of Souratte, who is also the Radja of Sago, nothing more was mentioned about it under the Goa matter.

During his highness's stay there, nothing more was recorded.

On 10 May 1660, in Amboina at Castle Victoria, Abraham Verspreet agreed to pay Catarina degoijer, the wife of the chief merchant Pieter degoijer, the amount of 800 reals. This was due to a power of attorney related to a debt for borrowed money. The debt was already paid by the citizen Jan Thonisz: de Kork according to a statement by Jacob Gronik, a free citizen of Batavia and currently present, to be repaid to him. This was the result of the free sale of merchant positions according to a sworn statement.

The total amount was 640 reals, with additional costs of 372 reals and 11 stuivers, making a total of 1012 reals.

The document was certified as a true copy of the original by Willem van Zijll.

On 27 April 1683, a record from Banda listed the following goods and their weights:

• 10290 catti of mace at 5¾ per 48909½
• 8506 middle nuts for 49593¾
• 8625 nutmegs for 27421 catti from Banda

The total cost, including duties, was ƒ9319:15:11.

A copy of a letter from u Ed=le h:r aboard the ship Macassar, dated 18 February 1683, was received via Amboina and Soucaboya. The letter reported that on 26 December 1682, s' comp=s forces, blessed by God, won a victory over all the forts and strongholds of the old King of Bantam, both along the coast and inland.

Following orders, a general day of thanksgiving was held on 6 April 1683 across Banda to celebrate this victory, ending with a fireworks display in the evening.

Upon receiving the letter, orders were given to buy as much sago and matoke as possible. Free people with available boats were encouraged to assist. Some were sent immediately to secure supplies and avoid future shortages.

In April 1683, money was issued to the garrison in place of rice. However, there were doubts whether the soldiers would share this grain with the free people due to the limited supply.

On 348, it was agreed to complete the work together. The interruption of this work is the reason why things are now turning out differently, and again, the decision regarding the Macassars is due to the same interruption. However, the most difficult part must come first.

As Your Excellencies expressed in the spring letter, the situation will likely resolve itself once the war with Macassar ends successfully. The Ceram issue will then likely resolve on its own, as it is clear that the troublemakers were encouraged in their treachery by the Macassars. Meanwhile, the destruction of Goram will make the surrounding islands cautious, prompting them to consider what awaits them if they choose the same path. The enemies have already received a moderate punishment, but this does not mean our separate and divided transport to the corner of Ceram should be blamed for their actions. If they do not submit, we will not tolerate it.

Our resolution is to sail back there at the end of the coming month with the power of the corcorren and some soldiers who are coming to us from Timor, and to cause them as much damage as possible. If they attempt to fortify themselves in the lowlands where they are now, it will be our task to attack them. Against their retreats into the forest, we plan to ambush them with a large group of Alforesen, which the Radjae of Salouw, Soumite, and Tommelieuw, who are here, have promised to contribute. Additionally, staying near Keffings is advantageous against the respective rebels because of the nearby sago forests. Most of the breadfruit trees are close to the beach between Keffinch and the

On 260, a ship was built, which was mostly completed by the new year. The reason for the early and inconvenient return of the noble lords with a fleet from Ceram was concern that the enemy, specifically those from Macassar, would arrive too soon. The enemy had either occupied the favorable locations or incited strong disobedience against them in that region, as later experience confirmed. They were not too early, as it turned out that two of the three leaders, namely Ouwas and Mationo, had gone to Macassar to seek assistance, leaving Sinoos, the most necessary one, at Ceram Laut, where he stayed until the arrival of Captain Outhoorn. Due to the laziness of the crew of the ship Coninck van Poley, and since the coast of Hitoe was not manned with more soldiers as per the noble command, they also sent the ship Chialoup Garnael with 25 soldiers to Goelegoelj. Later, upon hearing of the good success there, they had no doubt that this year their rooster would be near Ceram and would appear in that region with a Macassar vessel, without them needing to commit to it. The peace at Amboina moved the Orangcaiens to willingly agree to the stay of their fleets at Goelegoelj, provided that the E. Company would help them with some sago if it was a good trade. Since no bad news was brought by the ship Angelier from Macassar, they feared a severe attack from the west. Therefore, Captain Lauwrens Kelder was also sent to the east coast of Ceram with the yacht Ditoe, the ships Sillida and Spreeuw, and enough soldiers to bring the total number of soldiers, including those already at Goelegoelj, to 150. Captain Kelder was ordered to station the yacht Hitoe, due to its clumsiness, somewhere on land on watch, and to use the galley Ens and the four ships to cruise upon the arrival of the Macassar people, depending on the situation there. While this was happening, it was decided that Captain Outhoorn, with three fleets, would return due to favorable weather.

From Macassar on 5 June 1744, it was reported that the residency at Tjinrana was conquered with God's grace. Trusting the promises of Radja Moedas, preparations for a field campaign began quickly. However, due to local delays, progress was hindered. By the beginning of February, only about half of the workforce, reduced by a third, arrived at the destination. Soon after, they engaged with the enemy, who attacked bravely. The enemy was defeated, and all their fortifications were captured. During this, a fatal uprising by the Chinese occurred, causing chaos among the troops, locals, and the enemy. This was overcome with good spirits and divine help.

The camp, named Amsterdam, was held for several days until everything was ready again. The loyalty and dedication of the common people were noted. Rations had been distributed 14 days earlier in the hope that supplies would arrive, but the strong current of the Tjinrana river prevented this. Even with great effort, the smallest vessel could only advance 8 miles in 20 days. The rations ran out, leading to hunger and distress. For 5 whole days, the army had no food. The officer and the lowest ranks suffered equally, as everything had been shared. Yet, no one complained about the lack of food. Some small money was distributed to each company from personal funds, allowing them to buy a little rice and sago from the locals. They preferred to endure this silently rather than complain. This was an unprecedented example. Relief arrived the next day, ending the hunger.

On 3 August 1683, from Banda, it was reported with joy that the enemies had been driven out and defeated by God's will and the Company's military power. All the forts and strongholds of the old king were captured, forcing him to humble himself. For this, the almighty was thanked across all the Indies provinces, with a general day of thanksgiving and evening celebrations, including the firing of cannons. Efforts were immediately made to secure sagu, as much as possible, continuing daily with local traders to send it from Ceram. Previously, sagu was bought from them at 5 akte Rijksdaalders per 1000. Since the chief merchant Jeremias van Vliet went to Keffing to retrieve two Bouton vessels from the shore, no Keffing vessels had arrived, as they were reportedly afraid of being intercepted. The vessels that had been nearby had sailed to Damme, namely the yacht Javaanse Bode and the shallop Rossingijn for military transport. The fluyt Nederkorst had brought only 2.16 loads from Java. Before the ships' arrival, around 100 loads of rice from Amboina had been stored in the Company's warehouse. With the Javaanse Bode, 22 loads of rice were received, and with the ship Macassar, 35,000 bundles of rice from Macassar were obtained. Efforts would continue to support the people as much as possible.

On 25 June, the ship De Schellingh was sent from Amsterdam to Vlissingen. Since then, Cornelis Hauw, a free citizen, returned from the east coast of Ceram with a junk. He had traded his cargo of sago in Goele Goelj and, on 1 July, saw 6 Macassar vessels near Kefsingh. He reported that they had obtained supplies and intended to return home, as one had already sailed away. The remaining lorcha boats were scattered around Goram, Ceram Laut, and other places, with their exact number unknown.

The inhabitants were ready to flee inland as soon as they heard that a force from Amboina was approaching.

In a letter dated 24 June, Governor Weijns from Banda reported the arrival of the Orang Kaj of Ceram Laut, named Palimban. He wanted to be recognized as someone not involved in the rebellion of the mutineers. Palimban first proposed to Cornelis Hauw and then to the Governor of Banda that, to discourage the Macassars from frequenting Ceram, they should ensure that the Cerammers were not supplied with clothes from either government. Currently, people from Amboina and Banda pay for the transported sago with linen cloth, which is then traded with the Macassars for rice and swords.

It seems strange that the Macassars, who can obtain clothes cheaply in their own country through the Company’s residents, would sail as far as the end of Ceram to get them. However, it appears that the junks often visit places like Salaijer, Toucabessijs, and other locations outside Macassar, where rice is cheaper than clothes. It is assumed that some only transport clothes and food, which are of little importance, from Ceram. However, it is also believed that some take sago from there to trade for slaves in Bouton and Pangesane.

Regardless, it is urgent to prevent this trade by all possible means. First, trade between the Awoinese and the easternmost Cerammers must be cut off to stop the supply of clothes to them and the Macassars. Second, a fort must be built in Goele Goelj.

1683. December.

• At Banda near Fort Nassau, a small ship from Mons. Hartkop arrives from Batavia via Java. The Anna choda Selampi government is present. The Moor Pattij arrives from Macassar. Nothing notable occurs except that citizen Adolf Louisz returns with the small ship of Sir Tobias Hartkop from the east coast of Java from Batavia, bringing 12 coyang of rice and 100 Japanese dishes.
• On Monday 29, the Annachoda Selampi appears here in the roadstead with his vessel, bringing 100,000 piculs of sago and strong heads.
• On Tuesday 30, citizen Justus Boret and citizen Justus Bovet sail from this roadstead to the province of Amboina, taking with them writings from this government, addressed to the Honorable Governor Dirk de Haas and the council of the aforementioned province, containing a response to their recent letters of 9 and 19 of this month, and of such content as can be seen in the outgoing letter book of today's date. Meanwhile, the Moor Mardij Pattij appears with his small ship from Macassar in front of this fort, bringing 5 loads of rice and 4 piculs of tobacco.
• On Wednesday 31, nothing of importance occurs.
• On Sunday 28, nothing of importance occurs.

Work on regular projects had almost come to a halt. Therefore, a request was made to send the following workers on the first ship: 10 to 12 carpenters, 6 to 7 masons, a turner, 4 to 5 blacksmiths, and 2 to 3 sweepers (of whom there were none left).

They were managing with the current garrisons and trying to replace losses from various places as best as they could. This was helped by some soldiers being released from Molucco, and some sailors from the ship Coninck David being reassigned. Additionally, a small fort at Oma was demolished following the late advice of Heere de Vlamingh. This allowed them to reinforce other understaffed garrisons in Duliasters.

On Manipa, the flight seemed to have stopped somewhat, but since 1 January, 15 white people had died there, including 4 under barbers. Not counting those who were sent back sick, the number of deaths was almost double, or even more, than the regular garrison.

They begged that ships coming from Batavia be supplied with double the number of surgeons, or they would be forced to act differently. Currently, they did not have the ability to employ such people where they were needed.

On 19 April, in a council meeting, they discussed Ceram, specifically how to punish the disobedient states of Kefting, Goelegoelj, and Cerainlandt who were UE's subjects. They also discussed building the planned fort at Goelegoelj. However, it was understood that the current situation in Amboina, considering the well-known suffering of the inhabitants and the Dutch garrison, did not allow for any military expedition to Corcorren. It was not advisable, in these dangerous and sickly times, to leave the respective forts undefended.

Building a fort at Goelegoelj against the will of the rebellious locals would, according to the friends who had been there with Heere Cos two years ago, require almost 100 Dutch soldiers. These soldiers would also need to be strong and healthy for such a difficult journey. However, they could not spare even 10 such men from the castle, as there were barely that many in total, even though they were currently without sickness.

On 23 October 1738, officials Pieter Pietersz Lauvens and Hoffman, Ian Vlok reported from Macassar aboard the ship De Concordia in the bay of Toppa Iava on 10 July 1738.

They stated that some people from Boni had informed them that the wandering Prins Bontolancas had sent a soerewang (messenger) with over 50 armed men from Jarige or nearby through the mountains to Libbo. The messenger asked the local leader, Aroe Patje, for free passage to Wadjo in the name of Aroe Patje.

Aroe Patje responded by greeting their king and said he could not allow passage to Wadjo. Instead, the messenger should take the request to the Queen of Boni, from whom he would await orders. The soerewang then left.

This matched a report from the Bonthainse mountain people, who had seen a group of people marching through the mountains near Sinoa a few days earlier, though they did not know who they were.

The report concluded that this group had no other purpose, and the matter remained unresolved.

On 23 October 1738, a letter from Macassar stated that a prauw (small ship) with 20 people, including men, women, and children, had arrived safely. It was brought by the ship D'Adriana Johanna and the orders of the recipient were followed. The letter was signed by R: R=m Berg, carel Jansz, and Jan Dirksz.

In the margins, a note from 9 July 1731 mentioned that the ship D' snip was near De hoek Sandra bonij. On 10 July 1731, they encountered a prauw named Padduwakkang from d'bagt boonij Negerij kattja, heading to Macassar. The prauw had 18 people, 1 musket, 14 spears, and 17 krisses (daggers). Its cargo included apostele (likely a type of goods), rice, and sago.

They sent the prauw Paddewakkan with the sloop de Voort varentheijt and soldier Klaas Willem ot van mechelen to serve as a sailor. They also sent 2 muskets from the ship De Concordia and 6 muskets with 1 pistol from an unspecified change, requesting further instructions from the recipient.

The ship Belvliet of 24, from Bantam, the ship Wijnendael of 25, to Bima, the ship Veeserhoofd from Siam.

In March, the ships Prins Eugenius, Cats, and Wendela to Sagae for the account of the Camer Amsterdam.

A ship left Texel on 15 May 1726 with 89 sailors, 44 soldiers, and 1 craftsman, totaling 134 people. The ship was under the command of skipper Pieter Scharff and assistant Lucas Pasch.

From 18 to 24 June, it arrived at Sint—opperdoes from Bengal, the ship Meerlust.

In March 1727, at Jago and Sago, due to death, 10 sailors, 1 soldier, and 1 craftsman were lost. On 21 October, at the Cape of Good Hope, 4 sailors and 6 soldiers went ashore, and in return, 10 sailors and 6 soldiers came aboard. The ship departed from Table Bay on 19 September without losing any more crew. It brought back 85 sailors and no soldiers, totaling 128 people.

The ship d'her stelde Leeuw to Macassar with 6, the chief merchant, and G' Eligeerd.

On 22 April a ship called de Spreeuw left the harbor, carrying the sad news about the loss of the island Formosa and the surrender of the strong Castle Zeelandia on Taiwan. Later, letters from Cape of Good Hope reported that from the regular fleet sent from here to the fatherland in December of last year, the ships Meersche Veen, Princesse Roijaele, and Phoenix as well as the Angelier and Oijevaer, sent in January, had arrived safely. The ship de Spreeuw also arrived later. However, there was no news about Aernoud de Vlamingh van Outshoorn with the ships 't Wapen van Holland, Hollandt, Aernhem, Prins Willem and Gekroonde Leeuw. The storms and separations experienced by the first fleet were already known from reports by the Cape and the arrived friends, so it was deemed unnecessary to repeat them here. They hoped that God would protect the ships 't Wapen van Holland, Prins Willem, and Gekroonde Leeuw from misfortune and that they would arrive safely in the harbors of the fatherland without reaching the mentioned Cape. This would be very pleasant news in due time. However, they received very sad news about the ship Aernhem from Ceylon and Coromandel: it had been separated from the others near the length of the island Brandon due to a severe storm.

• Original letter from Governor-General Joan Maetsuycker to the assembly of the Heeren 17 (Lords Seventeen), dated 23 December 1663.
• Original letter from Jacob Hustaert to the assembly of the Heeren 17, written in the South Army before Cochin on 1 November 1662.
• Certificate from the preachers in Amboina regarding Jacob Hustaert, dated 2 June 1662.
• Original letter from Willem van der Beeck to the Heeren 17, written on 22 December 1662.
• Original letter from former Governor Frederick Coyett to the Heeren 17, written on 25 December 1662.
• Original letter from the former second-in-command at Taiwan, J. Oetiens van Waveren, to the Heeren 17, written on 22 December 1662.
• Original letter from Jan van Riebeeck to the Heeren 17 from Malacca on 1 November 1662, and another to the Heeren Bewinthebberen in Amsterdam.
• Provisional balance from the general trade books of Batavia, drawn on 15 December 1662.
• List of Dutch ships, their condition, and arrival dates in Batavia.
• Memorandum of ships that traveled from Batavia to other regions and returned between 1 January 1662 and 24 December 1662.

• Documents from Batavia, Taiwan, Japan, Kochi, Ceylon, Persia, Surat, Bengal, and the Cape of Good Hope.
• Expedition to Mozambique via the Cape of Good Hope.
• Coast of Coromandel and Malabar from Batavia.
• Original general letters from the Governor-General and Council of the Dutch East Indies, dated 26 December 1662, sent to the Assembly of the Lords on the 17th.
• Register of letters and papers from various Indian regions, sent to the fatherland.
• Ships: Wapen van Amsterdam, Amersfoort, Peerl, Wassende Maen, and Meiboom (first four from Batavia), and one from Kochi via the Cape of Good Hope, arrived in Vlie on 18 July 1663.
• Commanded by Harmen Clencke van Odessen.
• Various letters and papers regarding the expedition to Mozambique via the aforementioned Cape.
• Also from Surat, Bengal, the coasts of Coromandel and Malabar, Ceylon, and Persia, both overland via Aleppo and by sea via England.
• Finally, with the last two ships, Nieuwpoort and 't Roode Hart.