Transcriptions » Recently created summaries of historical documents

On Thursday, August 13, 1772, a meeting took place regarding a debt issue with Aoij Ragia. He had signed an express document twice, in both Dutch and Malabar languages. He requested that both he and the Company should each receive a written copy of this document. His concern was that in the future, through arbitrary decisions or bad advice (as he called it), exceptions might be made against the agreement, which would cause him trouble again. The meeting decided that his request was reasonable and agreed to give him the duplicate copies of the mentioned list.

Next, the Commander shared his thoughts about the behavior of Aoij Ragia, following up on what had been recorded in the resolution of September 28 of the previous year concerning Aoij Ragia. The Commander noted how this Moorish administrator, despite the emphatic measures taken, continued his problematic conduct.

Paulus Jacob Valckenaar, the outgoing Governor, handed over a memorandum to his successor, Mr. Jacob Roeland Thomaszen, who was the incoming Governor of Ternate. This document was numbered 13.

On August 31, 1777, the Council examined and compared the trade books of the Government from the years 1776/7 at the Trade Office inside the Castle. They found that all expenses and write-offs were legal because they matched with the issued orders. They also assumed that the successive costs were kept as low as possible and that the burdens were unavoidable.

The Council noted that several debts were still outstanding in the books as of late August 1777:

• The King of Ternate owed ƒ41,027:13:8 for provided cash, linens, and dispensed goods
• The King of Tidore owed ƒ10,153:4:0
• The King of Batchian owed ƒ908:11:0
• The authority of Macquian owed ƒ3,960:0:0
• Senghadje Mortier owed ƒ297:0:0
• The nobles of Ternate owed ƒ1,188:0:0
• The authority of Maba owed ƒ198:0:0
• The authority of Weda owed ƒ200:0:0

The Council explained that the kings were sometimes in need of cash and could not always be turned away, even though it was desirable but impossible to determine when these debts would be settled. The kings had received recognition payments and were supposed to repay gradually with their favor money from Batavia, but it remained uncertain when these rulers would pay off their debts.

The debts of the Sangir kings, arising from received cash, gunpowder, and lead, had decreased somewhat this year. These kings had promised to deliver coconut oil in return, which they had already begun to do:

• The King of Taroena owed ƒ40:6:0
• The King of Chandar owed ƒ171:15:0
• The King of Manganitoe owed ƒ98:9:0
• The King of Chiauw owed ƒ226:4:8

The King of Chiauw, who was the largest debtor, was able to pay. There was no need to worry about collecting these debts.

Resident Wentholt had collected more money since late August 1777 on behalf of the Company, so that the outstanding debts would likely soon be settled.

Additional outstanding debts included:

• The junior merchant and former Gorontalo Resident Reinier Hoeques owed ƒ2,488:5:8 for shortages during his residency
• The junior merchant and former Gorontalo Resident Nicolaas Dionijsius Mol owed ƒ25,517:0:6
• Interest on the seized guarantee money of Governor Valckenaer and the former Gorontalo Resident Uterwall needed to be paid

Several accounts had been settled and were recorded in the new books:

• The new account of the General Office: ƒ40:7:0
• The new account of Gorontalo: ƒ39:5:8View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3523 / 0628  

  
  

  1 August 1778, at 9 o'clock in the morning, a report about the comparison of trade books was examined at a meeting of the council in Moluccas. Present were Governor and Director Paulus Jacob Valckenaer, incoming commanders Jacob Roeland Thomaszen and senior merchant Godfried Carel Meurs, captains Hop de Meike Joseph Stephanus, Gerardus Willem van Renesse, and Koene Koenes, Secretary Johan George van Raesveld, and Hendrik Ambrosius Johnzon. The report concerned the comparison of trade books from 1777/78. The meeting followed a written order from 10 April of that year. The appointed members, including a merchant and a tax collector, had gathered on Saturday 1 August 1778 at 9 o'clock in the morning for the council meeting.

  View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3523 / 0627  

  
  

  David Haum Menatar was given the power to act as a substitute representative. He was authorized to publicly announce and sell certain houses and land located in the village of Naarden. The property was situated on the side of the Rwaar de Vagt, with Pelleman as a neighbor on one side and Dirk Westerhoff on the other side, or whoever else might be the neighbors. Menatar could sell the property under conditions and for an amount that he and his advisors thought appropriate. His responsibilities included:

  • Receiving the payment
  • Handling all arrangements
  • Transferring ownership of the property
  • Handing over all documents and papers related to the property
  • Promising to follow all rules and procedures
  • Paying the lord's taxes and fees on the property

  Menatar was authorized to do everything necessary for this sale, just as if the principal was present himself. The document was signed in Amsterdam with Arnoldus Commelin and Arent de Ruijter as witnesses.
  View transcript NL-AsdSAA / 604589 / 196  

  
  

  On 21 April 1766, Heer Joseph Tesurum Lobo appeared before notary Hermanus van Heel in Amsterdam. He was authorized to represent Mejuffrouw Gratia Peixotto, wife of Joseph Musaphia, and Juffrouw Lea Peixotto, wife of Josua Peixotto den Silva. Both women had received permission from the aldermen of Amsterdam on 28 October 1765 to handle their own rights in the estate of their late mother Lea Abensur, widow of Jacob Peixotto, and their late brother Josua Peixotto (also known as Mendes Peixotto Junior) while their husbands were abroad. Their rights included:

  • Managing legal and financial matters
  • Selling real estate found in the estates together with other heirs
  • Collecting money

  The representative also acted for Jacob de Pinedo and his wife Juffrouw Abigail Peixotto, as well as Juffrouw Ribca Peixotto, an unmarried adult daughter. This authority was given through a power of attorney dated 7 November 1765, passed before notary Hermanus van Heel. He further represented Sara Peixotto, also an unmarried adult, and Rachel Peixotto, widow of Emanuel Pareira, according to a power of attorney from 14 April 1766 passed before notary Johannes Lijkoff in 's-Gravenhage. Additionally, he was authorized by the aldermen of Amsterdam on 6 September 1765 to represent the portions belonging to the minor Daniel Peixotto and Isaac Peixotto, who was described as unfortunate.
  View transcript NL-AsdSAA / 604589 / 195  

  
  

  • 3 September 1847: Jan Christiaan Moeleman, a porter aged 42 living in the city hospital, and Willem Frans Steevert, without profession aged 47 living in the same place, reported the death of Evert van Beusekom. He was a painter aged 48, born in Amsterdam, living at Haarlemmersdijk 212. He died on 2 September at 7 o'clock in the morning at a house on Achterburgwal, district 1, number 1. He was married to Maria Hendrika van Sichem and was the son of Evert van Beusekom and Johanna Susanna Lwarts.
  • 3 September 1847: Jan Christiaan Koeleman, a porter aged 47 living in the city hospital, and Willem Frans Steevert, without profession aged 47 living in the same place, reported the death of Johannes van Doorn. He was a cabinet maker aged 19, born in Amsterdam, living at Vinkenstraat 188. He died on 30 August at 6 o'clock in the afternoon at a house on Achterburgwal, district 1, number 1. He was unmarried and the son of Jan van Doorn and Iana Laros.
  • 3 September 1847: Jan Christiaan Moeleman, a porter aged 42 living in the city hospital, and Willem Frans Steevert, without profession aged 47 living in the same place, reported the death of Maria van Boven. She was without profession aged 28, born in Groningen, living at Gooiersheeg 4. She died on 28 August at noon at a house on Achterburgwal, district 1, number 1. She was married to Leonardus Rosmuller.
  • 3 September 1847: Jan Christiaan Moeleman, a porter aged 42 living in the city hospital, and Willem Frans Steevert, without profession aged 47 living in the same place, reported the death of Hendrik Faber. He was a baker's assistant aged 26, born in Godesberg, living at de Hal. He died on 1 September at 4 o'clock in the morning at a house on Achterburgwal, district 1, number 1. He was unmarried and the son of Samuel Faber and Catharina Elisabeth Maridort.
  • 3 September 1847: Jan Christiaan Moeleman, a porter aged 42 living in the city hospital, and Willem Frans Steevert, without profession aged 47 living in the same place, reported the death of Johan Herman Bunsen. He was a glove maker aged 58, born in Paderborn, living at Zwartlakensteeg 19. He died on 2 September at 9 o'clock in the morning at a house on Achterburgwal, district 1, number 1. He was married to Catharina Rotselaar and was the son of Christoffel Bunsen and Elisabeth Kramer.View transcript NL-AsdSAA / 2335941 / 27  

    
    

    The lieutenant governor negotiated with the residents of Bonoo and Alsou after their strong position became clear. The residents agreed to a truce and surrender, paying approximately 1,100 pounds worth as compensation. They promised not to raid the company's subjects or allies anymore. The people of Manipo and Kelangh also paid about 800 pounds as penalty for their faults. All these payments were divided among the armed forces mentioned, along with other captured goods.

    The place of Houttemori Altros had always been considered the strongest in the land and unconquerable. Never before had such a large military force been assembled in this area. The conquest of this place and the impressive size of this force caused great fear and respect among the people of Loehoe, Combelle, and all other doubtful places. It appeared that by continuing this way, which could be done without much cost to the Company, all surrounding places could be kept under good control.

    The clove harvest this year was very successful in some places. From Lochae, 80 bales of cloves had already been received and brought to the castle. The people of Hitto also started delivering, and it was expected that this year in total about 800 bales of cloves would be obtained.

    At the harbor they found the ships De Trouw and De Zuider Eendracht with the sloop Kleijn Hollandie from the Moluccas. They learned that the people of Ternate and Tidore were at war again. The Tidore people had planned to build a fort on a corner of the island of Ternate to threaten the company's fort Marieco located on Tidore. However, they were prevented by the Ternate people, who with the advice and help of General Reael were building a fort on that same spot. Since this was being done under the protection of the ship De Morgenster, they understood that General Reael had not yet come here because there were no other ships in the Moluccas at that time.

    Last year they were promised from the Moluccas that this coming year 1,000 bales of cloves would be obtained from there, but they understood they would receive little or nothing.

    A discussion was held about what should best be done for the general Company, namely whether it would be wise for General Coen to visit the Moluccas or Banda as soon as possible to inspect the places and establish all proper order there, and also whether some ships should cruise above Banda. After much discussion, the final decision was postponed.

    It was further decided that Hans Keijsers' junk should sail with advice to Solor to summon the company's ships from there to join the fleet.

    The yacht Den Neptunis arrived safely here from Banda, bringing news that peace had been made between those of Salamme and their allies on one side and those of Lonthor, Pouloron, and their allies on the other, though those of Lonthor themselves did not agree. This yacht brought from there 70 sacks of mace, reporting that in the forts Nassau and Revenge there were both nutmeg and mace lying, amounting to about one yacht's cargo.

    They understood that on 30 January past, the yacht De Vos had not yet arrived there, which

    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1069 / 0297  

    
    

    The Dutch fleet held a meeting and unanimously decided to sail to Amboina as quickly as possible with all ships. Once they had favorable winds, they departed. The frigate Ceylon was in poor condition, so they decided to send it to the Strait of Sunda with 25 men to patrol and warn Dutch ships about the English. Ships were expected daily from Patria, the Coast of Coromandel, Ticco, and other areas. Senior merchant Jacques le Febre was assigned to go with the frigate with orders that if the ship Zeewolff came from Ticco loaded with pepper, he should send it or the Hert with cargo to Patria, and all other ships to Amboina. He was also to maintain written communication with Dutch personnel in Jaccatra and Bantham, and ask those in Bantham to have the governor of Jaccatra negotiate a good peace. On the 5th, they sailed east along the coast but made little progress due to calm weather. The frigate Ceylon separated from them and turned west to warn incoming Dutch ships about the English. On the 6th, the council met and decided to send the ship Delft, which was most heavily loaded, to Patria through the Strait of Bali so the directors could receive the valuable cargo and be informed about events. To finish loading the Delft and obtain water (which the entire fleet needed), they decided to stop at Cape Mandalique. The Berderbooth would sail to Bima for rice and other provisions, and the yacht De Jager would go to Solor with messages to warn Dutch ships about the English. That day they were near Cherison, but progress was slow due to calm and variable winds. On the 10th, the fleet of 8 ships reached Cape Mandalique in the evening and anchored near Tronde Island, about 3 miles east of Japara. They found very good water on the mainland near the island. The journey from Isaccatra had taken 7 days due to calm and variable winds. On the 11th, 12th, and 13th, all men were busy loading water. They transferred large silk chests from D'Oude Zonne and some pepper from De Jager to the Delft to complete its cargo. The Delft was manned with 90 healthy and 20 sick men who had been on land, and it would sail to Patria through the Strait of Bali. They also transferred 2 metal half-cannons to the Gouden Leeuw to strengthen defense against the English. On the 14th, they all departed from Mandalique in the evening after obtaining good water without encountering any people. That day they sent the yachts De Valck and De Jager to Jortan to buy fresh provisions for the fleet and the ship Delft. De Jager was ordered to spend no more than 3 days at Sovtan, then sail between Madura, find the Delft at the eastern end of Java, provide it with provisions, and continue to Solor as decided on the 6th. De Valck
    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1069 / 0294  

    
    

    On 22 October 1728, a report was sent from Macassar listing the population and military resources. The population included 1,960 people from various groups: 3,412 people who were Makassarese, Buginese, Chinese, Ambonese, Bandanese, and Malays, totaling 3,721 people. There were also 2,076 people from Poelongbankeen and its area, and 6,129 people from Glissond. Additionally, there were 16,502 people on Boelo Comba and Bontain, 14,087 people in Salijer, and people in Maros and its area.

    The East India Company's vessels at Macassar numbered 8, consisting of:

    • 1 sloop
    • 3 patrol boats
    • 2 barges
    • 2 boats

    At that time, the patrol boat was being equipped with fighting equipment. Besides repairing the broken mast of the Oppas, some small repairs were being carried out to make the vessels suitable for necessary services, including collecting the tenth rice harvest. Similar maintenance was also performed on the sloop Pompelmoes and the barges at the proper time. Further vessel repairs were specified on an accompanying list.

    The civilian vessels belonging to citizens and other free residents at Macassar consisted of:

    • 10 sloops
    • 106 small boats
    • 10 patrol boats

    This information came from a report by the harbor master included in the daily register on 9 September.

    All secretarial documents were being sent, including resolutions, daily registers, incoming and outgoing letters, improvement records, and specifications of arriving and departing vessels. Criminal court cases since the last notification dates were also sent, along with the third set of wage books from 27 and 17 March 1728.

    Additionally, a request was made twice for cash needs and personnel, including:

    • 1 wagon maker
    • 1 medical visitor
    • 1 corporal
    • 3 clerks
    • 4 gunsmiths
    • 1 coppersmith and butcher
    • 1 tinsmith
    • 1 blacksmith
    • 1 locksmith
    • 6 house carpenters
    • 3 masons
    • 4 ship workers
    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 8196 / 0230  

    
    

    • A group of people from Ambon (Orangkays), Bandanese, and Javanese from Cirebon planned to start a revolt around or inside the castle by pretending they came to complain or ask for something.
    • Their plan was to take control of the castle and start a fight. If they could not begin this properly, they would help the Bandanese and Javanese who were already working in the city to completely take over and destroy everything.
    • During this general revolt of murder and fire, they intended to escape with as many of their wives and children as possible in Javanese boats, without telling the women and children about their plans. They believed that by not becoming Christians they were legally abandoned, and thought they would not lack wives if they reached other lands while staying alive.
    • Following this plan, 8 Orangkays left for Cirebon without using the excuse of collecting palm leaves or reeds.
    • At a general meeting held in the new houses of the people from Lantor, led by Ebrahim van Lontor, they complained that the honorable Lord Governor-General made them work every day without paying them anything, while before they had always received 6 for their work.
    • They decided to speak to the Lord Governor-General about this at a suitable time and place. If he did not give them a satisfactory answer, Ebrahim would stab him, which all the other Orangkays agreed to do at the right time.
    • The confessor admitted he had offered to carry this out himself, saying that because he had freer access to the Lord Governor-General than others, he could accomplish this better than anyone. For this purpose he had already bought a rapier or kris.
    • They also planned to ask the honorable Lord Governor-General if they could all go to Banda together. Once there, they would behave so quietly and obediently (along with the others there) that they hoped over time to gain free access to the castle while delivering their nutmeg and mace, so that people would have little suspicion of them.
    • Meanwhile they would look for a good opportunity to take over the castle and murder all the people. For this purpose they had spoken with a Bandanese named Camba, whom the Company had previously sent to Banda on the ship Wapen van Delft, telling the Bandanese there to behave quietly and obediently, hoping they would soon join them.
    • If no good opportunity for this attack appeared, they would come at night with some small boats under the land of Banda and take everyone with wives and children away from there.
    • They had completely resolved not to submit to the Dutch under any circumstances, but to free themselves by all possible means. For this purpose they had also sworn to each other by handshake on their religion to keep their plans secret until death and not reveal anything.
    • Finally, he said that to confirm their intentions they had kept back 12 spears and 2 muskets from the weapons that had been given to them during certain expeditions, which they kept under the pretense of having lost them or other excuses.
    • He said he understood that some secret meetings with Javanese and Bandanese had taken place several times on a certain piece of land inland (which had belonged to the King's son of Jacatra), where they had spoken with Javanese and held discussions, though he had not been present.
    • He only understood that they agreed not to kill each other if they met in the forest. The Javanese had also asked how things were with the Dutch and whether there were many people in the city, to which they had answered yes, that there were many Dutch, Chinese and other free people. The Javanese did not really believe this and said they wanted to see for themselves, which made him certain that the Javanese (who had caused the last alarm) had come to spy on the situation themselves.
    • When asked why he had not revealed all this earlier, he said that guards and halberdiers had refused to bring him before the Lord Governor-General and forbidden him on the way to approach his honor. He also said that sometimes he did not dare to speak to the Lord Governor-General because there were too many
    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1075 / 0483  

    
    

    The English from the island of Banda had moved from their side and written protests were exchanged back and forth about this. The friends were not ashamed to estimate their damage and interest at a sum of 124,215 pounds sterling, as could be seen in the papers that were sent about this matter. The orders that the Dutch in Banda had issued some time before the arrival of the English ships against various troublemaking and undermining activities would not be explained further here, but readers were referred to the letter of 7 May where these were laid out in detail. The mentioned friends continued their plans on the mentioned island and left without showing the slightest sign of using force. With permission from the governor of Dam and the Council, they anchored at the roadstead of the Castle on Neira on 1 April to wait there for the change of the monsoon season, and then return to Bantam, which they did. During this time, neither the mentioned Mr. Hunter nor Jan Dutton went ashore or showed any unfriendliness beyond the content of the mentioned protest. It appeared as if they had only come to leave again, trusting that the named protest would more than adequately cover the costs of their voyage. This seemed to have been their standard practice against the Dutch Company for some years. They had visited Macassar on their way there and back, and at first tried hard to persuade some Macassarese, Bandanese and Amboinese people to go with them to Poulo Rum, but they could not convince anyone despite the great promises they made.
    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1238 / 0115  

    
    

    • On 23 October 1738 in Macassar, a list was made of local military personnel, totaling 746 people (later corrected to 742). This included 5 captains, 3 lieutenants, 10 flag bearers, 43 sergeants, 61 corporals, 2 drummers, and 622 soldiers (later corrected to 618 soldiers).
    • The document was signed at Castle Rotterdam in Macassar on 30 September 1738 by W. van Duijvenvoorde.
    • Some retired soldiers asked permission to keep their salary payments. These included bookkeeper Johannes van der Sluijs, sergeant Jacob Cramer, sexton Johannes Staal, corporal Custagius van der Goes, and soldier Everhard Plosius.
    • The total population count of the Company's servants, citizens, and their families for that year was 46,695 people, broken down as follows:
      • 2,160 Company servants, citizens, and families
      • 2,199 Macassarese, Buginese, Chinese, Ambonese, Bandanese, and Malays
      • 601 residents of Campong Baroe
      • 1,232 people from Palembang, Glisson, and that area
      • 9,355 residents of Bulukumba and Bonthain
      • 18,820 people from Selayar
      • 6,408 from the northern provinces
    • On 25 October of the previous year, house carpenter Matthieu Lala was promoted to master craftsman with a salary of 24 guilders under a 3-year contract, replacing the promoted foreman Roeloff Huijskens.
    • On 27 December, someone was appointed as chief interpreter (the sentence is incomplete in the original text).
    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 2437 / 1390  

    
    

    Under 9 August (date mentioned as "passato"), the ship de Trouwe arrived from Banda carrying 94 bags of mace. The ship brought news that no expedition to Tiloron could be made due to bad weather and that all ships from Banda had departed except the ship Oudt Hoorn, which was ordered to remain until 15 August to collect the remaining mace and nutmeg. On 21 August, a small junk arrived at Bantam with some English people and people from Banda coming from Auloron to seek new help. On 26 August, the yacht Nassau arrived with 6 bags of cloves, which was the rest of what was expected from there. About 50 to 60 bags of cloves were left behind due to lack of yachts or sloops. In Burro, 2 junks had been present:

    • One from Jortan
    • One from Macassar

    These junks bought cloves at 80 per bag. Lieutenant Commander Speul sent a boat and corre corre there, but they could not accomplish their mission due to bad weather and high water. Quimella Daija, in the name of the King of Ternate, had ordered the people of Burro to protect foreigners against the Dutch. Later, Speul sent a junk with soldiers to the islands to intercept the 2 junks and seize illegal goods. While they were there, they chased a Macassar junk coming from Puloron. The junk ran aground and sank, full of mace and nutmeg. The Dutch only recovered 2 to 13 wet bags of mace. They saw some bags of mace marked with English marks and letters. The people of Hottomour had rebelled against the castle of Amboijna. After they had taken a head from their own people, they took a head from a subject of the castle. Lieutenant Commander Spepeuer called together all the heads of the subjects and explained how necessary it was to punish such rebels. They agreed to carry out the punishment. Three groups from Soijo, Haeloe, and Pima, which had rebelled before, made the first expedition and brought back 9 heads with 11 prisoners. Others were wounded and drowned while fleeing. This represented about an eighth of the whole group from Hottomouri. Other subjects of the castle, together with 400 men, also made an expedition. Paul Reael and Admiral Verhagen had departed from Amboijna to the Moluccas. The yachts Den Arendi and Den Groenen Leeuw had previously departed from Japara with the ambassador from Colloresel to sail to Bima, Solor, and Timor. In Bima, they would leave some people to obtain rice for when ships might be sent there later. Although it was necessary and profitable to send ships to Arabia, Suratter, and the coast of Coromandel, they had not yet dared to send any for fear of causing too great a shortage in the Moluccas, Amboijna, and Banda. On 19 August (referenced as "deser"), the yacht Cleer Vlissingen departed from Bantam to Ticco, PriamanView transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1068 / 0602  

    
    

    The document dated 19 May 1702 from Amboina recorded population information for 26 households, totaling 240 people including Moors and slaves. Abloem Makatita, born in Amboina and son of Lipytan from Kelang, was banished by lord De Vlaming as a hostage. His household included:

    • 1 wife
    • 2 daughters
    • His brother's children, including a son named Teinolen Abdul and their elderly mother
    • 2 male slaves
    • 2 female slaves
    • 1 slave child

    Alloua Nahoukoly from Kelang came with his late father called Alawanij Mahoe. He had a wife from under the Guatahoedi, 2 sons, and 1 daughter. Hitilis from Loehoe first lived in Hitoelamma with his late uncle Tamaelatale. During Hustaert's time he lived under the Guatahoedi, and under Governor Hurt's rule he came under Orangcai Norletten and remained there. He married the daughter of the hostages and had 2 sons: Honary (the eldest) and Tatia, who married a woman from under the Guatahoedi and had 3 children together. Barang-haddy Talawara, born in Amboina, was the son of Talawaran from Lissijdi, who first lived under the Guatahoedi and became a messenger under Norletto. His mother lived with him. She was a daughter from under the Guatahoedi. He had 4 younger brothers, 1 sister, 2 male slaves, 2 female slaves, and 1 slave boy. Nieramauw from Banda was banished to Batavia during Governor Van Zeijl's time for publicly practicing the Muslim faith in Banda. When his ship arrived in Amboina, Commissioner D'Hals allowed him to remain and placed him under Norletto. He had a wife who was a daughter of Norletto's brother, 2 male slaves, and 4 female slaves. Latti Mauw from Kelang was captured during the war in De Vlaming's time and made a Company slave. Governor Hurt freed him according to a document dated 27 September 1673 to live where assigned. He lived at Rodenberg since then. Due to old age he was no longer capable of service and requested release from garden duty. He had fished for the Governor's table during tribute collection. His brother's son Robo lived with him. Soulapela, born in Amboina, was the son of Tamala Palis from Henateloe who lived under the Guatahoedi. He was raised by Norlette, his mother's brother. He lived alone in Norlette's camp and did no garden service. The people under Norlette consisted of

    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1662 / 0042  

    
    

    On 6 February 1614, the islands of Banda were visited by the ship Hasewint. The castles and soldiers were found to be in good order, though the castle was missing a quarter of its lime and stone, which workers were making 2 lime ovens for. Upon arrival, it was learned that they were at war with the Bandanese people. The commander Steven Doensen and his council decided that the ship Hasewint should position itself to intercept Bandanese boats. Between then and 10 March, 8 or 10 boats coming from Macassar and Gresik were captured. From these, about 200 loads of rice were purchased from 2 boats from Soela, along with 90,000 sago for supplies for the Moluccas. On 11 March in the morning, the Bandanese attacked with 21 war boats in 3 groups positioned under Gunung Api and Neira. They used a large war boat disguised as a regular boat as bait. When the signal was given, the lieutenant with 25 men and a sergeant with 18 men each went out in a boat. The lieutenant Ebert Jansen and the ship's captain decided to pursue the decoy boat, while the sergeant was ordered to sail through Sonnegat. However, the sergeant with his boat entered Sonnegat first and encountered about 15 war boats. When he tried to escape, he fell into the third group of 8 war boats. In the fighting on land, 12 men including the sergeant were killed by the Bandanese, and the boat was lost. 6 men escaped with great difficulty. Meanwhile, the lieutenant and captain pursued the decoy boat from outside Gunung Api to Sonnegat, where they witnessed the terrible scene. The 15 war boats and the decoy boat immediately attacked them. They could not escape because some war boats from Lontor cut off their path. With only 4 or 5 muskets in their boat, they could not resist. The Bandanese overwhelmed the boat, killing the captain and 9 others. 2 men escaped through the forest, and the lieutenant escaped to the ship Hasewint with his boat. This caused great alarm in the castle. Commander Doensen immediately departed with a company of soldiers to help the survivors and attack the enemy, but he arrived to see the enemy victoriously leaving with the heads of the Dutch dead. Only 5 or 6 men remained on the ship Hasewint. This incident showed how dangerous the Bandanese were and how little they respected the Dutch and their castles. Currently, no Bandanese came to the castle, and none had done so for a year. The writer believed the war could end quickly if the island of Pulau Ai, which was the center of resistance, were conquered with about 300 men. All boats first stopped there to learn the situation in Banda. By capturing that island and using 2 rowing boats, they could easily block supplies. This would force the Bandanese, who could not feed their population from the island alone, to come to the Dutch for food. The writer noted that the General and Commander Steven Doensen, who had lived there long, could inform the authorities better about all this. Regarding the castle and place of Solor, the writer had hoped to find it in better condition than reported, as the Portuguese and the governor had established another place on an island about 3 miles from the castle.

    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1057 / 0371  

    
    

    25 May 1668, from Macassar: His divine majesty blessed the efforts with a desired victory under the good leadership of Commander Jan Albertsz Sloot. They asked for continued divine help and support in this region against unfortunate incidents, which they could not yet foresee but might still happen. These could not always be prevented through careful planning, especially since there was no shortage of holy or rebellious spirits in the area who, through their own actions or those of others, could be driven to the greatest excesses in the world. They would try to watch carefully against this. Above all, they would ensure that no cause or opportunity for such outrages would be given. The president would particularly make sure that no displeasure among the princes would be caused by private quarrels or matters of little importance, and certainly not by personal greed, with which he claimed never to have been infected, as his wallet still bore the best memory of this. Although the authorities did not strictly require this, he considered it more honorable to continue this way rather than help the Company into work, trouble, and wars through the mentioned reasons. He understood that these matters must be burdensome to the Company, without their servants needing to provide motives for them. They requested respectfully that the authorities remain assured that through the negligence of the commanding head and the other officers there, the soldiers of this garrison would not be permitted such a wild and dissolute life that they would commit such improprieties and behave so licentiously that the local people would develop an aversion to them, just as very serious complaints had come from Bantam and along the entire coast of Java. To prove this and to show that they took to heart maintaining the Company's possessions in peace and the fruits of the treaties and alliances made with the respective kings and princes of this land, through exercising justice and righteousness, they had recently on 9 March punished two willful vagabonds as an example:

    • Joseep Duwat from Brussels was executed by hanging because during the night between 5 and 6 February, while on guard duty in the ravelin outside the land gate of the castle, around midnight he had abandoned his post without his officers' knowledge, and moreover used an unauthorized passage by climbing over a certain fence that closed off the south side of the guard post. Additionally, he was a habitual thief who had already been convicted of 3 separate thefts within 3 years. During this time he had dared to steal a bundle with various goods from a small vessel belonging to poor people near the Buginese passage. He kept this property through physical resistance and violence with a certain kris, inflicting several blows on the naked skin of the owners with his side weapon, brought it inside through the unauthorized route used before, and sold it the next day, as was shown more extensively in the delinquent's own voluntary confession.
    • Jan Provoo from Kortrijk had a nearly similar confession. The difference was that he could not be charged with any previous committed theft nor seemed guilty of the violent aggression that the other had used against the owner of the stolen goods. Therefore he was only punished with a severe whipping and branding under the gallows with the rope, and furthermore locked in chains for 10 years to work at the common works in the mine on the west coast without pay. He was now being sent to the authorities with the request that their judgment be enforced by the authorities' authority, so that the president and the other members of the council, to whom the authorities entrusted the Company's welfare and who were obliged to care for it with all diligence, could maintain good order among their subordinates.

    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 8166 / 0016  

    
    

    The writer reported that he had read and reread an instruction multiple times. The masters had noted in the margin that they had communicated its contents with him and that he should explain their meaning and intention more broadly. He therefore felt compelled to include his advice about the affairs of Banda in detail, as he had written before, and sent a copy with this letter. He urgently requested that special attention be paid to the matter of Banda, as the masters considered it very important. Things were going very badly with Banda, as mentioned before, and this needed to be addressed quickly or else the situation would deteriorate completely. He noted that actually being in the Indies and dealing with matters was very different from sitting and commanding from afar, as the masters had suggested. He thanked God for the inspiration behind the appointment, saying nobody else could be found who would handle all matters with such dedication. Since so many important and weighty matters were arising, the writer advised that the council members now with the governor should be shown the secret instruction that the masters had carefully prepared. By reading and rereading this instruction along with other orders, they could focus on the most necessary points, as this important Indian state was in their hands. This would greatly relieve the governor, and the council members would better understand their duties and what the masters most recommended, especially since some council members were inexperienced in Indian affairs. He warned that otherwise much could be neglected and honor diminished. Banda had made their affairs known to many kings and potentates of the Indies, and the Portuguese and Spanish were using this to criticize them. Therefore, they should use the authority of the Ternatean King, in whose protection they had placed 8 fortified castles in Moluco through his earnest request and at great cost to their Prince. This would make matters clear. The writer stated he would work on this to the best of his ability wherever he went, as he considered it very useful. He thought it would be advantageous to promote some authority for the Ternatean King in Banda, as the Ternateans were greatly feared by the Bandanese. If they could get a capable leader like a kimala harij or sebadin with 20, 30, 40, or 50 other Ternateans and some slaves who could be recruited from Buro, Manipe, or other places under the king's command, he believed it would be beneficial. The masters also recommended this in their orders. Furthermore, since Lieutenant Christoffel Voeth had been authorized as captain in Banda and Adam Verhult as chief merchant, the writer suggested it would be useful to send another general commander there who would also be given command and government over Amboina, thus binding the sovereignty together. Amboina would then take better care of Banda, which was also the masters' intention. Some people should go with this commander to fill positions when those currently holding offices died, because Amboina and Banda were too poorly provided with commanders, as could be clearly seen from who had been left there. He expected there would be enough personnel, especially merchants and commissioners. He was very eager to learn whether the truce negotiations with the Spanish had been completed. If they were willing to be reasonable, the masters had given such complete authority that there was little to discuss. However, if an honorable agreement could be reached, it would be advisable to pursue the affairs of Banda with all strength, as this would bring special honor and more advantage and profit for the Company than the Manila voyage, which would consume much power and time. He offered his advice subject to better judgment, while noting the express orders of the masters.

    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1053 / 0426  

    
    

    On 16 May 1612, a letter was written from someone aboard a ship near Banda. The writer referred to a previous letter sent with ships to Banda and wanted to update his superior about recent events. On 30 April, after a long period of silence, the ship Amsterdam arrived at anchor in Banda. There they learned with great sadness about the following problems:

    • Governor Nicolaes Prins had died
    • Over 30 soldiers had died since the previous departure
    • Many people were still sick and weak in Coeye
    • The watches (guard duties) became a heavy burden on the healthy soldiers
    • There were few people available to fill empty positions
    • Lieutenant Christoffel Voeth had suffered from fever for a long time

    This was very distressing because they had brought few or no supplies to help and strengthen the people there, who desperately needed support. The ship Amsterdam was planning to leave as quickly as possible because it needed a new main mast and other necessary repairs. This was understandable given the ship's size and cost, but it meant the fort would be without ships, yachts, and sloops for a long time. There was concern that the people of Banda would start a war again, because they were no longer afraid now that the late governor was gone. Several Javanese junks had arrived at Pulowan, Contor, and Waijer, with some Portuguese or mestizos aboard. These would take away as much mace and nutmeg as they wanted. When people from the fort told the people of Banda not to allow this, they answered they were free people and could let anyone come to their land who wished to do so. They were bolder because they saw that due to lack of resources, the Dutch had to tolerate this. The people of Puloway had not come to the fort until that day and had not brought any nutmeg or mace for sale. This was not surprising since when they sailed past with the Leeuw, they had seen 8 junks pulled up on dry land in various places, which could easily carry away their goods. The writer believed the ship Banda had made a great mistake by not stopping at the Banda Islands, even though it had stayed in Amboina for about 5 weeks without doing anything there. The writer could not understand the reasons for this. The ship Banda had meat, bacon, oil, vinegar, wine, cheese, barber supplies and medicines, cotton cloth, and hats on board that were meant for Banda but were left in Amboina to be transported later. This seemed absurd, especially because the Council member Mr. Doensen had come from Banda to Amboina and had been aboard the ship Banda. He must have known about the condition of the castle and the sickness among the people, as well as the poor health of the governor and lieutenant. He should have handled the matter differently according to his duty. The writer assumed Doensen knew how highly the masters valued Banda, since they emphasized it strongly in all their writings, letters, and instructions. The writer did not want to complain too much about this but hoped his superior would understand he was being sincere and acting from an honest heart for the Company's greatest profit and the common welfare of the fatherland. The writer and his crew tried their best to make up for previous mistakes. Since the recovering sick people in the fort constantly desired meat, bacon, cheese, and wine (which suited the Dutch nature and was also good medicine), and since they learned the ship Amsterdam could spare these items, they transferred supplies to the fort:

    • 1 barrel of Spanish wine
    • 1 barrel of oil
    • 1 barrel of vinegar
    • 3 barrels of meat
    • 3 barrels of bacon
    • 30 good Dutch cheeses

    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1053 / 0423  

    
    

    In October 1636, a mission was sent to bring something to Macassar, but when they reached the village of Rakit (where all the runaway people from Banda had gathered and built a fortified place), the highest and most important local leader Patij Combangh, who had been involved in this mission, died there. Because of this, the people from Ceram were very afraid that the people of Macassar would blame them for poisoning this leader and would cause them trouble. However, these remained just rumors among the local Muslims without consequences (which God granted), and in the meantime the Dutch forts were kept well-guarded and secure. Not until 1 June did the boat Banda return to Nera after long waiting due to continuous west winds, carrying letters from preacher Jan Jansz and junior merchant Pieter Paulusz written from the village Mare on Kei on 27 May. They informed Governor Acoleij that following orders, they had anchored near the village Clat at the beginning of the west monsoon season, but had been in great danger of death from Balij, who lived in the mountains and was the brother-in-law of their friend Admiral Narra Ringi Ringi. The Dutch had caused problems by too hastily trying to obtain a stone house and showing the golden capital they had brought with them. This hasty request had offended Balij, and when he saw the gold, he was moved to kill the Dutch. However, Ringi and several other local leaders prevented this and advised the Dutch to move 3 miles north from Clat to the village Mare. They did so and found better treatment there than in Clat. Paulusz had successfully traded his cargo for slaves and other goods and sent a beautiful bird called a Cortorre along with the boat to Banda. He promised to send the rest of the return cargo soon and reported that not only could costs be covered, but the company could also make profits on their cloth trade. However, preacher Jan Jansen feared that little spiritual progress would be made in bringing Christian knowledge to these people, since he found dealing with people difficult, knew nothing about the local character, and lacked the gift of winning hearts. Moreover, he was so discouraged that he could not learn the language or make himself pleasant to the local people. He despaired and declared that even if he lived there for 30 years, he would achieve no results. Therefore, he decided to return to Banda on the first available boat from Kei. As mentioned earlier in reports from Amboina, Jan Jansen sailed past Banda and ended up anchored at the island Nosselauw, where the rebellious inhabitants captured him along with 2 other Dutch soldiers and all the people from Kei, treating them as hostages. According to Governor Acoleij's orders, the son of Admiral Narra Ringi Ringi and 3 other young men from Kei had arrived in Banda with the boat to be sent to school, even though one was already of adult age, to see what would come of it. Besides the sad death of Commander Gerrit Thomasz Pool at the coast of New Guinea, the governor received news through the same boat that a certain citizen from Banda named Claes van Gelder had sailed to Goram and from there to Kei to search for some of his runaway slaves. Between the villages Elat and Mare, he rested for a while

    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1119 / 0844  

    
    

    31 October 1679, a report was written in Macassar containing instructions for assistants Philippoe Fastel and Wilhelm Eijkmans about how to behave during their stay on Biema.

    The instructions about unloading ships coming from Banda to get rice and food supplies had already been given in writing during a recent trip to Kalonkon, so these were not repeated.

    The assistants were especially informed that the Dutch East India Company in Macassar had no salt at all. For weeks, requests had been made to the king and important people to deliver salt, and they kept promising to do so. However, because the writer could not wait any longer for their slow response (as his presence was urgently needed in Macassar to send his report to Batavia on time), the assistants had to:

    • Collect and keep ready 10 kojangs (a measure of weight) of salt as quickly as possible
    • Send the salt to Macassar when a Company ship appeared
    • Not take any salt away from these 10 kojangs if ships from Banda arrived first, even though those ships also needed salt

    The Banda ships could wait a few days because they could not return to Banda until the west monsoon passed anyway. The Macassar sailors could not wait that long because they risked being blown off course.

    The writer had stopped the fighting between Boemi Soro and the king of Tambora. The decision about their disputes was placed in the hands of the kings of Biema and Dompo, to be handled in the presence of the assistants. To help them better understand the nature of these conflicts, the writer explained that when the people from Macassar ruled over these lands, they were in charge.

    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1347 / 1055  

    
    

    • Intje Noela, a Malay resident of Macassar, received permission on 12 October 1718 to sail to Batavia for trade using a boat belonging to the Bimanese prince Caraijn poeanna Raga. The boat was approximately 3 lasts in size and had a crew of 11 people. However, due to strong opposing winds and currents, he only made it as far as Madura.
    • To sietie, a Buginese resident of Macassar and servant of the King of Tambora, sailed with a boat of 5 lasts and a crew of 21 people on 10 October in the same direction. On 6 January, their honors gave him permission to return.
    • The document was signed at the Company's camp in Bima on 1 October 1719 by I. Hk Breuning.
    • On 14 February, damage was reported to vessels, sails, and strength due to strong opposing winds and currents near Samarang, Japara, and Grissee.

    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 8186 / 0252  

    
    

    From Macassar at the end of June, the Company's servants were counted both outside and inside the castle.

    The Company's subjects and mountain peoples lived on Maros.

    On 14 August, the Company's subjects were counted in the districts of Tambora, Baro, Maloeco, Dompo, and Glisson, located south under this castle.

    At the end of September, the following groups were counted:

    • The Company's subjects from Glisson
    • People from Macassar and Buginese people there
    • The Company's subjects from Poelembankeng
    • People from Macassar and Buginese people there
    • Free people from Macassar and Buginese people
    • Chinese and mixed-race people
    • Highland dwellers
    • Highland dwellers in the plains

    In February 1730, the following groups were counted:

    • The Company's subjects on Zaleijer
    • Muslims and local religious leaders
    • People from Ambon and Bandanese people

    On 1 April, people from Bonthain, Boelecomba, Malays, and citizens were counted.

    A document from 24 October 1730, signed by I. Wognu at Macassar in Castle Rotterdam, provided a summary count of all the Company's territories, including the areas of Glisson, Poelanbankeeng, Maros, Zaleijer, and Boelecomba on both the north and south sides, along with citizens, Chinese people, and their slaves.

    The total population count showed 9,817 to 11,345 people across different categories, with a final total of 16,798 free persons and 2,306 slaves, including men, women, sons, daughters, and children.

    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 2163 / 0266  

    
    

    From Macassar dated 24 October 1719. Toselis Gouginees, a resident of Macassar and servant of his highness the king of Bima, departed for Batavia on 25 September 1718 using the gonting (a type of boat) of the mentioned king, measuring approximately 8 lasten (a unit of cargo capacity) and crewed by 20 men, for trade purposes. Tosietie Bougingees, a resident of Tambora, departed for Batavia on 10 October using a gonting measuring 5 lasten, crewed by 21 men, on account of the radja (ruler) of Tambora for trade, carrying 7 codjangs (units of measurement) of rice. A list of departing and arriving vessels to and from Batavia and the east coast of Java from 25 September of the previous year until 14 February most recently consisted of 10 pieces carrying:

    • 10 slaves
    • 60 pieces of deer meat
    • 6 Buginese people traveling as passengers

    Jntje Noelas, a Malay resident of Macassar, departed for Batavia on 12 October 1719 using the gonting of the Bimanese princess Caraijn Potanna Raga, measuring approximately 3 lasten and crewed by 11 men, carrying 3 lasten of rice. Tosesie, a Buginese resident of Macassar and servant of his highness the king of Bima, returned from Batavia on 8 January using his master's gonting measuring approximately 8 lasten, crewed by 20 men. He had departed on 10 October of the previous year and was permitted by their high honors to return on 13 December. A servant of the Bimanese nobleman Djeneli Sapij returned from Batavia using a gonting measuring approximately 4 lasten, crewed by 14 men. He had departed on 20 September 1717 and was permitted by their high honors to return on 5 March 1718, but according to notes on the back of his travel pass, he had been delayed since that time due to lack of water. Jntje Maralie, a Malay, returned from Batavia on 13 January.

    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 8186 / 0250  

    
    

    On 10 October, the secret departure to Chinrana was discussed and thoughts about this were delivered to the Castle in Macassar. On that same day in the afternoon, Radja Goa also had his letter brought to them through Crain Jerenika in the Castle. On 10 October in the morning, he had left for Chinrana without the knowledge of their people, and he had not appeared again at Mangelicana after receiving the last letter from 18 October. The reason for his departure could not be determined, but it was believed that he went to seek advice from Radja Boni about what to do regarding the news of the arrival of a governor with 2 ships and soldiers. This news, especially arriving against the monsoon season, seemed very strange to many and had caused some fear among certain people from Macassar and Bugis. It could also be that Radja Goa traveled to Chinrana to have his letter to them first reviewed by Radja Boni, since he had also sent their latest letter to him through Crain Jerenika to Chinrana to communicate it to Boni, according to the Macassar daily register dated 16 June 1694. He arranged everything according to what Radja Boni decided. Under the excuse of illness, together with Radja Tello, he did not welcome the merchant Schenkenberg until 5 August, even though he had been properly informed of his arrival on 23 June through 2 messengers. Radja Goa's intention might have been to stay in Chinrana until the governor's arrival, so he could come to the Castle to welcome him only together with Radja Beri or with his excellency's permission. Time would tell. They very much wanted to know when the large fishing ship with the yachts Sillida and Wiltschut would appear at Macassar, and what the purpose was of their arrival and of the 200 soldiers who were sent along.

    View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1540 / 0211  

    
    

    
    

    Previous pageNext page

    Find your ancestors and publish your family tree on Genealogy Online via https://www.genealogieonline.nl/en/