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On 1680, a sum of 800 ro or ƒ1120 was lent by Director Constantien Ronst in Bengal. The bond or handwritten note for this loan was requested to be sent back at the first opportunity. Additionally, 45 toman or 1912:10 was spent by Director Francois de Hase in Persia on the servants of the king of Siam. Furthermore, 50 rx or ro 150 was extended to the Siammer Omoen Tima Zackan in Batavia on the order of His Excellency. This amount was paid in full upon the first demand by His Majesty and received in cash, totaling 3182:10. The office recorded this in the trade books and credited Taliatours for the wood requested by His Excellency the previous year. It was deemed unnecessary to send more wood, as the Macao Portuguese had initially demanded to buy it. However, the free citizens of Batavia now travel in large numbers to the islands of Macao annually with various goods to trade with the Chinese of Canton. Thus, the Portuguese can only transport a small amount of sapang wood from here, with the rest of the capital carried in Siamese tickets. Therefore, no more silver needs to be advanced to these people for trade goods, as had been done before.

On 16 September 1681, in the waters near Vlissingen in Haitcumon Bay, a group from the Dutch was approached by officials who asked if the depth was sufficient for their ships and whether any news had reached Canton about their arrival. The officials claimed that no good news had been heard in Haitcumon. When asked if they knew about the Dutch ships anchored there, the officials denied any knowledge.

The Dutch then explained their entire journey from Batavia, as told by the noble Hartouwer. The local guard had only reported their arrival to a nearby fort the next day but had not sent word to Canton. The mandarin (official) asked how many ships had come, their origin, and their purpose. The Dutch answered truthfully, and the mandarin promised to return the next day for more details.

The next day, the mandarin returned and asked further questions, including whether the Dutch had been to Macao, the nature of their crew, the duration of their journey from Batavia, and whether their primary goal was trade or a formal greeting to the emperor. The Dutch answered honestly, and the mandarin recorded everything. He added that if the Dutch had stayed outside for 2 or 7 years without sending anyone in, Canton would not have known of their presence and would have let them stay.

The mandarin then left but returned in the afternoon, ordering the Dutch to wait until evening or at most the next morning for a definite response. Meanwhile, the Dutch crew was treated well without any disrespect. Later that day, another mandarin, Chiampen, arrived and asked similar questions, confirming earlier details. He also mentioned concerns about pirates and the safety of sailing with boats to the first anchorage point, from Kouw R to the flag point, covering a distance of 370 units.

On 3 August 1668, in the waters near Vlissingen, several large ships (called Champans) were seen near Haitaimon Bay. Their purpose was unclear, so attempts were made to approach them, but the ships moved away too quickly. It was uncertain whether they were fishermen or pirates, so caution was advised.

On 4 August 1668, early in the morning, the ships were seen sailing from an abandoned fortress, taking as much woodwork as they could. An attempt was made to reach one of the ships with a small boat, but it failed. The people on the ships fled, one even firing a shot. This suggested they were pirates. There were also 4 or 5 similar ships sailing at sea.

Later, they went ashore at the recently abandoned Tartar fortress. They saw that the ships had been there. The gates of the fort and the governor's house (a fine residence) were destroyed, along with its temple. Almost everything was broken into pieces and trampled. Some of the woodwork was also taken. A Chinese fisherman, who lived there, had his Champan taken. He confirmed that they were pirates who lived on nearby islands and often sailed to the coast.

That evening, preparations were made for a possible attack. Under the command of shipper Jeron Dircksz, a well-sailed boat was prepared.

• In the bay of Vlissingen, the ship Haitaimo from Bock and a small armed vessel, both with brave crews and soldiers, planned to attack pirate ships. Their goal was to capture at least one and scare off the rest. This was necessary because it was unsafe for their small ships, especially if one had to enter the harbor.
• On 1668-09-05, Jeroen and Dirckx set out with three armed ships to capture one of the pirate junks before daybreak. However, the pirates had already left their usual spot near Tijgershoek on the river.
• The Dutch ships chased the pirates but couldn’t catch them. Later, the small armed vessel (which had some damage from Jeroen's own gunpowder) arrived and reported that Jeroen still intended to chase the 10 pirate junks with two sailboats, hoping to succeed.
• The pirates escaped by rowing into small creeks and hiding, where the Dutch ships couldn’t follow. There was a chance to cut off three pirate ships, but the helmsman of the Dutch boat ruined it by being careless.
• The Dutch chased the pirates 4 miles up the river to Eerste Thorn but eventually gave up. The pirates escaped, taking only the Dutch’s empty supply junk, which they had found adrift.

On 1 December 1686, a letter from China addressed concerns about a ship allegedly from Batavia. The city officials of Macao clarified that the ship’s captain, a Chinese man, had claimed in court in Canton that his vessel came from Siam, not Batavia. Therefore, any complaint about a violated safe-conduct letter was unfounded.

The Chinese captain, Thesienqua, accused the citizens of Macao of stealing his goods, including 40 catties of ambergris, 20 piculs of camphor, 50 packs of fine cloth, and other items. However, his own crew testified that he had only pepper and rattan, which he had already sold. Since he couldn’t pay his crew, they left his ship. The court ruled that he should reclaim his ship and receive 150 taels for damages, which was immediately done.

When the letter was received, Father Philip Grimaldi, a respected figure traveling to Europe on behalf of the Emperor of China, reviewed it and confirmed its truth. Joao Cortes, a Portuguese director of goods for the Viceroy of Canton and Fukien, also verified the account.

The officials of Macao assured that this minor issue would not harm the friendship between the crown of Portugal and the Dutch States. They emphasized the strong trade and mutual friendship between the citizens of Macao and the Dutch merchants of Batavia, maintained through years of correspondence.

The letter was signed by Francisco Fragoso, a ship’s captain and clerk of the Macao city chamber, along with Mathias Perreira, Manuel d’Aquiar, Goncalo da Costa, Manuel Luis Freire, Joseph Vieira da Silva, and Francisco Nunes de Carvalho.

On 16 November 1677, from China, it was hoped that they would remain undisturbed and without trouble, and that they would properly receive full payment for the delivered saltpeter, sulfur, lead, etc., from the king upon their first arrival. Although the contract was modest and the principal amount had already been received, they wanted to avoid further inconvenience due to the current unstable times and war preparations.

They would try to resolve the matter in the best possible way and continue to serve the East India Company as long as they lived. It was necessary to do what was reasonable, not what one desired. The most difficult part was remaining impartial between parties, as they would try to do, and as was best judged by the statesmen there. However, it would not be possible to stay among the distrustful Chinese without suspicion of favoritism, which could lead to much evil suspicion and hidden attacks from one or another doubting party.

They found themselves sufficiently between the devil and the deep sea, with the Coxinga playing the boss again, while the Hecker was at the bridge under the Tontars, and the markets were in the middle of the River, where the Kopnieder was also not inactive. Thus, they were all in a great dilemma, like a mouse between two cats.

They would not neglect to use all practical means to stay out of danger as much as possible and carefully preserve the Company's resources. Furthermore, they would pray to God Almighty for a good outcome.

On 16 November 1677, a report was sent from China stating that due to the absence of their superiors and the concealment of daily registers, they remained unaware of the progress of the kingdom. The report was signed by J. M. Munnick, Mr. Stroelius, and others, and was received by the High Mightinesses on 30 January 1677 via the ship d'Annata from Siam.

They described their arrival, welcome, and initial good start in China, but noted that the Company's business had not progressed as expected. They had intended to inform the authorities in detail, but difficulties arose due to a change in government, which fell into the hands of the tax collectors. Additionally, a competitor in the region offered lower prices, hindering their efforts.

They were also detained for 5 full days and only recently moved to a lodge, where their activities were delayed and viewed with suspicion. They decided to postpone further actions until a better opportunity arose, despite the harsh treatments they endured. They assured that the Company's resources were being conserved.

On 13 January 1677, a translation of two letters written in Chinese was received in Batavia on the ship De Lijp Hetickongh. The letters were from Terijsongkon, also known as Taisong Kong, a commander, and Pangta Lauja, the city holder of Canton, addressed to Joan Maetsuycker, the Governor-General, and the Lords of the Council of India.

Terijsongkon and Pangta Lauja sent their greetings and wishes for a long life and prosperous rule. They noted that although their lands were far apart, letters could be exchanged to understand each other's intentions. They mentioned that ships and junks had previously traveled between their regions, a practice that had occurred long ago.

Last year, Terijsongkon had sent a letter to the Governor-General requesting that ships come to Canton for trade. They had also requested that the Governor-General's junks in Batavia benefit not just themselves but all inhabitants. The Governor-General's letter, along with gifts including a large silk item, a wool alcotiffe, four hours, eight fire wheels, and a lantern, were well received. Terijsongkon expressed his gratitude and assured that he would not forget the kindness.

Terijsongkon had allowed a ship from the Company to trade and depart from Batavia with the change of the monsoon. He requested that if any junks from Canton came to Batavia, the Governor-General assist them, as this would help maintain their friendship. In return, Terijsongkon promised to do the same.

The letter was signed by Stadthouwer Tan Zatjen Sanghtalanja Taulatjen panghtaseuwa Lent and addressed to the commander of Batavia. It was sent with 100 from Elingh on each side, with ample certification.

There was hope that the goods, which had been sent from Japan to the market well-packaged, would yield the desired profits from previous years, with the help of divine blessings from the Almighty.

During this difficult time, efforts were made to gather 375 packages of Coromandel and Bengal fabrics, along with some alcatifas, and manned with shaved Chinese and Siamese people, as well as some Moors, to be sent to Canton. Additionally, two ambassadors from the local king were sent with letters and gifts to the Tartar emperor in Canton. Their task was to renew the alliance that the crown had always maintained with the kingdom of China, and then travel onward to Peking.

However, the junks and the ship were in such poor condition and so poorly equipped that it was feared most of them would not complete their journey. This was undesirable for the East India Company, as the king’s trade with the Moors and Chinese could interfere with the company’s trade, especially in the cloth business. There was also concern that competition from Bengal silk, which would be added, could harm the common trade in Japan. It was judged that in Siam, nothing could be done against this for the East India Company.

It would have been highly desirable if Hendrik Indijk, following his advice dated 19 October, had managed to prevent the Moors from sailing to Japan. The circumstances had seemed favorable for this, so they hoped to share the desired outcome of this with the aforementioned junks.

• Two large junks carried sappanwood, Nammerak, brown sugar, elephant tusks, about 500 packs of various Coromandel and Bengal fabrics, plus a large batch of deer, cow, and Roche hides, manned by unshaven Chinese and Moors, bound for Japan.
• The other two junks and the aforementioned ship carried old Pijnangh tin, lead, elephant tusks, 43 pieces of various colored fabrics from the English, and 375 packs of

It was hoped that the goods, which were sent well-packaged to Japan to be sold at the market, would yield the required profits from the previous year, with the help of divine blessing from the Albestierder (Governor).

During these difficult times, everything that could be gathered and collected was sent, including 1000 or 50 packs of Guinea cloth. These were brought to Costij by the ship Vollen Hove. Since no ships arrived from Manila during this monsoon and none were sent there from here, it was deemed wiser to send the goods to Japan rather than keep them here for a year, as they would be unsellable and cause loss to the Principale (principal investors) if stored in the warehouses.

It was hoped that this decision would not be disapproved, even though no specific order had been given for it.

Additionally, on 29 and the following day, the boat Palliacatte, loaded with as much useful woodwork and other necessary materials as possible for the construction of housing in Ligor, departed from this roadstead to sail to the province of Ligor, with the Albestierder’s guidance.

Advice was sent to the heads in Japan regarding various matters, along with the ship Vollen Hove and the boat Palleacatte to Ligor. It was also necessary to justify the actions taken, as it was a very dangerous and delicate matter that the Ed=e Heer gouv=r generael (His Excellency the Governor-General) might attribute to his servants, who were acting so far away from him, as in the case of this young, troubled company.

• 31,495 deer hides
• 3,058 cow hides
• 1,000 piculs of sappanwood
• 564 buffalo horns
• 300 catti of guitar gum for a sample
• 7,700 cowries or black lacquer
• 100 catti of wax
• 1,200 piculs of Guinea linen
• 6 pots of atjar
• 6 dozen salted limes

Later, the river carried the wreckage of the ship Vollenhove downstream. Through the efforts of Ed, the interpreters were soon released and returned to their previous duties. Additionally, Olewang Piesnockan and his companions, who had been exiled, were recalled to court and reinstated in their former high-ranking positions by the king. There was also hope that Ed would succeed in securing the release of the Dutch survivors from the shipwrecked Coninck David, after many previous unsuccessful requests blocked by Oja Pieschijt.

The mentioned Dutch survivors had sailed from Arracan on 20 April 1661 aboard the Vollenhove, loaded with rice and slaves. A violent storm in the Bay of Martaban caused the ship to wreck, with no hope of saving anything except their lives. After a year of wandering through the troubled, war-torn land, suffering from poverty and lack of supplies, and being subjected to different factions, they miraculously ended up in the hands of the Siamese. Out of the original eight, including the captain who died from hardship, 31 survivors along with 17 slaves arrived in the city. By order of His Majesty, they were to appear in court to legally justify their actions, as it was a serious and urgent matter. Ed did not want to blame the Governor-General for what his subordinates had done so far away from him, as in this case.

Enemies Oja Pieschijt and the Chinese Sabandar slandered the king, aiming to prevent the young Mandarin Corinja and King Joncken from sailing to Japan and Canton. Their ships were ready to depart. The king, already suspicious, was easily swayed. He ordered that only his own ships and King Joncken's ships be granted sea passes, and nothing more be done due to their inability. This order was followed, after which the mood improved. Complaints to the lower imperial council and nobles at court began to receive better attention.

However, the Portuguese and Japanese quarters remained strongly guarded, and the interpreters stayed imprisoned. When Oja Calahom, Berckelangh, Dutive Camhen, Sebodawadij, Radia wangsangh, and other old imperial councilors from the upper quarters arrived in the city, they took up the complaints. They declared the actions taken against the Dutch in their absence unacceptable. They threatened to break the long-standing alliance between the Siamese and Dutch if no proper satisfaction was given.

The governor-general and the Council of India were informed and urged to request that Oja Pieschijt and the Chinese Sabandar clear themselves of the accusations. They asked the king to do this, as he was believed to be unaware of the truth. It was a serious matter, and the governor-general did not want to be blamed for actions taken by his servants so far away from him, like the issue with these ships.

• Oja Pies chijs and the Chinese Sabandar influenced the king to distrust the young Mandorijn Corinja, Coninck Joncken, and their ships, which were ready to sail to Japan and Canton.
• The king, already suspicious, was easily convinced that the voyage would be delayed, but nothing could be done except to endure the situation patiently.
• Meanwhile, Oja Pies chijs also influenced the king, and through Piesnockan, who had close contact with the Dutch, they learned about the king’s decisions in the council.
• The king arrested the Dutch translators and the Portuguese translators, accusing them of knowing about these matters.
• Piesnockan was stripped of his titles without a hearing and banned from court.
• The translators were severely interrogated and tortured twice but revealed nothing.
• The king’s enemies, frustrated by the lack of progress, pressured the king to issue a written order for the safety of the voyage.
• The order was for two of the king’s young men to go to Japan, two others with a ship to Canton, and the young Mandorijn Corinja to Taijoan.

It was reported that Ioncke had occurred, and because of this, the servants of His Majesty who were innocent in the matter might cause some trouble and hinder their business. However, if His Majesty had any displeasure about this, it was reasonable that they should first write to the Honorable Governor General about it. This way, if anyone was found guilty of taking part in the Ioncke matter, they would be punished. The Honorable Governor General informed His Majesty that, regarding the case of Outjang in 1492, no merchants or even laborers dared to appear in the lodge. This not only prevented them from contributing further to the Japanese cargo, which was still very modest, but also caused them to fear that the ship destined for Japan, which was already delayed and only half-loaded, would have to depart in a poorly loaded state. This fear increased with the arrival of the fluyt ship Vollenhove at the roadstead, as His Majesty, understanding that the peace between the Dutch and the Portuguese had been broken due to the instigation of the Moorish Oja and the Sabandar of the Chinese, who had previously ordered the expulsion of the Portuguese, seemingly out of fear, commanded that the guards around the lodge be strengthened. Additionally, the Japanese quarter and the Portuguese camp, where two ships from Macau were anchored, were to be heavily guarded. A written order stated that no one from the three nations—the Dutch, Portuguese, and Japanese—on pain of death, should have any contact or conversation with each other until further notice. This caused significant hindrance to the Dutch and the Macau Portuguese, who had already been forced by the Sabandar of the Chinese, before the King's arrival, to hand over half of their gold capital and other merchandise to the hands of His Majesty, his officials, and the factors, causing no small obstruction in their trade in 1494.

On 5 August 1696, in Malacca, supplies of tin and pepper were prepared, along with harpoons and spices. These were also taken to Achin to honor the accommodation ordered by the Honorable Lord for the Achinese envoys returning from Siam, and to request something in return. Additionally, as per instructions, a bill of exchange for 3000 Rixdollars was paid to the Moorish merchant Mira, and the general account was settled accordingly at the end of the month with the withdrawal of the cash and goods.

In response to the Honorable Lord's latest letter of 26 May, received via the boat Terboede on 26 July, the only remaining matter was the debt of gratitude from Commandeur and President Riebeek. He expressed his deep gratitude for the early news of his requested release to Batavia, where he intended to go first, hoping to arrive safely. There, he planned to personally report further to the Honorable Lord on the Company's affairs.

With this galley, the Lords were sent back, along with a small supply: 424 piculs or 141½ barrels of harpoons. There were still about 350 barrels of tin and 300 piculs of spices in stock, but no pepper yet, as previously mentioned.

The Portuguese Manuel Fernando, with his young family from Goa, was in Bedugting. He suspected that Portuguese ships from Siam might not take this route, nor would any from Macau be suitable or large enough. With his heavy household, including his wife, mother, slaves, and female slaves—totaling about 40 people—he had begun to urge for passage. He requested permission to travel via Ceylon on one of the Company's ships bound for Persia or Surat to Wingurla. From there, people from Goa had petitioned and reported that the Company's residents, with all their belongings, had retreated and stayed away for 3 months out of fear of raids by the Surat pirates.