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These are death records from Amsterdam registered on September 30, 1918. The following people were reported deceased:

• George Sluijter, aged 15 months, died on September 28, 1918 at 3 AM. He was the son of Ernst William Huijter, an insurance bank official, and Maria Elisabeth Rühl.
• Adriana Everdina Hoefsmid, aged 64, died on September 28, 1918 at 2 PM. She was born in Utrecht and was the daughter of Mattheus Cornelis Hoefsmid and Johanna Elisabeth Mulkhuizen (both deceased).
• Martinus Das, aged 73, died on September 29, 1918 at 8 AM. He was born in Amsterdam, married to Anna Helena Hekker, and was the son of Jacobus Johannes Das and Grietje Maats (both deceased).
• Antje Nipperus, aged 72, died on September 29, 1918 at 12:30 PM. She was born in Amsterdam, married to Christiaan Stephan, and was the daughter of Jan Piessens Nipperus and Anna Koekoek (both deceased).
• Bernardus Gerrit Krebber, aged 22, died on September 27, 1918 at 10:30 AM. He was a trainee mechanic born in Amsterdam, divorced from Cornelia Johanna Regeling, and was the son of Gerrit Bernardus Krebber, a porter, and Elisabeth Johanna Fliekke.
• Daniël van Driel, aged 85, died on September 28, 1918 at 9 AM. He was a laborer born in Amsterdam, widower of Johanna Fredrika van der Ven, and was the son of Willem van Driel and Geertruy Elisabeth Bigant (both deceased).

On March 14, a witness stated he did not know what happened between the officer and Major Chatfield. The witness explained that Major Chatfield, on behalf of the Governor-General, read and handed over a written document to Mr. Ross. The witness, due to his limited English language skills, believed he understood that they were not expected to defend themselves due to their known weakness, but if they did, force would be met with force.

The witness stayed at a small distance while these gentlemen were speaking, and due to his poor English skills, could not understand their conversation. After Commander Chatfield was dismissed, the witness claims to know nothing about what happened next, as he remained with his troops and was unaware of further developments or what instructions were given to the Director.

The document details events in Makassar and surrounding territories between 1825 and 1859. Governor de Bousquet made a mistake in his 1838 report about the Bongai contract. Brooke came to Wadjo to mediate between Lampoela and Lapangverisan. Lampoela started a war against his brother, the king of Sidenring, but was defeated and banned.

Toemanga Hoeka became king and married Lampoela's daughter Andi Basse. There were conflicts in Djaampaea and war activities involving Parepare, Soepa, and other regions. The Sidenring brotherly conflict broke out again, with battles over Watta.

The document then describes the succession of rulers in Panette from 1669 to 1738:

• Haji Ibrahim
• His son Mapatjanti Dain Mataran
• His daughter Pakelanri Datoe Mario
• Her daughter Batara Doenka
• Joraf Jachar Oedin (son of Batara Doenka)

The document also mentions unsuccessful gold mining expeditions in the mountains of Lamolo and Bantenoerong between 1730 and 1747.

During this period, several important events occurred in different regions:

In Manasdar, there was discussion about a marriage between the daughter of the feudal lord of Simoereng and Baso a la Kara. The Governor advised against this marriage as it might create an undesirable alliance between Sidenring and Boni, possibly including Wadjo.

On August 6, officials traveled by steamship Amsterdam to Mandhar to deliver demands to local chiefs (Maradias) of Balanipa, Damboang, Biniana, and Winoang. The demands included:

• Payment for stolen trade goods
• Immediate end to hostilities
• Punishment of those involved in human trafficking
• Sending representatives to Makassar to ask forgiveness and sign new contracts

Between September 17 and October 1, various local leaders arrived in response, though some representatives from Balanipa refused to appear. Lieutenant Malagoe was sent to summon them but returned unsuccessful.

On September 22, the Governor traveled to Sondoli on the steamship Sendoro to inspect Buginese settlements and potential sites for a coal depot and official residence.

On July 18, the Sendoro carried officials to Bima and then Flores to settle border disputes between the Raja of Larandoeka and the Sultan of Bima.

A land dispute between the Raja of Dompo and the ruler of Sangal over Sokko village was resolved in favor of the Raja of Dompo.

By February 1862, troops were still pursuing remaining rebel groups in the region.

The text summarizes several government decisions from January 19, 1818 to December 1842. In Alor island, a Buginese trader named Sanda Boala from Makassar stabbed a local chief's son without provocation. Sanda Boala was sentenced to 2 years of forced labor in Banyuwangi without pay. In Makassar, Daeng Mabona, the captain of the Wajonese kampong (village), was temporarily suspended due to negligence in investigating a murder in the Wadjo kampong. Later, he was reinstated after residents requested it. La Oridang Daeng Silata was appointed as his lieutenant. In the Polioe district of Bulu Kumba, Daeng Lewa, the regent, resigned due to old age. He was replaced by Mabbu Daeng Mabueling, who was chosen by local chiefs and the population. The governor of Makassar provided traditional gifts worth 568.86 copper coins to various indigenous rulers at the end of the Islamic fasting month in 1842.

On April 21, 1859, a discussion took place about the relationship between Boni and other rulers in Celebes. The Dutch-Indian government had no political ties with the kingdom of Boroenai, though trade relations existed. Earlier French attempts to settle in Boroenai remained unsuccessful. There was also an old alliance called "Telloerig Bottjoe" between Boni, Sopping, and Wadjo, which was renewed in 1855.

The writer shared the desire to end difficulties with Boni. A reference to previous events in Palembang was mentioned, noting that despite the Dutch victory there in 1821 and the later removal of the Sultan's rule, new problems arose in that region from 1849 onwards.

Regarding land rental for agriculture, existing regulations allowed:

• Rental periods up to 20 years without royal permission
• Up to 40 years for coconut tree plantations and oil production, with Governor-General's approval

Concerning military matters, while part of the army was specifically composed for field service, the entire army had fixed garrison locations. These were only temporarily left when military forces were needed for expeditions. In earlier times, forced labor for defensive works was overused, causing great harm to the population in some parts of Java.

The text discusses events in Boelekomba and Boni in 1824. It mentions several territorial matters, particularly regarding the Njeuraux River, which was described in a cabinet letter of October 14, 1849 by the Minister of State to the then Governor-General as the main artery of the Boeyische land.

The document outlines a plan to establish control over:

• Trade routes
• Strategic river points
• Commercial centers

After the expedition's arrival at Boni, the kings and nobles were to receive a written document from the commissioner, not a manifest, containing demands from the Governor-General including:

• Restoration of grievances
• Compensation for insults
• Guarantees for the future
• Reimbursement for the significant costs incurred due to Boni's disloyal behavior

The text concludes with instructions about restoring honor to the Dutch flag, requiring:

• Recognition of guilt by Boni
• Humble apologies in clear terms
• A ceremonial raising of the Dutch flag in the presence of the queen and nobles of Boni

• 10, 25, 50 and 100 cents for fractional Dutch guilders
• 250 cents for a two and a half guilder piece
• 300 cents for a three guilder piece
• 1000 cents for a golden Willem
• 500 cents for a half Willem
• 4200 cents for a Spanish doublon
• 3900-4000 cents for a Mexican doublon
• 270-305 cents for new gold ducats
• 265 cents for Spanish and Mexican dollars, Viceroys, and five-franc pieces

This text appears to be about Dutch colonial military operations in East Indies in 1859. The governor of Celebes (modern Sulawesi) and its dependencies, Governor Schaap, wrote about military actions against Bonian ships, while allowing trade vessels to move freely. He mentioned that if local rulers did not meet government demands after the rainy season, troops would be sent to Badjoa. If Wadjo declared they were not enemies, their residents and properties along the riverbank would be protected. The governor requested written confirmation that Wadjo wanted to remain friendly and sign an alliance treaty. He promised to welcome their representatives in Macassar.

The document was signed by Schaap as Governor of Celebes and dependencies, and countersigned by a Government Secretary.

The text discusses colonial trade control and smuggling in the Dutch East Indies. The officials worry about illegal spice trade through the kingdom of Boutong, which they consider the gateway to the Great East. Boutong, while dependent on the Dutch East India Company in many ways, remains a free kingdom. The company has exclusive rights to buy sapanwood there.

The text mentions concerns about traders from Wadjo, Mandhar, and Sumbawa who might smuggle spices from Ceram. It suggests that direct communication from Batavia could help prevent the English from trading in the Tukangbesi Islands, especially Kaidupa and Wangi-Wangi.

The document proposes patrols from Amboina and Banda to catch smugglers, who would then be sent in chains to Batavia. It references that in 1741, military action in this swampy region proved futile. The text notes that traders from Mandhar and Wadjo openly trade with the English as far as Bengkulu.

The writer suggests that the resident of Banjar should be prohibited from issuing passes to Mandhar people and other Celebes peoples to travel to Java, as this practice goes against the Bongai treaty.

A marriage dispute arose when the Datoe of Sopping married the Datoe of Loewoe, who had previously been married to a sister of Bonij's ruler. Another conflict existed because Aroe Mario, a full nephew, was murdered by Prince Toelabaija, who fled the land and was still wandering around without any resolution to the case.

In Bonij, there were concerns about potential alliances against the ruler. If Wadjo and others would unite against Bonij, it could be very costly for Bonij's kingdom.

On March 29, news arrived about an English ship in the Gulf of Bonij. The local ruler was asked to prevent the foreigners from landing, following the Bongaij Contract. The ruler agreed to send the necessary orders to his deputy.

In Boulong, on February 19, the existing contract was renewed and sworn in a full assembly by the court's envoys, with Bonij's commissioners present to add the royal seal.

Reports indicated that the English ship was carrying opium, gunpowder, and other trade goods. They had Wadjorese and Buginese guides and planned to continue to Sumbauwa.

An informant named Alierang from Caijelie, staying with Samauw, reported that pirates (including the previously mentioned Toelabaija) were planning to attack Malacca during the east monsoon.

• At 6 o'clock near Batoepoete, they encountered a violent storm
• Winds were North-Northeast
• Poor visibility forced them to stop near Balanro island
• The ship became stranded on a coral reef in shallow water

In Makassar on September 8, 1889, a religious court session took place regarding a dispute over inheritance. I. Lasalasa claimed to be an heir to la Patola Daenna who died in the Wadjo district on June 23, 1882. Lasalasa claimed to be the brother of la Patola Daenna, sharing the same father named Lasiama. The inheritance was in possession of Sitti Hawa Daeng Tongie, the widow of la Patola Daenna.

Hadjie Makka, representing Djoeda Daeng Patalle (a sister of la Patola Daenna), testified that he knew Lasalasa was from Koetei but didn't know his parents. The inheritance was partially distributed:

• Lasalasa received 1,000 florins (out of his entitled 1,708 florins)
• Djoeda Daeng Patalle received 300 florins
• Sitti Hawa Daeng Tongie's share was unknown

Lasalasa hired Hadjie Ahmad as his representative, paying him a total of 430 florins over time to handle the case. A letter from the Sultan of Koetei, Moehammad Soeleman, confirmed that Lasalasa (also known as Oewa Batjo) was indeed the brother of la Patola.

• This oath should not be demanded from Todanri
• Requiring it would cause great unrest among the allies
• The contract was originally only sworn by Aroe Matouaij, king of Tosora (who was always the first among Wadjo kings)
• None of the subsequent kings had renewed the oath

The new king of Wadjo, Todanri, had not yet sworn to uphold the special contract of 1670. The ruler's opposition prevented this from happening. In 1717, there was pressure for King Todanri to accept and swear to the special contract from 1670 between the East India Company and that kingdom before he could be recognized as king and accepted into the alliance. This remained unsuccessful due to His Highness's contrary opinion that such an oath should not be demanded from King Todanri. His Highness believed this would cause great unrest among the allies because the contract was only sworn to initially by Aroe Matouaij, king of Tosora (who was always the first of the kings of Wadjo). None of the following kings had renewed the oath. His Highness seemed so opposed to the contract that he wanted to reject it and consider it void. His Highness finally declared he wanted to withdraw from this matter, which could have negative consequences, especially since the allies already showed such deference to His Highness. This was detailed in letters dated November 30, 1716, and October 24 of the previous year.

The government had a friendly alliance with Wadjo, though there had been little to no trade communication between them for many years. In 1624, attempts were made to get Wadjo to join the renewed Bongay contract. These attempts showed how little was known about previously obtained rights and the true relationship between the Celebes kingdoms. Only some chiefs joined the alliance, which had little value while other chiefs remained unwilling to join.

After Boni's submission on February 25, 1839, the government instructed the Governor of Makassar to convince Wadjo to join the renewed Bongay contract. This desire remained unfulfilled, so Wadjo cannot be considered an ally. The contracts of 1670 and 1741 remain the basis for Dutch sovereignty rights over that kingdom.

The relationship with Wadjo should not be regulated by the renewed Bongay Contract, as this would recognize the kingdom as free and independent, destroying rights legally obtained through conquest in 1670. Like Najeli, Manette, and Ssello, Wadjo could be classified as government territory.

On May 10, 1845, the Governor of Makassar reported about Wadjo's political situation:

• 40 largely independent chiefs jointly governed Wadjo
• During wars with neighboring kingdoms, some chiefs would join one side while others joined the opposite
• This situation hindered lasting peace in Celebes
• It was desirable to end this situation when the opportunity arose

The new king of Wadjo, Tadanri, had not yet sworn to uphold the special contract from 1670 between the East India Company and his kingdom. The Company insisted in a letter to His Highness on April 9, 1717 that King Tadanri needed to accept and swear to the contract before he could be recognized as king and accepted into the alliance. However, this remained unsuccessful due to His Highness of Makassar's opposing view. His Highness wanted to invalidate this requirement, arguing that it should not be demanded from King Tadanri. He believed this demand would cause great upheaval among the allies because the contract was originally only sworn by Aroe Matouaij, king of Tosora (who was always the first among the kings of Wadjo). None of the subsequent kings had renewed this oath, suggesting the contract had lost its power.

On November 1716 in Macassar, there was a discussion about the rulers of Wadjo. According to a contract from 1670, rulers could not be appointed or removed without the knowledge of the East India Company. The Company had the right to remove any king appointed without their knowledge.

His Highness claimed to be unaware of this and asked for pardon. He said he didn't know about the arrival of the King of Wadjo but promised to bring him to the Castle soon. This happened on July 11. When pressed about the illegal appointment, His Highness pretended not to know about any contract with the Wadjo people, claiming they were free allies.

When shown the contract book with Radja Palacca's signature, His Highness had to acknowledge it. He requested to postpone reading the full contract until he could speak with the Governor further. The new king, named Totanri, one of the main princes of Wadjo, left without being officially greeted with his royal title.

Later, in a meeting in the great garden, through interpreter Jacob Brugman, the Governor asked about a King of Loeboe. His Highness confirmed an appointment had been made and said he expected the King of Toeboe to arrive after the Puasa (fasting period). The Governor expressed surprise at not having been informed of this.

On May 3, 1760, concerns were raised about the growing power and influence of the Wajorese people in Macassar. The Wajorese had become feared among the local population. For the past 19 years, there had been an uneasy balance of power as long as the Wajorese remained independent without forming new alliances. The situation became tense when local rulers (except for Pamana) began claiming the village of Timoerong. If the Wajorese were to ally with their old friends the Macassarese, it would upset the balance of power. This might lead to a costly but necessary war to restore the Dutch East India Company's authority over Celebes. There were rumors that the Wajorese, supported by discontented Bone princes, planned to overthrow the current king of Bone and replace him with Prince Aroe Mampoe. If they then united with Bone and renewed the old agreement of Lamoen Patoea-ri-Timoerong (which previous kings never renewed after Wadjo conquered Bone), it would create difficulties. Admiral and Field Marshal Smout had reported that Wadjo promised to honor the old 1670 contract, except for being called subordinate allies. However, they did not follow this agreement and claimed their land and people had no obligations to the Dutch East India Company, conducting trade freely under their own authority. This was evident from their recent responses to Governor Smout.

On May 20, 1756, from Macassar, a report discussed how the East India Company would rather take possession of certain lands than let them fall into foreign hands or to Boni. The land had been conquered by the Company's forces in 1670. When the king of Soping was present, there was a heated moment where ceremonial items were thrown on the table in protest. Two days after this incident, a meeting took place in the Company's garden where apologies were made, explaining the previous behavior was just for show in front of his people. There were also complaints about the king of Soping's miscalculations. The document warns about being careful with those from Wadjo, referencing a situation from 1739 when Governor Smout got involved in conflict at the urging of the Boni court. The Wadjo people disliked Boni and favored the Macassars. During the latest war, they had planned to remove Aroe Timoenong from the Boni throne and replace him with Daeeng Radja, daughter of Aroe Palacca. This plan nearly succeeded until Aroe Tanette captured the princess and briefly proclaimed himself king of Boni. The document notes that the king's advisors mentioned in Loten's memo had died and were replaced by Aroe Boenie and Aroe Tioempiga, who were described as inexperienced. Prince Pongauwa, the realm's field commander, had left the court in early 1755 to marry the queen of Tanete. The prince had been working against the king, trying to put his sister A. Palacca or others on the throne.

On October 24, 1719, in Macassar, there was a discussion about treaties with the Company. The issue concerned agreements made after Tosara was taken over in 1670, about 49 years earlier. No ruler of Wajoe except Lapalilie had sworn to these contracts. The Queen of Wajoe had taken oaths according to local customs whenever a new Governor-General, President, or Governor was appointed, most recently to Christoffel van Swoll and Governor Sipman.

The rulers of Wajoe requested the Company to reconsider their demands, pointing out that they had always been loyal allies. The Company maintained it could not give up its claims to Wajoe, which it had won through military conquest and significant expense. The high government in Batavia did not want to impose burdens on the Wajoresen people, but rather wanted to change their status from subjects to free allies by removing the words "good and faithful subjects" from the first article of the previous contract.

Despite various arguments and presentations, these discussions were unsuccessful. The local authority claimed that the high officials in Batavia did not understand the situation as well as those present on location. They requested further clarification about the Wajoe situation, taking a list of Wadjoresen kings who had ruled after Lapalilie.

From Macassar on October 22, 1739, we learn about a dispute over alliances. There was confusion about whether Wadjo was an ally of the East India Company, supposedly decided on December 23, 1670. Wadjo denied being an ally, stating that Bonij was the ally instead. This caused the Tellong Botjo friendship to break down.

The Company sent Madjo as a messenger to establish an alliance with Wadjo. A lieutenant and interpreter were sent to confirm this acceptance. Regarding leadership, while the Company recognized Aroe Timoerong as queen of Bonij, she claimed at the Wadjo court to be only Aroe of Timoerong.

The document includes translations of:

• A Buginese text delivered by 6 envoys from Tellong Botjo on May 14 in the presence of representatives from Bonij and Goa
• A Malay letter from King Abdus Rachoaan and nobles of Tambora to Governor Adriaan Hendrik Smout of Castle Rotterdam in Macassar

The Tambora letter acknowledges receipt of the governor's message on Sunday morning at 8:00 in the month of Rabiul Awas. The king promised to send envoys, men, and weapons once the white water subsides. This was written in Tambora on Sunday afternoon at 5:00 in the month of Rabius Achir, 1852.

Another acknowledgment came from King Abdus Cahar and nobles of Dompo, confirming receipt on Thursday the 25th of a letter written in Castle Rotterdam at Macassar on Tuesday, May 22, 1739.

On June 25, 1739, representatives from Tellong presented a letter to the Dutch East India Company in Macassar. The letter discussed a dispute about whether Wadjou was an ally of the Company. According to a supposed agreement from December 23, 1670, Wadjou was meant to be an ally, but Wadjou denied this, stating that only Bonij was an ally of the Company.

The letter explained that Bonij had caused the friendship between the Company and Tellong to break down. The Company had sent a messenger named Madjo to express their desire for an alliance with Wadjou. A lieutenant and interpreter were sent to confirm this arrangement.

There was also confusion about leadership roles. While the Company recognized Aroe Timoerong as Queen of Bonij, she had stated at the Wadjou court that she was only the ruler of Timoerong, not the Queen of Bonij.

The document was certified by Secretary Willem Van Duijvenvoorde and addressed to Governor Adriaan Hendrik Smout of Celebes. A commission regarding the small kingdom of Tello was conducted with an escort of 14 cavalry soldiers.