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  • The records mention various individuals and organizations involved in financial or administrative transactions in the Dutch historical context. Some notable entries include:
  • The records also include references to various locations and administrative actions:
    • Financial records related to Bloemendaal in 108.
    • Transactions involving Bommelerwaard and Hero.
    • References to Borneo in 1154.
    • Mentions of Bohemen in 1120 and 1156.
    • Records related to Bombay in 565.
    • References to Bandjermasin in 821.
    • Mentions of Breda in 1258 and 1299.
  • Some entries refer to specific items or types of transactions:
    • Records of butter for O. P. in 424, 548, 44, 485, 5042, 58423, 598, and 416.
    • Books for Curaçao in 1292 and 1302.
    • Books for Oost-Indië in 1290, 619, 1291, 1302, 1296, 1301, 13849, 1304, 15041, and 15642.
    • Construction of a medical facility in Bandjermasin in 821.
    • Fines or penalties in 452, 473, 498, and 422.
    • Records of ships for Borneo in 1154.
    • Borderelles (payment records) by the Betaalmeesters in 52.
    • Records of rewards for Suriname in 518.
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  • The document appears to be a list of names, likely related to a historical record from Donplan Getmunte (likely a misspelling or archaic form of Batavia, modern-day Jakarta, Indonesia) dated 12 July 1888.
  • The list includes individuals with Dutch, Indonesian, or mixed-sounding names, such as:
  • Some entries include additional details like:
    • Numbers (possibly identification, case, or page numbers, e.g., 3119, 3220, 44, 77).
    • Terms like "medaille" (medal), "zelveren" (possibly "silversmiths"), "dorp" (village), "alias," and "verleden" (past).
    • Some names are followed by the number 16, which may indicate a group, rank, or classification.
  • Some names are paired with what appear to be roles, locations, or descriptors, such as:
  • The numbers 1 and 4 appear repeatedly in columns, possibly indicating counts, categories, or statuses (e.g., present/absent, alive/deceased, or types of records).
  • The document seems to be an administrative or legal record, potentially a census, military roster, tax list, or court-related file from the Dutch colonial period in the Dutch East Indies.
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This document outlines the careers and pension details of several Dutch military and colonial officials in the 19th century.

  • J. Hermann, J. Georg Philipp Friedrich Claus, J. Frederik Coenraad Bogtstra, and J. Lucas de Dieu Stierling were recorded in entries dated 11 March 1822 and 6 May 1828.
  • J. Johannes Lodewijk van Erp and Gaalman Hip were noted on 19 December 1823.
  • Willem Frederik, born on 6 August 1818, held multiple roles:
    • Military assistant in the medical warehouse in the Netherlands Indies.
    • Military assistant of the first class and draftsman in the topographical bureau in Netherlands India.
    • Paymaster at the southern head post in Arawang (Sumatra’s West Coast).
    • Teacher at the government’s second-class school in Padang (Sumatra’s West Coast).
    • Resident (administrator) of Fernate.
    • Inspector of land demarcation, coastal lighting, and pilot services in Netherlands India.

The document also lists pension amounts and start dates for various officials, adjusted by decisions from the Department of Colonies:

  • 1 December 1867: Provisional pension of 471.14 guilders.
  • 1 January 1869: Pensions of 990 guilders and 450 guilders.
  • 1 December 1868: Pension of 175 guilders.
  • 1 November 1868: Pension of 2205 guilders.
  • 1 January 1869: Pension of 3795 guilders.

The records were compiled in ’s-Gravenhage (The Hague) in April 1869, based on decisions from 17 November 1867, 22 January 1869, 31 December 1868, 27 January 1869, 30 July 1868, 23 January 1869, 24 January 1858, 19 August 1868, and 5 March 1869.

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This summary outlines the financial records of taxes and leases collected for this period:
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This document lists valuable items owned by a widow (referred to as de wede) and her late husband (haer man zalr.). The items include:

  • Silver items:
    • A silver mirror
    • A silver powder box
    • A silver pin cushion
    • A silver clothes brush
    • A small silver clothes brush
    • A silver nutmeg grinder
    • A silver spice box
    • A silver cape (small)
    • A silver warming pan
    • A silver pepper box
    • A silver sugar box
    • A silver porridge pot
    • A silver mustard pot and spoon
    • 26 silver spoons
    • A silver porridge spoon
    • 20 silver forks
    • 2 silver cups
    • 6 silver candlesticks
    • 2 silver snuffers
    • 2 silver fruit baskets
    • A gilded bowl
    • Other rare silver items
  • Paintings:
    • A large landscape with figures
    • A peasant wedding
    • A fruit still life
    • A ruined building
    • A painting of Maria Magdalena
    • A woman's portrait
    • Two banquet scenes
    • A dish with pancakes
    • A seascape
    • A piece made of shells
    • 5 small landscapes
    • 2 paintings of women on horseback
    • A landscape with figures
    • A sea chart
    • A map
    • A painting of people playing ball
    • A ship in moonlight
    • 3 small pieces with glass covers
    • 2 paintings of farmers (men and women)
    • 2 landscapes
    • 2 winter scenes
    • 3 seascapes
    • A palace
    • A painting of Bathsheba and David
    • A painting of fish
    • A boy with a cat
    • A portrait of Brother Cornelis
    • A still life with fruit
    • A Roman with a lemon
    • A painting with two mice
    • A painting of Johan Hus
    • Three old portraits
  • Mirrors:
    • A large mirror with an ebony frame
    • A mirror with a glass frame
    • 2 mirrors with ebony frames
    • 3 small mirrors
    • An oval mirror
    • A mirror with a silver frame
    • A small tortoiseshell mirror
  • Porcelain:
    • 30 bowls (large and small)
    • 3 pots
    • 5 ink pots
  • Alabaster statues:
    • 20 statues (large and small)
    • 3 pots
    • 2 cooling vessels (likely for drinks)
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  • On 5 January 1742, an exploration was ordered to investigate the availability of tortoiseshell and mother-of-pearl shells in the Banda Islands, as well as the fair price locals exchanged for pearls.
  • The goal was to determine if trading these sea products could be profitable for the Dutch East India Company (VOC).
  • A sample of 2 reals' worth of these goods was to be collected as proof, with half to be sent back for verification.
  • Any unclaimed islands (without VOC ownership markers) were to be reported to the company.
  • Valentyn Elias, a local leader, failed to fulfill his promise to satisfy the villagers of Derialla and was sharply criticized for it.
  • It was deemed necessary to visit the village of Lorong to confront its people about their violent actions against Derialla.
  • The local chief was ordered to ensure that a sergeant stationed there would continue escorting workers inland (as before, for 3 or 4 years) to collect more tortoiseshell and mother-of-pearl shells.
  • The people of Wammerees had requested guards for their village, which was to be considered favorably.
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In 1665, officials instructed Sergeant Wenselman to diligently collect shells, particularly mother-of-pearl and tortoiseshell, to meet demand as much as possible.

  • Local workers were encouraged to gather these materials, with a bonus payment of 1½ reaal (a type of currency) offered per shipment to merchants.
  • The goal was to increase efforts in collecting valuable shells to satisfy the needs of the Dutch East India Company (VOC).
  • The extra payment served as a reward for the labor and delivery of these shells.
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On 12 May 1707, a report from Ceylon noted that divers previously collected between 40 to 80 items, but now could only gather between 4 to 10 from certain spots, not everywhere.

At 3 PM that day, a person named benpaarse thonij left for his village. The crew then sailed to Baijpaer, arriving by evening. They brought 200 live oysters from a nearby bank. When opened, the pearls inside were valued at fans 2. Additionally, 3 other exceptional pearls were valued at fans 1.78.

On Sunday, 20 February, they stayed at Baijpaer. The next day, Monday, 21 February, they set sail at sunrise with a gentle northern wind. Their goal was to revisit an oyster site found earlier that year, near the last village they visited. The site was on large shells, coral stone, and coarse sand, known by fishermen as Roetoe and Prael. However, local officials, called mandaris, couldn't locate the spot based on the description.

While searching, they discovered a new location with similar shells at depths of 6, 7, and 8 fathoms, rich with oysters. Divers collected between 15 to 25 oysters per dive. Around 3 to 4 PM, they finished their work there.

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This text describes conflicts and issues related to pearl fishing in a Dutch colonial context, likely in the 17th century. Here’s the summary in modern English:

  • The author notes that pearl fishing in the area was not very profitable and had previously mentioned the Company’s (likely the Dutch East India Company) right to claim a share of the catch.
  • Pearl divers often bragged about their catches, but there were ongoing disputes among many people involved, leading to little good coming from it.
  • A specific problem was that fishermen from the Zuijdt and Tutucorin rivers were avoiding proper procedures. Instead of opening most of their shells at sea and bringing the rest to a designated spot on land (as required by the Company’s rules), they secretly took their shells to a village called Boven Dorp Meloer at night and during bad weather.
  • Unlike these fishermen, the Thonijs (likely a group of fishermen from the north) followed the rules carefully. They buried their shells in the sand under the Company’s flag, as required, so they could leave quickly once they had received their share and the Company had claimed its rights.
  • The author describes an incident from the previous day: when the Pattangistijns (another group of fishermen) came to ask for permission to fish near Ponnekeijl due to strong southern winds, the Thonijs secretly stayed on land. The next morning, without the author’s knowledge or permission, the Thonijs announced they were going to Baijpaer that evening.
  • The author found this strange and called all the Pattangistijns together. A representative from Bembaer, named Thomee de Melo, explained that the Thonijs had agreed among themselves to ask permission to leave. They claimed the strong southern winds and lack of profit meant fishing could no longer continue.
  • The author saw through their plan and decided to punish the messenger who delivered this request with a few blows, likely as a warning or disciplinary action.
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The text discusses a Dutch law from 15 June 1885 (published in Nederlandsch Staatsblad 1043) and an international agreement about policing fisheries in the North Sea, which was further regulated by a Dutch law on 26 October 1889.

  • The law initially set fines for violations, following an earlier Dutch rule. However, the maximum fine of 150 was considered too low for serious offenses, especially those involving Dutch interests.
  • It was argued that fines should be increased—possibly up to 10,000—because some violations (like those by Australian fishermen) were severe. For example, a report from a resident of Amboina on 11 June 1890 mentioned that Australian fishermen had illegally collected 68,000 mother-of-pearl shells in a short time.
  • Since high fines alone might not stop illegal fishing, the text suggests that imprisonment should also be a possible punishment.
  • The proposed stricter penalties (as outlined in a draft ordinance) were intended to prevent offenders from avoiding payment.
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The governor of the Moluccan Islands reported that a type of shell called Cauris (or Bia Tjonka) was found in the region but not in large amounts. The available quantities were limited to about:

  • 2,000–3,000 Dutch pounds per year in Saparoea (modern Saparua), and
  • 150–160 Dutch pounds per year in Amboina (modern Ambon).

The price of these shells was set at 333 guilders and 40 cents per ton (a unit of weight), or 40 duits (small coins) per Dutch pound. However, the method of collecting these shells was unknown, though it was believed that production could increase if Lord van Rijckevorsel (a merchant in Rotterdam) provided more details on how to gather them efficiently.

The governor also mentioned that during the period of English rule in the region, large quantities of these shells had been collected on the island of Obie Major (likely part of the Obi Islands) and shipped to England. The exact collection method used by the English, however, remained unclear.

As a result of this report, the Minister of State and Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies ordered that:

  • A sample of 500 Dutch pounds of shells, cleaned and prepared in Saparoea, would be sent to Batavia (modern Jakarta).
  • The shipment would be placed under the supervision of the Resident of Batavia and handed over to the Governor-General’s authorized representatives.
  • The governor of the Moluccas was instructed to investigate further and report on ways to encourage shell fishing to obtain larger quantities at lower prices.

In a follow-up letter dated January 31, 1648, the governor confirmed that the shells were indeed available in the Moluccas, though not in large supply. He repeated that more could be gathered if the collection method were known. The prices reported by van Rijckevorsel were considered acceptable for potential trade.

Earlier, on July 21, 1647, the First Adjunct Secretary of the Dutch East India Government had issued a directive to verify whether the shells could be obtained in the Moluccas at the prices stated by van Rijckevorsel. Depending on the findings, a shipment of 125, 100, 75, or 50 ton (units of weight) of shells was to be sent to Batavia under the Resident’s supervision.

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On 13 September 1724, officials on the island of Ternate reported their failed attempts to obtain large shells. The Ternatan people explained that if anyone from their community occasionally found such a large shell, they would buy it from each other. They used these shells to decorate the handles of their traditional knives, called houwers. For one large shell, they would pay 1 salempore (a type of coin) worth about 2½ rijksdaalders. Officials searched carefully across all the territories of the Moluccan kingdoms to see if these shells could be found, but this was also unsuccessful. They had hoped to obtain the shells from the Papuan Islands after the return of a small ship (chialoup) sent by the King of Tidor, but this hope was not fulfilled.
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This text discusses a 17th- or 18th-century Dutch maritime description of coastal areas near Borneo and nearby islands, likely for navigational purposes:

  • The text mentions that many maps of the region—including the islands of Devenla, Tun badeu, Sampadelen, and other unnamed islands and rocks—are incomplete or inaccurate.
  • Particular issues are noted near the river mouths of the Mendaur, Simpang, Raaang, Sercadana, Datoe, and Oe, where measurements of latitude and width appear unreliable.
  • The author suggests that these errors may stem from a lack of direct observations and instead rely on secondhand information from local pilots (Conimata).
  • It would be useful to correct these maps, but doing so would require additional effort and cost to properly survey the islands and reefs between Borneo and the Kazimatas (likely referring to the Karimata Islands).
  • The area between Borneo and the Kazimatas is described as a safe anchorage during bad weather, with visible natural landmarks even at night.
  • The region around Simpang and Matan is noted for its natural resources:
    • Leather and edible sea products like sea cucumbers (referred to as "Schildpod Eyezen Visschen"), sold for 300 to 10,000 katges (likely an old unit of currency) or 50 Realen per kasge (another unit).
    • Abundant shellfish, including giant clams, which serve as food for locals.
    • Edible seaweed and roots, sold for 2,990.2 Realen per Pideol (unit of measurement).
  • These goods are traded in bulk at ports like Sambas, Pontianak, and Senterspourza (likely Singkawang), primarily with Chinese merchants.
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  • Intje Tabie, a resident of Malacca, left on 18 October 1726 and arrived in Roupat on 15 May with a small balau (boat) and 8 crew members. The journey from Roupat took 2 days to reach the current location. They paid:
    • ¼ coyang (measure) of rice
    • ¼ padi (unhusked rice)
  • Intje Aboe, a Malay resident, traveled to Pulo Karimon by balau with 5 crew members. The trip from Pulo Karimon took 4 days to arrive. They paid:
    • 10 bundles of seaweed
  • Chianko, a Chinese resident, arrived from Pulo Karimon in 5 days using a proa (small boat) with 3 crew members. They paid:
    • 3 bundles of seaweed
  • Intje Radie, a Malay resident, arrived from Bencalis in 4 days with a small balau and 5 crew members. They paid:
    • 400 pieces of dried fish
  • Tsimtsongko, a Chinese resident, traveled to Batavia by pangkonting (boat type) with 14 crew members. They departed on 9 April of the same year.
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On 17 December 1735, a report was sent from Ceylon regarding two ships, the Schoonen and the Haasten Albert, addressed to Director Ioan Segterman, who oversaw the Dutch East India Company's important trade in the region, along with the local council, Tot Erntfeste.

  • The ships, which had left Batavia, arrived safely at the Pannacalse Rheede (a harbor in Ceylon) on 10 July of that year.
  • They carried 400 last (a unit of weight, roughly 2 metric tons each) of Javanese rice, 200,000 pounds of sapanwood (a type of dyewood), copper bars, and other goods meant for the local government.
  • After unloading some cargo as instructed by the Dutch East India Company's leadership in the East Indies, the ships were to be reloaded with:
    • Chiankosen (likely a type of local fabric or good)
    • Arrack (a distilled alcoholic drink)
    • As many hawsers (thick ropes for ships) and cables as were available in storage.
  • The destination for this new cargo was Hooghly, Bengal.
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In a request received by the Noble Council, the writers stated they had already fulfilled everything within their power regarding the previously mentioned goods. They promised that any remaining items would be sent with the next available ship.

The writers specifically asked for their urgent need for Eijsch (a type of rope made from fig material) to be met as soon as possible according to the included list. Additionally, they requested that at the first suitable opportunity, another shipment of chianko (a type of fabric) or clean delasta (likely another fabric type) be sent, as the current stock remained unsold.

They were confident that these fabrics would soon sell in Hoorn at the last quoted price—or even higher—based on the copies of letters they had the honor of sending to Her High Nobility in Batavia.

The document also listed specific quantities of goods:

  • 10 berboeld
  • 8 bad-db
  • 1 eleeroee
  • 1 lepoelars dpl 6
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In a historical record from 14 June 1751, it was noted that a batch of Chianko„sen (likely a type of goods) was sold. The total number of items was 19,187, and they were auctioned off publicly in Tutucorijn.

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On 31 December 1735, near Ceylon (modern-day Sri Lanka), divers made several dives to collect oysters and other marine life:

They continued diving from 6¼ to 6½ fathoms on salty ground, finding only 2 dead oysters after 12 hours. Since no more oysters were found, they moved northward, judging they had reached the end of the oyster bed. They kept measuring depths of 6½ fathoms of coarse sand but found nothing else.

After 15 hours, they encountered 6¾ fathoms of loose, salty ground and dived again, finding the same material. They then prepared to fish for tuna but decided to return to shore as time ran out. With a strong northeast wind, they sailed and arrived at Aripo between 3:00 AM and 5:00 AM, having collected a total of 719 large oysters.

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The text describes military and political tensions in Sri Lanka (then part of Ceylon) during the early 1600s, involving the Dutch East India Company (VOC), the King of Kandy, and the Portuguese. Here’s a summary:

  • The King of Kandy was preparing for possible conflict, fearing that English ships might arrive and transport valuable goods like cinnamon, elephants, and other resources. He seemed to expect strong support from the Portuguese and kept most of his troops ready.
  • Many of the king’s soldiers, including those from regions like Uva, Four Korles, and Matara, were restless. Some had even turned to raiding, though they had caused little damage so far. To intimidate the king, the VOC recently sent a small force of around 200 soldiers and some local carriers under the command of merchant Edward Haw to areas like Akuressa, Dondra, Baralapanatota, and Katuwana.
  • Scouts from this force had already captured some of the king’s men outside VOC territory near Korle and brought them to Akuressa. The VOC planned to advance further with this combined force and would report the results later.
  • The VOC hoped the King of Kandy would avoid further conflict, especially if the promised Portuguese reinforcements or English ships did not arrive. However, the king’s forces, including deserting soldiers and raiders, could still cause trouble for the VOC’s local allies and damage VOC interests, just as the VOC could harm the king’s territories in the highlands.
  • Any further action would be difficult due to harsh terrain and unhealthy areas, potentially costing more lives. Still, the VOC had already gained some local support, which could help stabilize the troubled regions if the king’s forces were defeated. The text also hints at tensions between the king’s Muslim (lascarins) and Christian (laucarijns) soldiers.
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This report describes the punishment of the ship's captain Arent Danielse Lem and his crew after a shipwreck near Mar Cassias Thuijn and Zeijd den Bergh.

  • The captain delayed sending out an anchor, causing the ship (jaght) to run aground and break apart. He and the helmsman were found guilty of losing the old ship, named Holl, and its remaining cargo, valued at ƒ 5,873:1.
  • As punishment, the captain and quartermaster were publicly whipped at the kaeq (quayside) in Schandael and sentenced to 6 years of hard labor.
  • Innocent passengers saved their livestock by bringing them ashore on the island and distributing them among the ships. The financial loss from the wreck exceeded 2,000 ammonoms of areca nuts (a type of nut used as currency), which were sold to citizens of Gale to recover some costs.
  • The loss of the ship caused the price of areca nuts on the Coromandel Coast to rise sharply to 12 reals per ammonom.
  • The report suggests that unless more areca nuts are brought from Malabar or Ceylon, the high prices will continue, as local supplies (controlled by the Moors) remain limited.
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