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A contract was signed in Manado on July 14, 1859. The agreement stipulated that the Raja and regional leaders of Manganitu could not rent land to Europeans, people with similar status to Europeans, or foreign Asians without first consulting and agreeing with the Resident of Manado. Any rental arrangements had to comply with Dutch East Indies Government regulations.

This agreement was linked to earlier royal decrees, including one from October 10, 1857 (number 64) and another from July 3, 1856. Any changes to these regulations would be immediately communicated to the Raja and leaders of Manganitu. The document was signed by several officials, including Mogis Aly, Nederburgh, Joseph de Mapetein, Tamaringie Laoet, and the Raja of Manganitu.

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Since this appears to be a corrupted or partially illegible historical Dutch-Malay text, I can only reliably extract and summarize the clearly legible portions: In Manado, a resident discussed agreements with the Dutch East Indies Government. On July 3, 1856, under regulation number 93, changes were made affecting the Pagulandang kingdom. The Raja and ministers of Pagulandang were informed of these changes according to Article 64 of the Dutch East Indies regulations of 1856. The agreement was provided with a printed Malay translation. Note: Due to the mixed and partially illegible nature of the source text, this summary contains only the clearly identifiable historical facts.
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On July 12, 1660, a legal document was drafted in Amsterdam concerning the transfer of a grave. In this document, Trijntje Gijsberts Kuijper received full ownership and possession rights of a grave previously belonging to Jan Lambertsz Kuijper. The church officials were authorized to change the name in the grave registry book.

The document was witnessed by Jacobus Marcus and Isaac Junius, residents of the city. It was recorded by notary Frans Wtenbogaert, who was admitted by the Court of Holland.

Later, Mardachaij Pinto, a 52-year-old resident of Amsterdam, made a sworn statement at the request of merchants Dirck Willinck and Jacob Abrahamsz Bierens regarding Daniel Abondan (also known as Mendes), a Portuguese merchant.

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On August 8, 1707, in Macassar, discussion took place about succession rights. If Arung Palakka, who was seen as the presumptive heir to the Boni crown, were to request inheritance of the land, it would be difficult to refuse without causing great displeasure. Questions remained about whether the deed should be as extensive as that of the old Raja Palakka and whether the fief should be hereditary or only for the lifetime of the vassal.

After the death of Raja Soping, Raja Boni was chosen as king of that realm by the Soping electors. On July 8, the nobles of the realm informed the authorities of this. On July 16, he personally notified them of this election in the Company's small garden, accompanied by the governor and council members, stating his intention to accept the Soping crown. Despite attempts to dissuade him, he appeared determined to take full control of that kingdom.

His plans were temporarily delayed by the death of the old Queen Widow and matters relating to her inheritance. Raja Joa claimed half of the estate due to his ancestry, while several Macassar princes and royal children came forward with debt claims against the deceased. Some of these debts have already been paid. Regarding Raja Joa's claim, it was reportedly answered that his deceased mother had received nothing of her own.

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In Macassar at Castle Rotterdam on May 30, 1727, a meeting discussed relations between the Dutch East India Company and their allies in Boni. The Boniers were preventing other allies from freely dealing with the Company. The situation at the Boni court was uncertain. The Queen of Boni requested to send 2-3 people to Tsjurana Bani, but this raised concerns about: On February 15, 1727, the council decided to delay sending any Company delegation. The Queen of Boni had made concerning statements about her sole authority to give away parts of the kingdom. On February 17, 1727, it was reported that the King and Queen of Boni had left for Soreang or Padang, about 25 miles north of the castle, without saying goodbye. They were accompanied by: There were rumors about conflicts involving the King of Soping, Arou Kajoe, and Arou Kadjoora. A deposed Boni king, Arou Mampoe (now called Crain Bissei), reported that Arou Kajoe had threatened to destroy Lapatauw's family line. The council decided to continue their policy of non-intervention in these Boni domestic matters.
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On October 18, 1744, a meeting took place in Macassar regarding territorial disputes. The prince of Tanette was summoned to Oedjong Pandang to account for matters concerning the crown of Boni. After a friendly departure, the commissioners brought with them the alleged thieves of Bonian goods. When questioned about the seized paddy fields and people in the district of Sageri, the prince of Tanette openly admitted he had done this in retaliation because:

The prince was willing to hand over the people but requested to be excused from returning the paddy fields to the Boni court. The commissioners hoped to resolve this matter completely once the prince and other accused persons returned to the castle, especially since the Bonians had already appeared shortly after the commissioners' return to inquire about the proceedings. The matter was explained to them in friendly terms, with the hope that their handling of the situation would be approved, as it was necessary to keep weapons out of the field and to buy time until Arou Tanette's arrival.

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The document from Macassar dated May 30, 1727 discusses political tensions between the Dutch East India Company and Boni. The Queen of Boni claimed that the authority of the Arou Betoes (electoral lords) had no power, and that she alone had the right to decide who would receive part of the kingdom of Macassar.

There were concerns that the Queen intended to make Carain Limpangan, the second son of the King of Goa, the King of Boni through inheritance from her husband Aroe Kaijoe. This was considered problematic given Boni's laws and their historical suffering under Goa's control.

The document was signed at Castle Rotterdam in Macassar by I. Frederik Gobius, Joan Steenhoff, P. van der Snippe, I. Roman, E. Nuijts, and J. Hendrik Nipoort. They decided to delay sending any Dutch East India Company delegation.

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On December 16, 1643, Codde and Dortinemt purchased water containers from Nncelai for the ship Hollandia and the garrison in Chile. Hamel and Bullestrate were present. They discussed the Company's debts at the treasury. They also recruited civilians as soldiers and sailors for the Hollandia's journey to Chile. They bought supplies from Mardocha Abandana for Johan Delfs for the Hollandia and the garrison in Chile at 24 schillings per container, to be paid with freight charges and acknowledgments. On December 17, 1643, Bullestrate dealt with Company debtors for payments. The accounts of Adriaen Michters, the artillery commissioner, were reviewed at the accounting chamber. Orders were given to buy Brazilian wood that had been lying in the forest for some time at 150 per hundred.

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On August 27, 1657, Philippe Jorge (also known as Josua Abbas the elder), aged about 68 and living in Amsterdam, gave testimony about events from 1648. He stated that Abraham Abendana, who now lives in Jerusalem, had asked him to manage a sum of 5,341 guilders and 7 stuivers that was being held by Joan de Pris and Andre d'Azevedo.

Since Philippe Jorge did not have a bank account, he arranged for the money to be transferred to the account of his daughter Violante Abbas. Violante later returned this money to her father, who then paid it to Abraham Abendana partly in cash and partly through bank transfers. The final payment of 239 ducats and 4 shillings was sent by bill of exchange to Venice for Abendana or his order.

Philippe Jorge confirmed that Abraham Abendana never dealt directly with Violante Abbas regarding this money, but only corresponded and conducted business with him.

This statement was witnessed by Jacobus Sael and Elvert Lacher before notary Adriaen Lock.

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On March 11, 1629, Abraham Rafael Abendano, a Portuguese merchant in Amsterdam, appeared before notary Nicolaes Jacobs. Through translation from Portuguese to Dutch, he appointed Duarte Fernaudes, another Portuguese merchant, and his wife Madalena Fraandes to:

The document was witnessed by Jors Jacobs and Gerrit Herck.

On March 11, 1630, Mattheus Ingeenraemen, a 59-year-old sworn broker, testified about insurance for the ship "Engel Gabriel" captained by Ocke Wybrantsz. On May 29, Jacques Wellens had ordered insurance for the ship and its cargo from Coperwyck in Norway to St. Malo. The ship was declared free from Dunkirk privateers, which affected the insurance premium.

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On October 19, 1657, notary Adriaen Lock, at the request of Isaack Febos, met with attorney Arnout Vingbons regarding a legal dispute in Amsterdam. The case involved Isaack Febos and Rachel Cardoza, the widow of Moijles Cardose.

The dispute concerned the implementation of a previous judgment made on July 27 by arbitrators Mordochaij Abendana and David de Vercade. Febos claimed the arbitrators had overstepped their authority by ruling on matters not included in the original agreement, despite his protests.

As a result, Febos revoked the legal authority he had previously given to attorney Vingbons. He also declared he would seek compensation for damages already incurred.

The document was witnessed by Jacobus Snel and Govert Lacher, with attorney Meerhout also being notified of the declaration.

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A legal document about inheritance was signed in Amsterdam and Nieuweramstel on July 16, 1843. The document concerns the estate of Lammert Damstra, who had been married twice. His first wife was Gerritje de Greef, who died without a will in January 1842. From this marriage, there were two children:

His second wife was Geertruy van Doorn, a butcher living near the Rustenburger path in Nieuweramstel. From this marriage there was one child:

Roelof van den Laak, a milk seller from the Haarlemmerdijk in Amsterdam, was appointed as guardian for the children from the first marriage. Dirk van Doorn, a confectioner living in the Egelantierstraat in Amsterdam, was appointed as supervising guardian for the minor child from the second marriage.

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Several deaths were recorded in Amsterdam in early February 1896:

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On November 16, 1825, at 10 AM, two marriage ceremonies took place:

First marriage:
Jakobus Steelink, a boat operator born and living in Amsterdam, age 22 (baptized in Noorderkerk on July 17, 1803), son of deceased Willem Hendrik Steelink and Jantje Zeegers, married Johanna Cathrina de Maré, age 21 (baptized in Noorderkerk on October 3, 1804), daughter of Abram George de Maré (grain merchant) and Jaspergla de Vries.

Second marriage:
Joannes Fijmans, a gardener's assistant from Arnhem, age 29, son of deceased Josephus Fijmans and Katrina Glaas (living in Beverwijk), married Gerritje de Greeff, a servant from Nijkerk, age 29, daughter of Gerrit de Greeff (laborer in Nijkerk) and deceased Maria Hamere.

Witnesses for the second marriage included:

Both couples affirmed their marriage vows, though the second couple declared they could not write.

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On January 12, 1657, Adriaen Lock, a notary, visited the house of Manuel Enarte Brandon in Amsterdam at the request of Manuel da Cunha. Since Brandon was not at home, Lock delivered his message to Brandon's wife.

The message concerned a property dispute. Da Cunha had signed an agreement to pay rent until the following May for a house where Isaack Ergas had lived. However, Brandon had forcibly entered the house the previous Friday, using a blacksmith to open it, and then locked it from the inside. This prevented Da Cunha from accessing his belongings still inside. Since Da Cunha had already found new tenants for the property (as Brandon had refused to take it), but these tenants could not move in due to the locked door, Da Cunha declared he would:

Brandon's wife was informed she should tell her husband when he returned home. The message was witnessed by Jan Hebdon and Arnoud Raard.

In a separate matter on January 12, 1654, Cornelis van Gelder and his wife Jacomijntge Bosch, residents of Amsterdam, appeared before notary Adriaen Lock to make their will. Both were healthy in body and mind. They named their unborn child (as Jacomijntge was pregnant) and any future children as their heirs in equal portions. If any child died before them, that child's legal descendants would inherit their share. The surviving spouse would retain full control of all property and business dealings.

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On March 27, 1653, in Amsterdam, three witnesses gave testimony about domestic violence. The first witness, Anna Jans, aged 34, was a maid in the house of Sr. Manuel da Cunha. She testified about his son Sebastiaen da Cunha's treatment of his wife (Hester Ergas).

According to Anna, who had worked there for 5 years, Sebastiaen regularly:

Anna also testified that about 6 months ago, when Sebastiaen was very ill, he confessed to visiting prostitutes in the city when he had claimed to be going to Haarlem.

The second witness, Bloemetge Josephs, aged 18, who had been a maid in their house for 4 months, confirmed the abuse and added that Sebastiaen had:

The third witness, Elsgen Jans, aged 26, who lived three or four houses away, testified that on the previous evening between 10 and 11 o'clock, she heard screaming and commotion due to Sebastiaen beating his wife.

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In Amsterdam on April 25, 1667, notary Adriaen Lock delivered a legal document involving several parties: The document states that Belmonte had obtained a court order from the Court of Holland to seize the persons and goods of the Ergas family. The court official Moijses Hoochvorst had already seized assets held by Abraham Telles. Since the Ergas family was planning to travel to Italy to collect some debts, they filed an appeal to the High Council of Holland against the seizure order. They requested Belmonte to provide the notary with details of his claims against them, so they could examine these and possibly settle the matter. The Ergas family protested against any further arrests or seizures and claimed compensation for damages. The document was witnessed by: Belmonte requested a copy of the document after it was read to him.
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On January 11, 1691, Anna Elisabeth Dicx, an unmarried 26-year-old woman living in Amsterdam, gave testimony about events involving Samuel Gomes Cotincho (also known as de jonge la Cour) and Debora Henriques Cotincho. She testified that for about two months, Moses Henriques Cotincho, who lived with his sisters Rachel Henriques Cotincho (wife of Samuel) and Debora, had been causing trouble in their house.

According to her testimony:

On January 22, Dirck van der Groe, a notary, along with witnesses, opened the sealed will of Maria van Gistelen at her house of death. This was done at the request of Joan van Riet, who was married to Madalena van Gistelen, and Abraham Cromhuijsen, who was married to Susanna van Gistelen.

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On March 1, 1743, several people appeared before Daniel van den Brink, a public notary in Amsterdam. They were David Haim Hesquia Levi Madura, Salomon Levi Madura, and Debora Levi Maduro, along with Ribca Maderi (married to Samuel Texera Sartas from Barbados) and Ester Rebena (married to Angel Vidal from Curaçao).

These people were the legal heirs of the late Abraham de Ribera. They explained that Abraham de Ribera had married Ribca Barah in late 1724 or early 1725 according to Jewish religious law, but the couple had failed to complete the civil marriage requirements.

The heirs believed this oversight should not harm the rights of the three minor children born from this marriage: Rachel, Isaac, and Salomon Ribera. They declared these children should be considered the legitimate heirs of their father Abraham de Ribera.

The appearing parties transferred all their inheritance rights to these three children, so they could be treated as the sole and complete heirs to their father's estate. They promised to uphold this decision at all times and gave up their legal rights to challenge it.

This document was witnessed by Jan Blauw, Duijsl Simons, and Jan David Haim Levi Madum van Acken.

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In a letter from Macassar dated June 5, 1744, a military account describes how it is better to confront enemies far from one's own territory. The writer explains that if the enemies had disputed their path earlier, they would never have entered their land. The campaign started in early February with only one-third of the required workforce. They engaged with the enemy, who approached them bravely. The Dutch forces defeated them and captured their fortifications. During this time, a concerning incident occurred involving Chinese residents, causing unrest among all parties. The army camped at a location they named Amsterdam for several days. The writer praises the common soldiers' loyalty and dedication. When supplies were distributed for 14 days, hoping their vessels would arrive, the strong currents of the Tjinrana river prevented the boats from advancing - even the smallest vessels could only travel 8 miles in 20 days. The army faced severe food shortages: The troops endured these hardships without complaint, which the writer notes as possibly unprecedented. Relief finally arrived the day before the letter was written.
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In Macassar on June 5, 1744, a report describes how after a man lost all his possessions in a fire, the Wadjorese people went to his creditor the next day and stood surety for him to protect his credit. The creditor didn't lose any money, as he personally confirmed multiple times. The text then describes a military expedition that began on December 3, 1740. After leaving the Castle and collecting supplies at Bonthair, they arrived at Tjinrana, the royal residence of Boni, on Christmas afternoon. Radja Palacka, having received much goodwill from the East India Company, had become overconfident. He wanted to be without equals or superiors, particularly the East India Company. The text notes that the people of Boni considered themselves equal to, not subordinate to, the Company, as shown by how they always said "Boni and the Company" rather than "the Company and Boni." The fort at Tjinrana is described as: Despite having 10 times more men than the Wadjorese, the defenders surrendered without resistance when attacked by the Wadjorese forces.
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A letter from Macassar dated June 5, 1744 describes the Wadjo people. While they shared some vices with the Boniers, they were brave in warfare and kept their promises. Unlike the Boniers, they weren't cruel to the defeated or secret murderers.

The Wadjo had a unique government system. Instead of rulers who only cared about their own interests, they had 40 regents (called Arou) who worked for the common good. These regents were chosen from the best citizens.

According to their history, the Wadjo descended from 7 wealthy families who fled from Loewoe due to a harsh king who wanted to treat them like slaves. They settled in a swampy area, initially surviving through farming.

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In Amsterdam, a woman from the Portuguese Jewish community made her last will and testament. She mentioned her sister Sara Abrabanel, who was to receive two wardrobes, two capes, a ring, diamond jewelry, copper and pewter items, linens, and other household goods upon her simple word, without any hassle. The testator wanted to: The document was signed in the testator's home in Amsterdam in the presence of witnesses Frederik Hheis and Thomas van Litt. The final signatures included Abarbanel, Wade David de Samuel Pinto, Frederik, and Thomas.
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In Amsterdam on July 6, 1743 at 8:30 AM, Ester Abarbanel, widow of David de Lemnel Pinto, made her last will and testament. Her requests included: The will mentions her original marriage dowry of 6,000 florins, which her late husband's will had left to her disposal, and which was now in the care of the Portuguese Jewish community leaders.
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On May 18, 1741, a report from Macasser discussed negotiations between several parties. The young King and Arou Tanette were informed about a ceasefire. The Soele Datou of Soping and Soelewatang of Tanette reported that their subjects did not agree to attack the Wadjorese city of Tosora with the Boniers as planned on the 7th. However, they were willing to follow the admiral's orders on their side of the river.

On Saturday the 11th, following a promise made by Daing Mangelaij to Arou Matoud and other leaders, the admiral sent first interpreter Jan Hendrik Vol to Tosora with these written instructions:

The agreement with the Company would remain as settled at Camp Victoria. After signing and swearing the treaty, a Wadjorese leader could be sent to Macassar at Castle Rotterdam to resolve minor disputes, answering only to the Company. The Wadjo leaders promised to respond to these proposals within two days but requested the Bonij army to leave Wadjorese territory to avoid bloodshed.

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