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On 9 October 1652, a will was made before the previously mentioned Wtenbogaert and certain witnesses. The woman making the will wanted to expand and change the mentioned will. She expressly requested that Artus, Emerentia, and Elsge Kemp, her son and daughter, together (if they found this acceptable, but otherwise with the help of 2 sworn appraisers) would be allowed to take over her furniture and household goods. This included paintings, unminted gold, silver and gilded objects, and everything else that could be counted as household goods or belongings used to decorate the house. It also included her clothes made of linen, wool, silk and other fabrics, as well as rings, jewels and precious objects belonging to her person and use. Nothing was excluded from this. However, they would have to pay her son Claes Kemp, their brother, the proper fourth part of the value at which the mentioned furniture, clothes and jewels would be appraised. But if at the time of her death her son Claes Kemp was married or had become of age, then he would also have his lawful portion and share in her furniture, clothes and jewels. In that case, the mentioned option for Artus, Emerentia and Elsje Kemp to take over the furniture, clothes and jewels would cease, as if she had never thought of it or included it in this document. Furthermore, she appointed as guardians over her minor heirs and as administrators of their goods, as well as executors of this her last will, her son Artus Kemp mentioned above, as well as her brother-in-law Sir Jan Kemp and her nephew lord Nicolaes Rochusz vande Kappelle, council member and former alderman there. She charged her son and kindly requested her brother-in-law and nephew to please accept this task. She gave them such power and authority as guardians, executors and administrators appointed by last will have according to law.

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Joannes Padbrugge had named his children and his wife as heirs in his will. His wife was to receive a full child's share, and she was also required to accept all her jewelry and valuables at an appraised value. Since the valuation needed official authorization, a request was made to appoint 2 or more neutral persons to inspect and value the jewelry and valuables in the presence of the parties involved. Jacobus vanden Ende signed the document.

On 3 February 1694, the aldermen examined the request from Gilles verhoeve and appointed viland and the broker Jan de Claes to inspect and value the jewelry and valuables. The document was signed by B. Boreel. The goods and jewelry were valued together at a total sum of 10,509 guilders and 3 stuivers. The valuation was delivered in Amsterdam on 6 February 1694 and was signed by Jan de haes, broker.

On 8 March 1694, at approximately 3 o'clock in the afternoon, the honorable Maria ples, last widow of Pieter marck, a merchant living in the Baker street by the Amstel in this city, appeared before notary Cornelis van leeuwaerden. She was healthy in body, of sound mind, memory and speech. She decided to make a new will regarding her worldly goods, after first commending her soul and body to God's care. She revoked all previous wills and codicils.

She declared the following:

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The summary mentions a carried forward amount of 197 guilders 12 stuivers. Three items at the estate house had been accidentally broken, which the person was forced to keep at the previously assessed value of 10 guilders, bringing the total to 207 guilders 12 stuivers. Next, they proceeded to divide and consequently draw blind lots for the unminted silver and jewels. From this lottery, the following items fell to Gerrard Fortuyn:
  • 6 silver spoons
  • 3 forks
  • 1 mustard spoon
  • 1 gold knife
  • 1 gold earring
  • 1 gold hook and eye
  • 1 piece of gold
  • 1 piece of silver
  • 1 gold hoop and ring
  • 1 jewelry box made of silver
  • 1 under-belt
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Jacob Ertzinger and Leonard Ertzinger were registered as male Europeans or their descendants over 16 years old. Jacob Ertzinger was a burger (citizen) from Soerabaya. He died on 25 February 1825. Leonard Ertzinger was also listed as a burger.
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  • The trading post in Siam (also called Coosagie) was managed on the west coast of Malabar by merchant Pieter Paets in Inswingurla and Visiapour from January 1639 to January 1640.
  • In Macassar, senior merchant Hendrick Kerckring worked from 13 February to 13 September 1640, a period of 7 months. According to his 3 account books from August 1639 to June 1640, there were expenses and profits.
  • In Solor and Timor, specifically in Bateme Jan and Camenaste, profits of 10,140 guilders, 7 stuivers, and 2 penningen were made on various goods against 90 without deduction.
  • Merchant Adam vande Mandere kept books from 16 December 1638 to December 1639. Costs included interest payments and other expenses, as well as losses on traded goods.
  • To Moera, assistants Cornelis van Graft and Hendrick van Zeller made profits from selling porcelain, cloves, nutmeg, mace, and sugar for cash. Additional profits were estimated by calculation.
  • In Sipian, according to calculations based on prices agreed with the Chinese, 11 tons were expected to profit, minus 7 tons for interest, gifts, and expenses.
  • Senior merchant Jeremias van Vliedt worked from January 1639 onwards and made clear profits in Tico and Indiapolira combined. It was expected that at least 25,000 guilders in clean profit would be made on remaining traded cloths and beaver pelts.
  • In Pasia, an estimate was made as of January 1640.
  • For the trading post in Atchin, the advance up to that date was estimated at 250,000 guilders.
  • In the year 1640, goods captured from the enemy (the Portuguese) were recorded in 3 separate entries totaling 7,907 guilders and 12 stuivers.
  • Additional goods captured by the yacht Crijpskercken from a Portuguese ship on the Coromandel coast had not yet been recorded but were valued at 14,666 guilders and 18 stuivers according to an assessment.
  • The total general expenses and profits made in India in 1640 amounted to various sums from different locations including Arracan and Sumatra, with total profits of 3,012,153 guilders, 1 stuiver, and 12 penningen.
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  • The ship with cargo worth f 1,301,028:18:3 was decided to be assigned as a return ship for the chamber of Zeeland. The ship would temporarily keep its share of goods from Coromandel and transfer the rest to other ships at the harbor, but first unload what was needed for the southern regions.
  • 14 November 1637: Artus Gysels, ordinary council member of the Indies and former governor of Amboina, who was currently serving in Batavia, had requested to return to the homeland after his contract expired. His request was granted. He was allowed to travel on the ship Wesel with his family as commander of the return fleet leaving India that year. The document was signed at the castle in Batavia by Antonio van Diemen, Philips Lucasz, Artus Gysels, and Antonio Caan.
  • 14 November 1637: Artus Gysels presented all documents related to the criminal case brought by bailiff Nicolaes van Cleef against Tomas de Crasto, a free citizen from St. Thome living in Batavia. De Crasto was accused of murdering and strangling his wife Lucia Corca. After reviewing the case and the sentence, the council approved the judges' verdict. De Crasto was to be tied to a stake and strangled to death. Gysels was authorized to carry out the execution on the following Monday.
  • Since the return ships to the homeland were scheduled to depart around 1 December according to instructions from the directors, Governor-General Van Diemen took responsibility for writing the general letter to the Seventeen Lords. The letter would respond to their previous correspondence and report on events in the Indies since the last return fleet under Putmans had departed. Director-General Philips Lucasz would answer letters from the six chambers: Amsterdam, Middelburg, Delft, Rotterdam, Hoorn, and Enkhuizen, and prepare the general request for India for the year 1639.
  • Antonio Caan, council member of India, was commissioned to work with equipment master Cornelis Schouten and merchant Jan de Myst to discharge those whose contracts had expired and who wanted to return to the homeland.
  • Fiscal Abraham Welsing, president Johan Maetsuycker, and chief merchant Pieter van Meerlant were commissioned to examine and assess the abilities of various junior merchants and assistants who had recently arrived with the latest fleet, and report back so the Company could eliminate unnecessary wage earners by sending them back with the return ships.
  • The Macassar merchant captain Malim, who had arrived on 2 October with a vessel and various goods from Macassar, was now ready to return. He was given a letter to his king and presented with 20 pieces of Japanese iron (half the amount of his paid toll) as he was the first merchant with the title of ambassador to appear after the peace between Macassar and the Dutch.
  • The pepper received on 11 and 12 November from the fluyt ship Schagen and the citizens' yacht Maria from Sumatra's
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A letter dated the last day of August 1699 was received in Batavia on 9 September 1699. It was a translated Malay letter from Radja Goa to the Governor General Willem van Outhoorn and the Council of India. Radja Goa praised God and honored the Company for its wisdom and justice throughout India. When he received the friendly letter and various gifts from the Governor General, he had them brought in with great ceremony according to local custom. The letter was read aloud in his presence and that of all his noblemen and knights in his royal palace in Goa. He and his court were very pleased because the Company's goodwill toward them continued to increase, allowing his weak people to live peacefully in their homes and land again through the Company's help and support. Radja Goa stated that he and his noblemen were extremely happy that the Governor General had favorably considered their request, which had been presented by Karij Mengiwaij, regarding the taxes and income of their trading town. He had also informed Governor Isaacq van Thije about this matter. He expressed gratitude that the Company prevented the people of Bonij from attacking them. Regarding complaints made by people from Bonij and Soping to the Governor General in Batavia, which accused Radja Goa and his subjects of hiding many of their people, he declared he had no knowledge of this. He stated that all people coming to his land must have permission from the governor in Macassar. He and his council only knew about those who came from Bonij and Soping to be instructed in religion and learning. Concerning people who supposedly robbed and destroyed the land of Bontain, he and the governor had heard nothing about this or where such people might be staying. If he found any of them, he would hand them over to the governor. Radja Goa repeated his request to the Governor General, which he had made 2 or 3 times before. He clarified this was not for 2 or 3 persons who wanted to ruin him, but for one person only. If there were an evildoer in his land, he would not want to be involved with such a person's deeds. He noted that former Governor General Joan Maatsuijcker had previously been more permissive toward him and his country's customs. He renewed his request for Sjijch Joseph, who was old and weak and would soon die, asking that he be allowed to use Macassar as his burial place so his bones could be gathered together. The letter was signed by Paducca Sirij Sulthan Tachan Addijn Abdul Dsjalijl, Radja Goa. An original letter from Governor Isaac van Thije and his council to the Governor General was dated 28 October 1699. A postscript to the letter dated the last day of August 1699 was written on 7 September. Various documents were listed, including political council resolutions from 1 July 1698 to 28 July 1699, a daily register from 1 December 1693 to the last day of August 1699, and an outgoing letterbook from the last day of April to 18 October of that year. These papers were delivered by the Company's sloop with Ian van de Vijver as captain to Governor General Willem van Outhoorn and the Council of Netherlands India in Batavia. As a sign of true friendship and good relations with the Company, Radja Goa sent 4 slaves (including one girl) to the Governor General and a young boy to Dirck de Ha
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The text describes events related to the conflict with Bantam and developments at Batavia around 1633-1634. When the Dutch sent out foot soldiers and cavalry to find their wounded and bring back the dead, 2 more of their men were seriously wounded. They recovered 2 dead bodies and found the head of a Javanese man still lying unburied on the field. The Dutch believed the troubles would harm Bantam more than themselves. Although they received useful supplies from Bantam during peacetime (fish, chickens, goats, leeks, onions and other small goods), the people of Bantam took Dutch money and enjoyed free trade in their city. The Dutch planned to block this with 3 or 4 ships, preventing large vessels from entering or leaving. The Dutch believed Batavia would improve and grow rather than decline because of this conflict. Their people would focus more on fishing and growing crops within Batavia's boundaries and would try to come live there. The Dutch were working to make the land suitable by digging ditches and canals to raise the low, marshy and unsuitable areas that covered nearly half the city's west side. The people of Palembang became angry and disgusted about the seizure of a Palembang vessel on 11 July by the ship Negapatam near the west corner of Bantam. They threatened the Pangeran to take revenge and recover their losses and insults from the people of Bantam, blaming them for pointing out the Palembang vessel and encouraging its capture. English arrivals at Bantam since the last report:
  • On 3 September: the English ship Exchange from Ticou and Priaman, carrying approximately 800 bags of pepper bought for cash. This ship had arrived before the Dutch ship de Beets, which could not reach Priaman until 19 June due to stormy weather and westerly winds
  • On 15 September: the ship de Peerl from Jambi with about 1,000 picol of pepper
  • On 29 September: the ship de Confoort from England, departed on 7 April
  • On 11 October: the ship de Duit from Makassar with 255 bags of clove buds, purchased at Makassar for 250 to 300 Reals of eight per bag
With these cargoes, the ship Exchange obtained a full load and departed for England on 1 October. To outfit the ship for England, the English Company commissioners lacked a heavy rope of 16 to 17 inches thick. They requested to borrow one from the Dutch Company's supplies. On 26 October, their commissioners came with the ship de Peerl urgently requesting this cable. However, checking the rope register showed the Dutch were so poorly supplied with heavy ropes that they could not help the English without causing problems for themselves. They had various large ships on the coast of China, in Siam and Quate that had made long, difficult voyages and worn out or lost many ropes and would need new supplies. They could only give their valuable return ships 5 ropes instead of 6. The Dutch politely refused the English request. The English, not satisfied with this excuse, boldly asked to inspect the Dutch warehouse so they could see the shortage of ropes themselves and report the truth to their masters and principals. The ship den Dolfijn, which had sailed from Surat on 1 May and arrived safely at Bantam on 23 June
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On May 27, 1810, a civil servant in Amsterdam recorded two marriages in the town hall.

In the first marriage (document number 886), Rrigter (also spelled Ruijter or Buugtte), an administrator for the Deli Company, married Gedrnette Elisabeth Recourt. Rrigter was 36 years old, born and living in Amsterdam. He was the adult son of Jan Willem Ruijter and Dorothea Brinkman, who also lived in Amsterdam. His bride was 21 years old, born and living in Amsterdam, and was still a minor. She was the daughter of Hendrik Christianus Recourt, a servant, and Elijabet van den Heuvel, who lived in Amsterdam. The bride's parents, who were present, gave their consent to the marriage. The two marriage announcements had been made without objection in Amsterdam on April 24, 1810 and May 1, 1810. Birth certificates of both the bride and groom were presented. Both parties answered "yes" when asked if they accepted each other as husband and wife and would fulfill all duties required by law. The official then declared them married by law. The witnesses present were:

In the second marriage (document number 882), Saas Robert, a quartermaster, married Johanna Geertruyda Hallie. Saas Robert was 34 years old, born in Sint-Thomas in America, and living in Amsterdam. He was the adult son of Matthew Robert, who was deceased, and Rebecca Weston, whose existence or whereabouts were unknown. His bride was 29 years old, born and living in Amsterdam, a washerwoman, and a divorced woman. She was the adult daughter of Andrie Stallie, who was deceased, and Johanna Geertruyda Eichard, a washerwoman living in Amsterdam. The bride's mother, who was present, gave her consent to the marriage. The two marriage announcements had been made without objection in Amsterdam on January 2, 1810 and January 9, 1810. The following documents were presented: a certificate of acknowledgment of the groom's birth, the death certificate of the bride's father, a certificate of divorce from the bride's previous marriage, and the bride's birth certificate. Both parties answered "yes" when asked if they accepted each other as husband and wife and would fulfill all duties required by law. The official then declared them married by law. The witnesses present were:

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  • 1 May 1887: A civil servant in Amsterdam recorded the marriage of Margaretha Catharina Elisabeth Kops, a seamstress living in Amsterdam, and Petrus Jan Cornelis Dufrenne, a barber also living in Amsterdam. Margaretha had been married before to Petrus. She presented a court ruling from the district court in Amsterdam dated 18 November of the previous year. The court had granted a divorce between Margaretha Catharina Elisabeth Kops and Petrus Jan Cornelis Dufrenne because Petrus had committed adultery. Petrus did not appear in court to defend himself. The court judgment was officially delivered to him on 3 January following the court date. Margaretha also provided a certificate from the court clerk proving that no appeal had been filed against the divorce ruling. The marriage banns had been published without objection in Amsterdam. The couple declared they would accept each other as husband and wife and fulfill all duties required by law. The official declared them married. Witnesses present were Gerrit Jan Mast, who had no profession and was 44 years old, and Evert van Aeurs, a shoemaker who was 57 years old, both living in Amsterdam. After the document was read aloud, everyone signed it. One written word was added above the line and 92 printed words were crossed out.
  • May 1887: A civil servant in Amsterdam recorded the marriage of Jan Vos, a skipper born in Meppel and living in Amsterdam, who was 24 years old, and Annegien Fluks, a housemaid born and living in Smilde, who was 21 years old. Jan was the adult son of Jan Vos Douwessoon, who had died, and Roeloffje Santing, who had no profession and lived in Smilde. Annegien was the minor daughter of Pieter Fluks, a shopkeeper, and Cornelia Soer, who lived in Smilde. Both mothers appeared before the official and gave their consent to the marriage. The marriage banns had been published without objection in Amsterdam on 17 and 24 April, and in Smilde on 24 April. The following documents were presented: the birth certificates of both the bride and groom, the death certificate of the groom's father, and a notarial document containing the consent of the bride's father. The couple declared they would accept each other as husband and wife and fulfill all duties required by law. The official declared them married. Witnesses present were Jochem Vos, the groom's brother, a skipper who was 35 years old, Jan Smelt, a carpenter who was 29 years old, both living in Amsterdam, Jochem Boscem, a skipper who was 22 years old and living in Meppel, and Gerit Rijkman, a skipper who was 26 years old and living in Smilde. After the document was read aloud, everyone signed it.
  • 5 May 1887: A civil servant in Amsterdam recorded the marriage of Gerhard Schutte, without profession, born and living in Amsterdam, who was 65 years old and the widower of Hilllegonda Magdalena Wen
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On 1 May 1887, Hendrik Tiljee, a 22-year-old waiter from Haarlemmermeer living in Amsterdam, and Maria Catharina Francisca Peijster, a 22-year-old woman without a profession from Leiden, appeared before the civil registry officer in Amsterdam to marry. Hendrik was the underage son of Johannes Nicolaas Tiljee and Grietje Boon, who lived in Amsterdam. Maria was the underage daughter of Johannes Jacobus Peijster, a goldsmith, and Martina Johanna Vielsen, who lived in Leiden. The groom's parents and the bride's father gave their consent to the marriage, and the father stated that the bride's mother's consent had also been obtained. Marriage announcements had been made without objection in Amsterdam and Leiden on 24 April and 1 May. Birth certificates of both parties were provided. The couple confirmed they accepted each other as spouses and would fulfill all duties required by law. The officer declared them married by law. Witnesses present were Hendrik van der Leeuw, a 45-year-old messenger from Leiden, Joseph Petrus Carobei, Dirk Koppens, a waiter, Willem Hendrik Hirdes, a 41-year-old tailor, and Willem de Tas, a 42-year-old tailor, all living in Amsterdam. The document was signed by all parties after being read aloud.

On 5 May 1887, Maria Elisabeth Gerrits, a female worker living in Amsterdam who had been married to Hendrik Adrianus de Jager, appeared before the civil registry officer in Amsterdam. She presented a court judgment from the district court of Amsterdam dated 30 December of the previous year. The judgment declared that the marriage between Maria Elisabeth Gerrits and Hendrik Adrianus de Jager was dissolved by divorce because Hendrik Adrianus de Jager had maliciously abandoned her. The judgment was delivered to Hendrik Adrianus de Jager on 25 February of the following year. Maria also provided a certificate from the court clerk confirming that no objection to the judgment had been registered. A marriage announcement had been made without objection in Amsterdam. The document was prepared in the presence of witnesses Matthijs Johannes Drom, a 49-year-old workman, and Jan van Jaarsveld, both living in Amsterdam. The parties confirmed they accepted each other as spouses and would fulfill all duties required by law. The officer declared them married by law. The document was signed by all parties after being read aloud.

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Involde declared that whatever remained of her inheritance after deducting funeral costs and other small expenses from her movable goods and clothes (both linen and wool), as well as silver and gold (both minted and unminted), would go to Maritie Willems and Dirck Claesse Roijer. If they died before her, it would go to their children, who would take their parents' place. She appointed as executors of this and her previous wills (instead of her brother Engelse) the gentlemen Johan van Willem Schooten and Judocus Cousebant, giving them the same full power and authority that had been given to Engelse in the previous codicil. She stated this was her final will and wanted it to be recognized and followed exactly. The document was made and passed at her house on her sickbed in the Cocksteegh in Haarlem, in the presence of witnesses Maerten van Geesten, Geeltie Engel, and Cornelis van Campen, with notary Gijsbert van Campen.

On Saturday, February 22, 1681, around 7 o'clock in the evening, Andries Patije (court messenger of Haarlem) and Dorothea vander Schaecken (married couple living in Haarlem) appeared before notary Gijsbert van Campen. He was sick in bed but she was healthy and sound. Both had full use of their understanding, memory, and speech. Considering the certainty of death and the uncertainty of its time, they wanted to dispose of their worldly goods given to them by almighty God. They declared they did this of their own free will, without advice, pressure, or misleading from anyone. They commended their souls to God's endless mercy and wanted their dead bodies to receive an honorable burial in the earth. They revoked and cancelled previous wills.

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On 21 February 1681, Gooltie Engels, an unmarried elderly woman living in Haarlem, appeared before notary Gijsbert van Campen. She was sick in bed but still had full use of her mind, memory, and speech. She declared that she approved and confirmed the will that she and her two sisters, Neeltie Engels and Comptie Engels, had made on 31 March 1658 before notary Willen van Kittensteijn. She also confirmed a codicil (addition to a will) that she and her sisters had made on 3 June 1664 before the same notary and certain witnesses. These earlier documents would remain valid as long as they did not contradict her current declarations. She stated that she was changing some parts of these documents and making new arrangements. She declared that she had divided her possessions among her heirs, using the power given to her by the earlier codicil. After her death, the heirs would receive these divided possessions.

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Maritie Willems would receive from her brother Willem Engelse as payment of her inheritance the following items: First, a bond of 600 guilders in capital that Willem Engelse had borrowed from her at interest. Additionally, 375 rods of land belonging to her in De Hart Camp, and a bond of 200 guilders owed by Sijbrant Camaij. All of this would go to Maritie Willems as payment of her inheritance share under certain conditions. Dirck Claese Roijer, son of her sister Aeltie Engels, would receive as payment of his inheritance the following: half a gilder, and a garden plot used by Keelekenden. Additionally, a sealed bond of 200 guilders in capital secured on a house in De Camp, being the first sealed document. All of this would go to Dirck Claes Roijer as payment of his inheritance share, also under certain conditions. The testatrix wanted Engel Cornelise and Cornelis Cornelise Leenman, sons of Cornelisie Engels her deceased sister, to receive as full payment of their inheritance a piece of land called Het Lagewant located in the district of Velsen. Additionally, a bond of 200 guilders in capital secured on the aforementioned house in De Camp, being the second sealed document. However, they were obligated to pay out to Maria Lemans, wife of Jan van Marcken, a sum of 100 guilders as a one-time payment after the testatrix's death. This payment had to be made within 4 years, with the three heirs each paying 1/3 share. If they did not pay promptly and precisely, they would owe a legal quarter part each time. All of this was in payment of their inheritance share. However, if Maria Leema or her husband wanted to be included as heirs, they first had to contribute as much as they had received from the testatrix, and in that case the 100 guilders would cease to exist. The testatrix wanted her sister Trijntie Engels to receive 9 guilders every quarter year after her death, which amounted to 36 guilders per year, for as long as she lived and no longer. To secure this payment, the bond of 200 guilders and the other two bonds of 200 guilders each (totaling 600 guilders) that had been assigned to Maritie Willems, Dirck Claes Roijer, Engel and Cornelise Leema would remain in the hands of the executors. The executors could collect interest from these bonds and if necessary sell them to pay the 9 guilders every quarter year. After the death of Trijntie Engels, the executors would distribute and pay out the remainder of the bonds to each heir according to their share. The testatrix also wanted Engel and Cornelis Cornelise Leenman to receive the best of her tobacco, a pair of sheets each and linens. Additionally, 6 pieces or sets together, and each a silver spoon.
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The heirs from the father's side and the mother's side acknowledged that they had received the full payment in ready money. The heirs from the father's side committed themselves together and individually, renouncing the legal benefits of order and discussion, and remaining legally bound. Similarly, the heirs from the mother's side, under the same renunciation and obligation, committed themselves. They promised to indemnify and hold harmless Marri Gerrits and her heirs against anyone who might want to harass the aforementioned Marri Gerrits or her heirs or bring an inheritance claim based on the same will, free of costs and damages. They placed this under the obligation of their persons and goods, submitting to all judges and laws. Furthermore, two guarantors appeared before the notary and witnesses: Arent Pietersz Brugia, a cloth seller in this city, and Frederick Thomasz, a butter seller also living in this city. Together and individually, they constituted themselves as guarantors for the party acting as heir from the father's side on behalf of the aforementioned Marri Gerrits. If the same Marri Gerrits or her heirs suffered any claims or demands arising from the will, they promised as guarantors to release the aforementioned Marri Gerrits or her heirs from these now and forever, free of costs and damages. All this was under the same obligation of their persons and goods as before. They renounced as guarantors the legal benefits of division, order and discussion, being legally informed about this. Similarly, Smm vander Geeren, a shopkeeper of Leiden goods, and Jan Albertsz Sijde, a cloth seller, both citizens of this city, appeared and constituted themselves as guarantors. On 5 June 1628, the following parties appeared: on one side Marrij Gerrits, widow of Andries Gosensz, a gardener, and on the other side Meijn Alberts van Steen Wijckerwolt, acting for himself and with advice guaranteeing for Ja Hilbrantsen and his children; Evert Roeleffs, living in Sarckgeest near Friesland, acting for himself and with advice guaranteeing for Janneken Vrerix, his sister's child, and also guaranteeing for Anneken Geertsz, his niece - all nieces and nephews from the father's side of the aforementioned Andries Gosensz; and Andries Martensz, living in Zuijtveen near Steenwijck, acting for himself and in the name of Lijsbet Maertens, his sister, and the children of Aeffmaertens, also his sister, for whom he was guaranteeing; and Griete Martens, widow of Jan Smith, living in Minwegen, assisted by Thomas Smith, her son and chosen guardian in this matter. These were uncles, aunts and cousins respectively of the aforementioned Andries Gosensz. The parties declared, both as relatives from the father's side and as relatives from the mother's side of the aforementioned Andries Gosensz, that although Marrij Gerrits had been named in a will between him and the aforementioned Marrij Gosensz, his wife, as the sole heir as the longest living survivor of the goods left by her husband at his death - this will was passed before the notary Frederick van Banchem and certain witnesses on 8 November 1617 - they had nevertheless come to an agreement with the aforementioned Marri Gerritsz regarding the inheritance of the goods that the widow would have to pay out to her heirs after
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4 August 1637 (old calendar style) Antonij van Waeij appeared before notary Gerrit van Vaeij, who was officially recognized by the court of Utrecht. Antonij van Waeij had been appointed by the city government of Utrecht as guardian over the bankrupt estate of Oloff Mathijs van Dueren and his late wife Neeltgen Fredricx, who had been married during their lifetimes. In his role as guardian, Antonij van Waeij gave power of attorney to Hillebrant van Rossum, a lawyer at the court of Utrecht. This power of attorney gave Rossum authority to handle all legal matters in the standard legal form. The document was drawn up in Utrecht with the following witnesses present:
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  • On 31 January 1670, around 9 o'clock in the morning, Annichgen Aelberts, the widow of Darud Joresz de Leeuw, appeared before notary Jacob de Winter in Amsterdam.
  • She lived in Loenen in the diocese of Utrecht but was temporarily staying in Amsterdam.
  • The notary confirmed she was of sound body and mind.
  • Knowing life was fragile and death certain, she made her will, canceling all previous wills.
  • She showed a sealed letter of permission granted by the court of Utrecht, dated 22 January 1658 at 3 o'clock in the afternoon.
  • She left the following items to Aeltje Fredricx, daughter of her deceased brother Fredrck Albertsz, or to her legitimate children if Aeltje died first:
    • A gold ring set with 5 small diamonds
    • A bed, a pillow, 2 cushions, 2 blankets
    • 6 linen sheets, 6 women's shirts, 6 men's shirts
    • A colored grosgrain dress, a black grosgrain jacket, a blue woolen dress
    • 4 cushions
    • A silver cup and 2 silver spoons
    • 3 porcelain cups from her bedroom, 6 porcelain plates, 6 small butter dishes
    • A garden and garden house
  • All these items would be given in their condition at the time of the testator's death, whether good or bad.
  • She also left to Aeltje Fredricx (or her legitimate children) a house and land located in Kruijsstraat in the Waals Eiland area within Amsterdam, where a satin schoolmaster currently lived.
  • This property would only be given to Aeltje after the death of the testator's sister Trijntje Alberts, not before.
  • The sister would not have to provide any security or guarantees for this property.
  • There was an important condition: Aeltje Fredricx or her children could not sell or give away the house and land through any will, deed, or other means.
  • They would only have the right to use the property and enjoy its income during their lifetime.
  • If Aeltje and her descendants all died, the property would go to the poor of the Dutch Reformed congregation in Amsterdam.
  • The property could not be claimed for any debts or obligations.
  • The testator appointed her only sister, Trijntje Alberts, as her sole and universal heir for all remaining property not mentioned in the will.
  • Trijntje could do with this inheritance as she pleased, as if it were her own property.
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Marrij Arentz, widow of the late Jan Riewertsz who worked as a boat operator, appeared before a public notary in Amsterdam. She lived at the Keijsers graft and was healthy in body and mind. Because she realized that human life is fragile and that death is certain but its timing uncertain, she made her will after Christian reflection on her soul and body. She made this will freely without any pressure from others. First, she cancelled all previous wills, additions to wills, gifts, or arrangements she had made before this date. She wanted only this current will to be valid. She then made the following arrangements:
  • Her son Jan Sijmons would receive 300 Carolus guilders as an advance inheritance after her death, to be paid from her most readily available possessions. She did this for special reasons that moved her.
  • She named as her only and universal heirs: her son Jan Sijmons (or his children if he died before her), together with the children of her daughter Lijsebet Sijmons (whose father was Jan Willems). The children would inherit in their mother's place. They would share all her remaining movable and immovable goods, legal claims, and debts.
  • However, her daughter Lisebeth Sijmons would have the right to use and enjoy the income from the capital goods that her children would inherit, for as long as she lived. This would serve as her legal portion of the inheritance.
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  • A man made a will because he was about to go on a journey, and for special reasons he mentioned.
  • If he died on this journey, he left all his wages and monthly payments and whatever else he would earn on the journey to his nephew Andries Asserus Schoelapper, a citizen of this city, and his wife, or their descendants.
  • He declared he had no legitimate descendants or ancestors.
  • He named them as his only and universal heirs.
  • They could collect all his inheritance at the Chamber of the East Indies here or elsewhere where it could be received, keep it in absolute ownership, without having to give account, proof, or remainder to anyone.
  • The testator declared this was his testament, disposition, and last will, which he wanted to be obeyed and followed by everyone.
  • This would be valid as such, or at least as a codicil or donation among the living which happens because of death, even without formalities, as it could be validated according to common usage and custom of the land.
  • He requested a public instrument in form be made by the notary and delivered to his aforementioned cousin.
  • Done at the office of the notary in the presence of Fredrick Thomas Butter Cooper and Marten Dirx Metzelaer, citizens of this city, witnesses of good faith specially required for this.
  • They declared they knew the testator well and that he was as he identified himself.
  • The document was signed by the testator on 21 January 1630.
  • A new entry began about Marrij Arentz, the widow of the late Jan Riewertz, a barge skipper.
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Jacob Hutstaert and Simon Cos gave instructions to Commissioner W. Bastijna on 10 July 1659 from the Castle Orangie in Ternate. They discussed sending a delegation to their Highnesses without rushing into war. They believed that if their Highnesses could be persuaded to show more leniency, good things might come from it. However, they warned that it might not be easy to get an audience there, and they worried that the Commissioner might face trouble or be forced to provide security for his claims, which would have happened if his stay had been a few hours longer. They noted that this nation, like their neighbors, was not very good and did not hesitate to attack public persons, as had already been shown somewhat in this mission.

If the Commissioner's intentions became clearer and Resident Barra did not make too many difficulties about going ashore, the Commissioner should not fail to conduct his business on land. Otherwise, he should demand from Barra a formal document explaining the reasons for staying on board the ship, unless he received assurance on the King's word that he could return safely to the ship. The Commissioner should discuss with the Resident how to behave when greeting Crain Crongron and other important people, and should adjust according to circumstances.

The trading post should continue to operate if at all possible, even though trade goods were scarce, in order to always be reliably informed about the situation in Makassar and the princes' intentions and actions. However, if this was not allowed, the trade should be loaded onto this ship, since no ships from Amboina or Banda would appear there this year.

Three letters of authorization from the Kings of Ternate, Tidore, and Batjan were given to the Commissioner to negotiate peace with the King of Makassar in their Highnesses' name. However, if the question of his authority or lack of authority was not discussed, it would be unnecessary to show these documents.

After completing this commission, the Commissioner should continue the journey to Batavia following the course instructions normally given to ship captains. The officials wished him all blessings on this journey and particularly good fortune in his dealings with the court of Makassar.

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A meeting took place in Amboina with Governor Jacob Hutstaerdt and the council, strengthened by the senior merchants Johan van Hammen and Willem Reijersz. They carefully discussed matters concerning Makassar, including instructions, completed tasks, and the current situation there. They considered what should be done next. For deployment to Makassar, the following ships were ready in Amboina, beyond the regular garrison forces:
  • Goeree
  • Soutelande
  • Fortelduijff
  • Leerdam
  • Roodehart
  • Hassel
  • Postiljon
  • Vinck
  • Pellecaen
  • Molucco
  • Ens
  • Emmeloirt
  • 5 to 6 sloops
These vessels had 450 soldiers, an equal number of native troops, and regular crew members. The officials could not understand that the intention of the Governor-General and Council of India was that if trade negotiations failed, they should declare and wage war against Makassar, especially since no significant military force had been sent to the eastern lands. Several reasons led to their decision, including orders that if the proposed terms regarding control of the lands were not accepted, they first had to consult with the King of Ternate and report back to Batavia. This explained the promises to return. They were also concerned about an offensive and defensive alliance between the Mataram and Makassar rulers, with reports that 3 junks were already being equipped for Makassar at Surabaya. Therefore, they decided to postpone the offensive military action. They gave orders and instructions to Commissioner Bastincq, who was sailing from there via Makassar to Batavia. He had to conduct himself according to his commission with the king and nobles there. They would send someone back to Makassar in an official capacity, as promised to the king. Detailed sailing instructions were provided: sail from the roadstead through the strait between the coast and islands of Almahera through the strait called Patientie, passing the island to the east, then between Boenoa and Ceram, through the strait of Manipa and Ceram Selangh. They would meet a boat or sloop bringing Preacher Spiliardus to Amboina, but if they missed it, Spiliardus should be put ashore at Manipa to reach Castle Victoria from there. The route continued east and south of Boero, between Buton and the Tukang Besi islands, which were surrounded by dangerous reefs and rocks. They should not sail too far south or too far north to avoid entering a confusing bay where, besides the danger of shipwreck, they would lose much time. They should sail outside Buton through the Bougerons to Makassar, saluting the southern castle as done on the outward journey. They expected Resident Barra or someone on his behalf to come aboard to inform them of the local situation. However, if weather and wind permitting, neither he nor his people appeared within 2 days, it would undoubtedly mean things were not going well there, and they should continue their journey to Batavia to report this to the authorities. If Barra
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Willem Bastincos ordered the merchant Mappelle to supply goods to someone who had agreed to provide them. The person receiving these goods had to provide written confirmation of receipt. They were warned to handle the money carefully and responsibly, as they would need to account for it at some point in the future. The fence around the Company's residence was described as being in very poor condition and almost completely fallen apart. However, Bastincos decided not to completely rebuild it, but only to strengthen it from the inside with wooden palisades so that it would last until the ships from Batavia arrived. Bastincos seriously ordered the recipient to act discreetly regarding some circulating rumors, just as the merchant Joan Barra had done. He instructed them to observe religious services, practice sobriety, and be a good example to their subordinates. This document was written on board the yacht Tortelduijff on 4 September 1659 and was signed by Willem Bastincos. It was a copy of instructions given by Bastincos for Company servants left behind on Macassar on 4 September 1659.
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Between 1649 and 1651, the situation between the Dutch East India Company and the Makassar court had deteriorated so badly that the head of the trading post had to leave for Batavia. Despite this, the Company decided, with the permission of the local rulers, to leave certain people behind.

Adriaen Bartholomenssen and the young sailor Jan Pieterssen Bufkens were ordered to remain. Their main task was to carefully and attentively observe and report daily on what was happening at the court, particularly regarding ships that were leaving or arriving. They were specifically instructed to:

  • Personally listen and gather information at all times
  • Keep detailed daily notes
  • Pay special attention to the number of ships, people, trade goods, food supplies, and war ammunition going to the eastern regions, specifically Bouton, Bouro, Amblauw, Manipa, Ceram, and surrounding islands
  • Use informants that the merchant Barra had employed during his time there
  • Besides using informants, personally visit every 2 to 3 days the lighthouse, customs house, and market to listen among the common people and in the Chinese quarter
  • Keep accurate records of everything

If any significant expedition to the eastern regions was being prepared, Adriaen Bartholomenssen and Pieter Schuijftangh were ordered to promptly inform the Governor General and Council of India, as well as the governors Jacob Hutsaert in Amboina and Simon Cos in Ternate, if at all possible. This intelligence gathering was the main reason they were left behind, and doing this work well would benefit their future careers.

They were not left with cash money or cloth, but would receive funding for their daily living expenses and other necessities.

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