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In Dutch India, on August 1765, a financial handover took place between two cashiers. Haselkamp, the outgoing cashier, transferred his duties to the interim cashier Dirk Vrijmoet. The following transactions were recorded:
The document lists several officials receiving ongoing funds:
The document was signed by Dirk Vrijmoet and verified by L. de Fiellittaz, Cornelis Pietersz, and Bancquet.
On February 28, 1681, Hendrick Popta appeared before Jacob van Loosdrecht, a public notary in Amsterdam. Hendrick Popta was the brother of the late Lucia Popta. Lucia Popta had given her husband Pieter Block permission to handle her possessions after her death. Pieter Block had decided to give all clothes and jewelry to his youngest daughter, also named Lucia. Since these clothes were subject to moths and decay, the executors of the will of Pieter Block and Lucia Popta, Jan Block and David Block, agreed to hand over these clothes and jewelry to Hendrick Popta for the benefit of Lucia Popta. Jacob ter Gou acted as guarantor for this transaction. The document was witnessed by Nicolaes van Loosdrecht and Claes Deries.
In a letter dated August 25, 1724 from Coromandel, several administrative matters were discussed. Based on good recommendations, assistant Ian Diodati was promoted to a full position with a salary of 24 guilders per month for five years. The request from Abraham Selover for assistant living expenses was considered strange, as permission had not yet been sought from the high government of India in Batavia. They would recommend him favorably to the high authorities in their next communication. Assistant Thomas van Oudvelt could be sent to the main office to perform his duties. Two soldiers and a gunner would be dispatched at the first opportunity. The authorities were particularly disturbed by the blue dyers' demand for higher wages, supposedly due to the increased price of indigo from 16 3/8 to 21 per bhaar (480 units). The workers had quickly tried to take advantage of this recent price increase.
From Cormandel on October 27, 1726, there was a report about missing mace (spice) worth 154 at 8 1/12 percent. Reijnier de Vos and Abraham Selover personally witnessed this transaction and signed a declaration in the Dutch office at Sadraspatnam on August 31, 1726. On September 6, 1726, they appeared before the council where the declaration was read to them. They confirmed its contents without any changes by taking a solemn oath, raising two fingers of their right hand and speaking the words "So help me God Almighty." The document was witnessed by J. Spits and S. Turnhout, and certified by G. Gouds. From Portonovo, Jan Hendrik Dormieur served as bookkeeper.
According to the treaty signed in London on March 17, 1824, the islands of Ambon, Banda, and Gerna and their immediate territories were exempted from the general free trade agreement. This exemption was based on the difficulties of immediately applying modern commercial policies to the long-established system of exclusive spice trade. During the treaty negotiations, the British representatives indicated that they trusted this exemption would be strictly limited, as it was only necessary due to the current difficulty of abolishing the spice monopoly. This involved the Moluccan Islands.
In 1833, events showed that the Dutch had little to fear from the eastern kingdom and that it could be subdued with minimal effort if they decided to do so. While Dutch political interests required them to avoid further expansion, they also needed to protect their existing possessions. Celebes bordered the Java Sea to the east. The Buginese people remained as numerous and enterprising as before. After the decline of the East India Company's institutions, Buginese trade received new life. They were respected everywhere as enterprising, courageous, and honest traders. Their opinions about Dutch power in the ports of Java, Sumatra, and Borneo mattered greatly. Dutch political interests in Celebes required them to carefully avoid appearing weak or timid, which could embolden enemy tribes. Such weakness could lead to a loss of honor and reputation, potentially closing off opportunities to achieve in Celebes what they were trying to accomplish in Sumatra.
In 1834, questions were raised about potential changes to both political and financial governance systems. While the political aspect remained undecided, there was unanimous agreement that the reasons for maintaining authority in Celebes were different from those of the former East India Company. The Company had previously invested significant blood and treasure to secure exclusive trade rights, particularly in the spice islands. They needed to conquer the land whose inhabitants had been the archipelago's primary traders and seafarers for centuries.
At that time, Boni had not joined the 1634 contract, and consequently, Wadjoe, Lopping, and Loehoe had not joined either, although the latter had expressed willingness. However, progress had been made as the entire Alliance was freed from Bonre's harmful influence. The Government's authority was recognized as Head of the Alliance and as Mediator. It gained unhindered possession of directly subordinate Districts, and Boni's power was curtailed.
During 1836, the government tried to stop pirates in Celebes. First S. N. Vosmaer, a respected official, and later the Governor of Makassar, worked to attract the Tobelo sea pirates to settle in the beautiful Kendari Bay (also called Vosmaer's Bay). Their efforts succeeded when pirate leaders and 400 of their followers peacefully settled on Pamaloan island near Selayar. There, they started farming and fishing. Although similar surrenders were not always trustworthy, the government hoped that their continued efforts to reduce piracy this way would be successful, since these pirates had been living peacefully on the island since November 1836.
In June 11, 1636, the governor of Makassar organized a meeting in the capital. Present were the king of Goa and several Princes and Chiefs of that Kingdom, as well as rebellious chiefs from Sonkolo and Badjing with their followers, led by Krain Limpangan, sister of the king of Tello. The meeting aimed to make the rebellious princes and chiefs submit to the king of Goa. The meeting failed completely. One party later drove out the other by force, causing the Governor of Makassar to stop being an advisor to the group that was in conflict with Bitjara Boeta. After 4 rebellious Princes and some lesser chiefs fled to Tello, peace was restored in the Goa Kingdom. The hostile position taken by the king of Tello in this matter caused temporary tension between him and the Government. The local administration in Makassar wanted to use this situation to limit that ruler's power by taking control of the entire strip of land that separates the northern Districts from the capital Makassar, which belonged to the ruler of Tello. This appeared to be in the Government's interest, as this separation was currently a hindrance.
The alliance with the small region of Lochoe had little value. It remained neutral and seemed prevented from joining the 1624 contract due to its distance from Makassar. Nevertheless, relations were satisfactory, and closer trade connections would have been desirable. The Dutch administration maintained good relations with the Sultan of Boelon. Both Boelon and Makassar could provide auxiliary troops to the government in times of need, as they did in 1627 and 1628. The Sultan was considered one of the most loyal and sincere allies of the government. The small rulers of Bima, Sumbawa, and Dompo on Sumbawa island preferred to stick to an agreement made on February 9, 1765, instead of joining the 1624 contract. This agreement included the regions of Tambora, Sangar, and Papekat, which were later destroyed by the Tambora volcano eruption in 1814. Sumbawa island was of little importance to the Government. In 1635, unrest broke out in the realm of Goa, caused by rebellious movements of the defecting population and chiefs of Soreang and Badjing. Although peaceful, these places had effectively separated from their legitimate ruler and placed themselves under the command of 4 discontented defecting Princes of the Goa kingdom.
When Brother Aroe Pangilie became king of Boni, the prospect of peaceful negotiations and desired peace with that kingdom improved. The submission of Boni was considered desirable for several reasons. It still had significant influence over the regions of Wadjoe, Loppingen Poehoe and the Alliance known as Adlja Temparang, which included Sawito, Soepa, Rappang and Allita, and thus affected the establishment of general peace on Celebes.
However, since the tension between the government and Boni had gradually changed into merely a standstill of friendly relations while trade and shipping continued unhindered, it was considered more advisable to let matters take their own course rather than eagerly seeking opportunities for reconciliation that could lead to a crisis.
The kingdoms on Celebes that joined the contract of 1624 were:
The ruler of Pella refused to sign this contract.
In 1834, tensions arose in Boni after providing shelter to the murderers of official Hardy de Vicques and those responsible for killing the Regent of Firo and his wife. Boni was internally divided, and neighboring princes were hostile. The kingdom's administrator (Aroeng Sincie), who was the brother-in-law of the queen, and Aroenq Oalakka, a legitimate heir to Boni's last deceased king, had submitted to the government after settling matters with Sidenring and had many supporters in Boni.
Various proposals were made to use these circumstances against Boni. However, the Government, following Commissioner General van den Bosch's principle of avoiding war, instructed the Governor of Makasser to:
The queen of Boni, who had been an unrelenting enemy of European authority and had sworn to remain hostile until her death, had recently died and was succeeded by her brother.
In 1772, conflict arose between Sidenring and Boni. The government's peace offerings to Boni were proudly rejected and returned unopened. This prevented the regions of Sopping and Loewo from joining, as their location would have exposed them to Boni's revenge without guaranteed government protection. The leader of Boni, blinded by pride in their former greatness, forgot that European authority had helped build their power, which would now decline without that support. Unable to wage direct war, Boni instead stirred up conflicts against government allies. In Sidenring, King Lapagnouissan, grandson of the previous king and the only Buginese ruler trusted by the government, faced a succession crisis. His brother Datoe Lampoela, who had equal rights to the throne but supported Boni, was positioned to replace him. By 1833, it became clear that the King of Sidenring would have to give up his throne to his rival, prompting a military expedition to support the king.
The kings of Bone called their people to arms against a government to which they owed their existence, prosperity, and greatness. During peacetime and amid friendly negotiations, the people of Bone attacked peaceful, unarmed government subjects without reason or warning. They attacked government territory in Boelecomba, Bonthain, and the northern districts, where Dutch garrisons at Leibakkang and Vansadjene were murdered. This forced the government into an expensive war against Bone and Soepa in 1825, which dealt a devastating blow to Bone's moral influence and physical strength. The conquered government lands in the northern districts, Boelecomba, and Bonthain returned to government control.
Subsequent negotiations with Bone to join the treaty were unsuccessful. Due to unrest in Borneo and later in Java, all non-essential military forces had to be withdrawn from Makasser before matters there could be resolved to the Dutch government's satisfaction, despite the significant military expedition sent there. As a result, government political relations remained unstable. The court of Bone stubbornly refused to join the renewed Bongay treaty, even after a letter was sent there in 1828.
The Governor General met with ambassadors from Boni. He explained that while the government would continue to recognize Boni as the highest-ranking ally, they could not grant their request for supremacy. This was because such supremacy had never been granted before and went against existing contracts, fairness, and the maintenance of peace.
Since the Boni ambassadors didn't have enough authority to make decisions on this main issue, they asked to return home to discuss it with their queen and state officials. They promised to return in 15 days, and the Governor General agreed to wait before making contracts with other rulers.
After the set time passed, the Boni ambassadors didn't return. Instead, the Governor General received a letter full of expressions of sincerity and gratitude, but still insisting on the same point. While the Governor General was in Makasser, he received two more similar letters, including one after the taking of Panette. These letters contained such friendly and grateful messages that officials believed Boni wouldn't act hostile. They also thought that rumors about Boni arming and fortifying itself were false.
In order to deal with long-standing difficulties in Celebes, a commission was established consisting of Colonel van Schelle, Governor and military commander of Makassar, and A.H. Hobids. They were to prepare matters in Makassar before the Governor General's arrival. The commissioners immediately sent letters to all rulers, informing them of their mission and the Governor General's upcoming visit, inviting them to come to Makassar either personally or through representatives.
The King of Loewoe sent gifts and a verbal message that their representatives would follow if they were not prevented by fear of Odoni. An internal war in Wadjo delayed the election of a head of government (Aroe Matoea) and prevented the sending of representatives from there. The other Celebes rulers were all present in Makassar, either in person or through representatives, to await the Governor General's arrival. The ruling Queen of Boni, not having come to the capital herself, had sent a delegation for compliments consisting of Aroe Lompo, the queen's brother, and the seven chief lords of the kingdom of Boni.
A former government subject and Puins van Boni Ciaen Gincapole, who was exiled from his land but received permission from the previous Dutch Governor of Makasser to live in Pankadjere, joined forces with the kingdom of Boni to wage war against the English. The first group repeatedly attacked the northern provinces (the districts of Maros), while the latter attacked those of Boelecomba. In 1816, the British commander managed to drive the Boniers from their fortified position at Leang Leang with his modest forces, forcing the king to evacuate the government territories where he had fled in 1814 and where he had been allowed to stay undisturbed.
At this time, the Dutch commissioner arrived in Makasser to take back these possessions from British control. The King of Boni, upon being informed of his arrival, immediately halted all hostilities. While he showed friendliness and politeness in his letters to the Dutch commissioner, his actions revealed the old defiance. He avoided coming to Makasser as was his obligation, making empty excuses, and did not evacuate the districts that he and his followers had invaded. People who were qualified to judge the Makasser situation predicted that nothing could be achieved with the kingdom of Boni without the use of armed force.
In 1614, a German military force under the command of Major General Nightingale arrived in Makassar. The King of Bosi, who had lived in Rompegading near Fort Potterdam, was driven away to the mountains. Though he remained on government territory, they did not pursue him further. Major General Nightingale soon left for Java with part of his troops. The government of Makassar experienced a brief period of peace after recovering the royal treasures during the evacuation of Pompegading. However, this peace did not last long. The princes of Soepa and Langa continued their piracy along the coast, prompting the German Resident to send troops to punish them. This expedition failed. In late 1814, the Resident died. Some troublemakers saw this as an opportunity to openly attack the European government in Celebes. The Prince of Fanette and Regent of Lebaskang were involved.
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