Transcriptions » Recently created summaries of historical documents

• On 21 October 1723, officials in Macassar reported several issues involving local rulers and the Dutch East India Company (VOC):
  • The people of Pekat claimed rights over certain lands for the upcoming year (1724) but were told to wait for further instructions from higher authorities.
  • A dispute arose over refugees from Tambora living in the mountains. The King of Tambora stated he would allow their freedom if Pekat could prove they settled on his land without permission.
  • The King of Sumbawa could potentially supply 2 ships' loads (about 300,000 kg) of sapphires annually, but local nobles accused him of hoarding profits, claiming no old sapphire trees remained.
  • The VOC had already been informed that only 3,000 piculs (about 180,000 kg) of sapphires could be harvested in 1724.
• Regions like Opzaleyer, Boelecomba, Glisson, and Poulonbankeeng were peaceful under VOC control, but Bonthain faced unrest:
  • Locals stole rice in groups of 20–30 people, ignoring orders. When a VOC corporal and guards tried to stop them, they threatened violence.
  • The corporal fired a warning shot, but the thieves escaped, vowing to return. They were likely from the new settlement of Tolette.
  • On 16 October 1723, a soldier was attacked by 6–7 locals while guarding rice; one postholder was wounded, and another lost his musket.
  • The King of Bonthain claimed ignorance, so the VOC threatened to remove him from power unless he handed over the culprits.
• The Maros and Noorder chiefs urgently requested Governor Sipman resolve their internal conflicts, asking him to visit their provinces in person.

• The Dutch officials in Macassar reported on 21 October 1723 about ongoing issues with local peoples, including unpaid taxes and unresolved disputes.
• They suspected that His Highness (likely a local ruler) might request land near Goa from the Dutch authorities but were unsure if a formal letter would be sent that year.
• Claims made by the Macassars against both Dutch subjects and free Macassars were partially addressed, with details recorded between 10 May and 22 September. However, disputes involving "open peoples" detained by the Dutch chief in Poulonbankeeng remained unresolved due to delays and excuses.
• The Macassars often postponed discussions, citing inconvenient timing, such as harvest seasons or religious fasting periods, leaving many issues unresolved year after year.
• No envoys from Bouton arrived that year, so there was no news to report from that court.
• Plans to uproot spice trees had to be halted due to a lack of ships and crew, but officials intended to resume once the tiende (tithe/tax) was collected, using ships like the Casuarus and Beschermer.
• Despite hopes for peace, conflicts persisted among local princes and their followers in Bima and surrounding areas. The Dutch resident, Abraham Walburg, was ordered to mediate, but disputes continued under local customs without Dutch intervention.
• On 12 October 1723, envoys from Bima reported the death of the King of Tambora, Adl Abdul Has. According to a 1701 contract, the throne should pass to the son of Dain Mamangon, but this risked revolt due to deep-seated rivalry between the two royal houses.
• The Dutch suggested temporarily bypassing the usual succession rules to avoid conflict, proposing that both rival lines agree on a new king to prevent future disputes.
• If the people of Tambora presented a candidate for kingship, the Dutch would support them while the matter was debated.

• On 21 October 1723, a letter was written from Macassar about a meeting with the king of Bone. The Dutch representatives, including merchant and fiscal officer Abraham van den Anker, assistant merchant Jan Landsheer, assistant merchant Pieter van der Snippe, and ensign Otto Eward Coolwagen, presented gifts to the king. The gifts included:
  • 2 pieces of Bengal cotton cloth (armosynen) for ƒ 21:1:2
  • 2 fine hamans for ƒ 23:—:—
  • 2 mallemolle cloths for ƒ 24:11:—
  • 2 cassabengale cloths for ƒ 31:19:—
  • 2 pounds of tobacco for ƒ 16:16:—
  • 2 foelij (type of cloth) for ƒ 1:—:—
  • 4 nutmegs for ƒ 4:—:—
  • 2 sticks of cinnamon for ƒ 12:—:—
  • 2 pounds of cloves for ƒ 12:—:—
  The total value of the gifts was ƒ 119:15:—.
• The Dutch then traveled to the court of Gowa to meet its king. On 9 August, the king of Gowa met with Governor Sipman in a garden. The king asked if the people of Bone had complained to the Dutch about Gowa taking taxes from them. The Dutch confirmed this and mentioned that the people of Bone were upset because this had never happened before.
• The king of Gowa seemed surprised and claimed he did not want to show his power. He then asked who owned the lands south of Manipe. Governor Sipman replied that the Dutch East India Company (VOC) owned them. The king questioned this, saying that when Gowa had taken some lands from Anroe Malole and returned them, the VOC had not protested.
• The king of Gowa insisted on knowing if the lands given to Carre Balloor by Anroe Malole belonged to him. The Dutch repeated that they did not know where these lands were. The king argued that if the lands were under his control, he could do as he pleased, but if they were VOC lands, they should remain with the VOC, though they could be used like other VOC lands.
• The king eventually accepted this but asked that the lands not be given to the people of Bone. He also wondered what would happen if Bone demanded the taxes back. The Dutch replied that the taxes had already been spent.

On 21 October 1723, a report from Macassar discussed several issues involving local rulers, trade restrictions, and political tensions.

• The ruler of Bone had requested that no rice be sold to traders from Ambon and Banda because of an upcoming grand celebration for his daughter. The event, called Riwatoe, would include tooth-filing and ear-piercing ceremonies, drawing large crowds and causing rice shortages. The ruler feared that if the feast was delayed due to his illness, the traders would struggle to get supplies.
• The ruler had already ordered his people not to sell rice to these traders and asked the Dutch to prevent Macassars and Buginese in their camps from selling rice as well. However, the Dutch replied that they could only control their own people and suggested the ruler handle his own subjects while the King of Macassar should manage the Macassars. They also noted that stopping free trade would harm the Ambonese and Bandanese traders, who relied on rice purchases.
• The governor mentioned that the ruler of Bone had previously restricted rice sales during shortages but hoped the ban would be temporary. The governor also noted that the ruler’s illness had delayed discussions about certain exiles, like Dain Marewa, but promised to address the issue once the ruler recovered.
• Political tensions were rising between the courts of Bone and Gowa. The King of Gowa had demanded taxes from lands near Manepe and Maricaya, which had never been done before. Additionally, he refused to hand over Bonese refugees who had fled to areas like Lunrang Manipi and Manimbawi, despite complaints from the ruler of Bone.
• As a customary gift during the Muslim fasting period, the Dutch sent presents to the courts of Bone and Gowa, following their annual tradition and a decision made on 7 July.

On 21 October 1723, officials in Macassar wrote about ongoing disputes involving the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and the kingdom of Bone, ruled by its king (referred to as "his highness"). Several key issues were raised:

• The king of Bone claimed his people were being unfairly stopped by VOC officials in Maros while transporting rice. His representatives, including the gallarang of Bontualacq and the toutongan, requested that each person be allowed to carry a small amount of rice for personal use. The VOC suspected abuse, as traders were smuggling large quantities under the guise of "the king's people." They proposed a system of free passes to prevent fraud, but the king rejected it, insisting on unrestricted transport.
• The king also demanded free passage for rice ships from Marempeso, arguing that his father had once received rice from the VOC during blockades. Despite the VOC's objections, the king persisted, promising only that his officials would notify the local sergeant when rice was being transported for royal use.
• Two tomilalangs (royal messengers) claimed 80 bendangs (plots) of farmland in Maros (on Cabba land) on behalf of the king. They argued that these lands, originally gifted by Admiral Speelman to Aroe Arong, had been reclaimed by the king after years of disuse. The VOC countered that the lands had been granted to the Queen of Tsjamba (now succeeded by Cram Tsjamba) over 40 years ago and remained in their possession. The king’s forces had recently seized the lands by force without prior warning or justification.
• The king also laid claim to people from Dain Manompo, treating them as his slaves, though the VOC insisted they were free subjects. The king threatened to forcibly remove them if they did not comply, raising concerns about his unreasonable demands.
• Additionally, the king demanded gold artifacts and the estate (including slaves) of the late Captain Jntje Tsjoeka, a Malay leader. The estate had been gifted to Tsjoeka by the late Queen Dani Tahalille, but the king now sought to seize it. The current Malay captain still held these possessions.

The VOC expressed frustration, noting that the king’s actions contradicted his earlier claims of loyalty and gratitude toward the Company. They urged the tomilalangs to report these matters to the king and investigate the abuses of power, warning that such violations could damage relations between Bone and the VOC.

On 21 October 1723, officials in Macassar received orders to handle a dispute fairly regarding rice deliveries. The issue involved bundles of rice called bossen, which local farmers (boniers) in Maros had made larger than the standard size used by the Dutch East India Company (VOC). This caused confusion during inspections.

• The VOC sent Sergeant Jan Landman and Ensign Hendrik Duirveld to investigate. They found that the farmers’ bundles were indeed too large. The VOC ordered them to compare the sizes and send three large bundles to Maros for review.
• Tests showed that one large bundle could yield as much rice as two standard bundles. The King of Bone and local leaders (tomilalangs) approved the VOC’s fair approach.
• To prevent future disputes, the VOC ordered six sealed bundles of rice to be divided:
  • 2 for the Boneese chief.
  • 2 for Sergeant Jan Landman.
  • 2 for the Governor of Macassar.

A new problem arose when the Boneese chief in Maren ordered farmers in Peso to stop paying the VOC their 10% rice tax (tiende) until further notice. The VOC first asked the tomilalangs to intervene, but they claimed ignorance. After repeated requests failed, the VOC sent Pieter van der Snippe and Hendrik Duirveld to the King of Bone.

• The king denied knowing about the order and promised to resolve the issue. He sent the toutongan (a local official) with Willem Muller (a VOC interpreter) to Maros to enforce the tax collection.
• The king also thanked the VOC for their report and said he would discuss the matter with his advisors before responding further.

The outcome of these actions remained uncertain at the time. The VOC noted all farmer complaints since 6 June but avoided detailing them further in this report.

On 21 October 1723, officials in Macassar sent a report to Governor-General Henric Zwaardecroon and the Council of the Dutch East Indies in Batavia. The letter included:

• A copy of criminal trial records (4 documents).
• A sealed package from the Orphan Masters in Macassar for the Orphan Masters in Costy.
• A package from the Church Council in Macassar for the same group in Costy.

The letter was approved by A. Luijken, the secretary, and sent via the ship Pantsjallang, which had left Macassar on 6 June 1723 under the supervision of Pieter Alexandersz.

The main points of the report were:

• The envoys from Bone and Loping had arrived in Macassar on 31 May 1723, but the King of Bone had not yet collected the letter and gifts sent by the Governor-General.
• On 7 June 1723, the Queen of Bone formally received the letter and gifts with a large ceremony. Due to the King’s illness, she read the documents aloud to the nobles of Bone and Soping on 31 July 1723.
• The Queen and nobles were pleased with the news that Bonthain would be handed over to her, as promised. They celebrated while drinking tea with the Governor and his council.
• The King of Bone had initially resisted the Dutch demand for a tithing tax (a tax of 10%) on the upcoming rice harvest, as mentioned in an earlier letter from 6 June.
• After strong urging from the Dutch on 1 June, the King finally agreed to the old terms: paying 27 gantangs (a unit of weight) per 1,000 bundles of rice, provided the rice bundles matched the standard size from previous years.

This is a list of official documents from Macassar (now Makassar, Indonesia) dated 21 October 1723, sent by the local Dutch government (likely the Dutch East India Company, or VOC):
• Original letter and its copies from the same date.
• Payroll records for government employees, reviewed by the governor and council.
• Budget request (duplicate) for the year 1724.
• Financial report on charity funds managed by church deacons, covering up to December 1722.
• Records from the village of Vlaardingen up to August 1723, including a tax assessment list.
• Summary of all VOC employees in the government as of June and September 1723.
• General overview of VOC employees, citizens, and subjects in the area.
• List of VOC ships and boats needing repairs, including those missing or not accounted for.
• Records of mortgages, pawns, and loans from a citizen named Chialoupen, with details on owners, property sizes, and ages.
• Request from the bookkeeper and resident Abraham Walburg in Birma (likely Burma/Myanmar).
• Report by Henrik Duirvelt and Jan Landman on their mission to Maros (a region in South Sulawesi).
• Report by chief merchant Pieter van der Sneppe and ensign Hendrik Duirvelt on their dealings with the king of Bone (a kingdom in South Sulawesi).
• Inventory of trade books stored in a labeled box: "A Macassar Trade Books."
• Inventory of payroll books and papers stored in a labeled box: "Macassar Payroll Books and Papers."
• Shipping receipt for goods loaded onto a ship.
• A separate locked box labeled "X. L:a A" containing secret government documents, including:
  • Copies of resolutions by the Council of Policy from 19 June to 8 October 1723.
  • Daily register from 1 May 1723 to mid-October 1723.
  • Incoming letters from 9 November 1722 to 16 October 1723.
  • Outgoing letters from 15 July 1722 to 10 October 1723.
  • Records of punished individuals from 2 October 1722 to 8 October 1723.
  • List of arriving and departing ships from 1 October 1722 to 31 July 1723.

On 5 October 1723, officials in Macassar sent a report to Governor-General Henric Zwaardecroon and the Council of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in Batavia. The letter, signed by Governor Johannes Philippus Sipman and five other officials, covered two main topics: staffing needs and a poor rice harvest.

• The officials requested approval for the following positions and payments:
  • A payment of 20,000 reals (rd:s).
  • 1 foreman to oversee carpenters.
  • 3 clerks (pennisten) to replace three who had died.
  • 2 assistant surgeons.
  • 4 ship carpenters.
  • 3 house carpenters.
  • 3 blacksmiths for the smithy.
  • 2 gunlock makers for the armory.
  • 1 sword polisher.
  • 150 soldiers.
  • 2 drummers.
  • 15 sailors.

• The rice harvest in the lands of Maros had failed badly. Only 143 loads (lasten) and 19,771⅓ pounds were collected—217 loads and 1,966⅓ pounds less than the previous year. Because of this shortage, the price of rice had risen sharply. A load of 3,000 pounds now cost 25 reals, and prices were expected to climb even higher once merchant ships arrived from Ambon and Banda.

• The officials also noted that 1,907 reals, collected by Assistant Hendrik van Vijt, had been deposited into the Company’s cash reserve. This money had not been sent back to Batavia as requested by the authorities there. Instead, it was given to Merchant Jan Donker van der Hoff.

The letter was sent via the proa (local boat) of citizen Hendrik Zandyk, along with other documents, to Batavia for further action.

On 5 October 1723, in Macassar, Iohannes Philippus Sipman sent a shipment to Batavia, addressed to:
• Henric Zwaardecroon, Governor-General, and
• the Council of the Dutch East Indies.
The shipment included:
• 2 copies of a list of supplies (cash, goods, etc.) needed in Macassar for the year 1724.
• A summary of a decision made by the Political Council on 8 August 1723 about reviewing payroll records.
• A locked box containing:
  • Macassar payroll books and documents, and
  • a register listing these items.
The payroll books were closed and balanced as of 30 June 1723 and inspected on 27 July 1723. The Council confirmed:
• The records matched approved budgets and trade accounts.
• Estates of deceased Dutch East India Company (VOC) employees were properly handled.
• No major errors were found.
The shipment was received by the Towadjorees To-anko on 25 October 1723. The letter also politely requested approval for the 1724 supply list, which had been reviewed on 8 September 1723.

On 9 August 1723, a report was sent from Macassar regarding debts, expenses, and timber supplies for the Dutch East India Company (VOC):

• The writer acknowledges a debt of 1703.5 reals owed by a local ruler to the VOC and agrees to withhold this amount.
• A request was granted to provide refreshments worth ƒ61 to sick sailors, as documented in the attached expense report.
• A list of ships arriving and departing over the past year was included for reference.

Regarding sappanwood (a valuable dye wood) for 1724:

• The King of Sumbawa claimed his forests had only young trees, making harvest impossible. However, the writer suspected local nobles were hiding suitable trees due to reduced benefits compared to the reign of the king’s father, Loka.
• The Ruler of Bima and his officials stated their forests were entirely depleted of mature trees, confirmed by the writer’s own inspections. They were unlikely to leave usable trees uncuted.
• The King of Dompo also refused, citing immature trees and extreme scarcity—his people reportedly spent hours searching for even small trees. The writer noted that Dompo had historically supplied less wood than Bima and Sumbawa, partly because the late ruler had uprooted entire trees for richer harvests.

The report concluded that all three rulers were unable (or unwilling) to provide sappanwood for the VOC in the coming year.

• On 31 May 1723, envoys from Bone Aroe Oedjong and Gallarang (representing Boutualacq Topadjacka) arrived in Macassar with their followers. They delivered a letter from 26 March and gifts intended for the King of Boni, but these had not yet been collected by the King of Boni.
• The letter was addressed to Henric Zwaardecroon, the Governor-General in Batavia, and the respected council members of the Dutch East India Company.
• A ship named De Kiefhoek arrived in Macassar on 21 August 1723, carrying a previous letter sent on 15 May that had announced a shipment of 2,115 pieces of sapphwood.
• On 29 July 1723, De Kiefhoek docked in Macassar with another letter from the Dutch East India Company administration in Ternate, expressing concern that the ship would quickly load sapphwood.
• Weighing of the sapphwood began on 2 August 1723 and was completed by 9 August 1723. The shipment included 3,082.5 pieces of freshly cut sapphwood, with an extra 10 pieces per 100 as overweight, as confirmed by the ship’s officers.
• The total cost for the 3,082.5 pieces of sapphwood amounted to ƒ7,706.5 (or ƒ2.10 per piece), as detailed in the attached invoice.
• The ship could have carried more sapphwood, but the captain explained that he had agreed in Ternate to transport some additional household goods, leaving less space for extra wood.
• Payment for the delivered sapphwood was expected from the King of Boni.

On 9 August 1723, a report from Macassar noted several ships arriving due to weather or supply needs:

• The ship of Captain Pedro Rodrigo, a resident of Macau, arrived because his pumps failed after enduring a strong storm for 2 days. He had left Batavia on 14 July 1723 and was heading to Liefouw.
• A Chinese trader named Tsisimkeeng, a resident of Batavia, arrived on 3 January with a pass dated 17 October 1722 from the Dutch East India Company (VOC). He was traveling to Timor on a ship carrying 20 lasten (a unit of cargo) and stopped to restock water and firewood.
• On 10 August, a prauw (small ship) named Jagon arrived, carrying 9 kojangs (small boats) and 27 people. The captain, Moeda, was a Maleier (Malay) from Tambelang Island, under the rule of the King of Johoor. They had left in early December 1722 for Java but were forced to stop due to calm winds, strong currents, and storms.
• On 13 August, a ship from the King of Bima arrived, carrying his envoy, Jenelij Woha. They had left on 10 September 1722 and were permitted by the VOC on 22 January 1723 to return.

Another report, signed by H. Walburg on 27 April 1723, listed additional arrivals:

• Envoys of the King of Bima, Boumiwoho and Bommnpri Sikaij, returned on 13 March 1723 after leaving on 10 September 1722 and receiving permission from the VOC on 22 January 1723.
• A servant of the King of Bima, named Jdo, arrived on a ship called Patsjallang. He had left on 9 September 1722 and was permitted to return on 16 December 1722.
• A Chinese trader, Lintsiko, a resident of Ternate, arrived on a small ship carrying 30 lasten. He had a pass from the VOC dated 26 February 1723 but was forced to stop due to a severe leak and lack of supplies.

In 1723, several ships traveled between Macassar and other ports, carrying goods, people, and animals. Here’s what happened:

• On 9 August 1723, a small ship with 15 crew members left Macassar to buy supplies for its owner. It carried 12 slaves, 6 horses, 50 piculs of tobacco (a weight measure), and a passenger named Jntje Poetie. The ship planned to return afterward.
• On 13 October, a local resident named Tomome sailed to Batavia in his patsjall (a type of ship) with 13 crew. The ship was about 3 coijangs (a size measure) and carried 40 piculs of tobacco and 5 passengers (2 men and 3 women) for trade.
• On the same day, a ship called Gontingh, owned by Bappa Awal from Macassar (under Matara), left for Batavia. The captain was from the same nation, and the ship carried 20 horses and 10 piculs of tobacco. This ship had arrived in Macassar on 16 April with a pass from the Dutch East India Company (VOC).
• On 14 October, a Macassanese trader named Dain Manjerikie sailed to Batavia in his ship (about 2 coijangs with 9 crew). He took 4 horses and the rest rice for trade.
• On the same day, Jntje Aming, a local Maleijer (person from Macassar), sailed to Batavia in his ship (about 4 coijangs with 10 crew) to trade, carrying a load of rice.
• On 22 October, a Chinese trader named Quajenko continued his journey to Timor after arriving in Macassar on 16 October to repair leaks, get firewood, and water.
• On 26 December, a Portuguese captain, Don Pedro Rodrigo, left for Lifao after arriving on 22 December to fix leaks in his small ship.
• On 8 January 1724, a Chinese trader, Tisihimkelng, continued to Timor after arriving on 3 January to get water and firewood.
• A Chinese trader, Lintsiko, left for Ternate on 27 December 1723 after arriving earlier to restock food supplies.
• On 25 June, a Maleijer captain, Moeda, from Tammelang Island left for Samarang in his praeuw (ship) named Jagon. He had arrived on 10 January but stayed longer because his crew was sick.

Ships that arrived included:

• On 16 October 1722, a Chinese trader, Quejenko, arrived from Batavia in a chialoup (small ship) owned by Tsiakamko. The ship (35 lasten, a weight measure) had a VOC trade pass for Timor but stopped due to leaks and to restock water and firewood.
• On 22 December 1722, a small Portuguese ship arrived in the harbor.
• On 2 May 1723, another ship arrived.

On 9 August 1723, a letter from Macassar noted that local kings had agreed not to cut any sappanwood (a valuable red dye wood) in 1724. However, about 3,000 piculs (a weight measure) of uncollected sappanwood remained—2,000 piculs in Dompo (on the trading post Cambo) and 1,000 piculs in Macassar. The writer, A.n Walburg, respectfully requested that authorities arrange for this wood to be retrieved the following year.

A separate note listed ships traveling between Batavia (modern Jakarta) and the East Coast of Java from August 1722 to July 1723:

• On 9 September 1722, a prauw (small ship) named Patsjallang, owned by the king of Bima, sailed to Batavia. It carried 33 crew, 24 enslaved people, and 60 piculs of sappanwood, along with passengers like Toanie Boeginees and Jntje wan Maleijer (a local resident). The ship was sent to buy supplies for the king.
• On 10 September 1722, another prauw, Naga, owned by the king of Bima and commanded by Jenelij Woha, left for Batavia with 45 crew to handle official business. It carried only food for the journey.
• On the same day, a third prauw, Gonting, sailed under Nintje Otjo with 34 crew and 40 horses for trade.
• On 4 October 1722, a trader named Toimpa sent a small prauw with 15 crew, 4 coijangs (units) of rice, 4 piculs of toppe (likely a local product), and one woman passenger.
• On 13 October 1722, Jositie, a servant of the king of Tambora, sailed a prauw with 4 coijangs and a small crew to Batavia.

• Arou Teko, a man from Macassar, met with the governor in the Rotterdam Castle on October 20, 1701. He acted respectfully, kissing the governor’s hand and asking for his case to be handled quickly—whether he would be sentenced to death or freed.
• Though given a seat, Arou Teko became agitated, speaking boldly and dramatically. The governor assured him the Dutch East India Company (VOC) would decide his fate fairly but firmly, based on the laws. Meanwhile, Arou Teko would be held under guard in the castle, which upset him—he had not expected this.
• When told his ceremonial dagger (kris) would be kept until his case was resolved, Arou Teko was speechless. He was then escorted to a guarded house near the church, where he remained under watch.
• That same evening, messengers were sent to the rulers of Boni and Goa to inform them of Arou Teko’s arrest. The ruler of Boni reacted cautiously, while the ruler of Goa was shocked but supportive, believing the governor’s goal was to enforce the alliance’s laws strictly.
• The governor planned to gather the remaining allies at the castle to discuss Arou Teko’s crimes. He expected most would now favor execution or exile (to the Cape or Java), rather than just fines, as they had previously suggested. The governor feared Arou Teko might still escape to England or Java if only fined.
• The letter, written by Cornelis Beernink, urged the governor’s superiors to decide quickly whether Arou Teko should be executed or punished less severely. He warned that releasing Arou Teko with just a fine could be dangerous.

In 1701, a report from Macassar discussed the case of Aron Teko, a local ruler causing trouble for the Dutch East India Company (VOC). The situation was complicated because of past agreements and the behavior of other local leaders.

• Aron Teko had broken rules set by the King of Bone (Radja Boni), including riding through the town of Vlaardingen with armed followers, even after being warned not to. This angered the king, who demanded Aron Teko stay in his camp.
• The VOC was concerned that if Aron Teko wasn’t punished, other local rulers would think they could ignore the VOC’s authority. They also feared he might flee to places like Bima, Java, or Banjar Masin and cause more problems, possibly even teaming up with pirates or the English.
• On 1 September 1701, Aron Teko admitted to ignoring the king’s orders and gave excuses for his actions. His arrogance made the situation worse.
• The VOC’s governor in Macassar came up with a plan to capture Aron Teko. They tricked him into coming to the VOC’s castle by pretending to negotiate. Aron Teko sent a messenger, saying he wanted to talk to the governor to resolve things peacefully. The governor agreed but warned that Aron Teko had to surrender completely to the VOC’s authority.
• On 14 September 1701, Aron Teko’s messenger returned, saying he would surrender—but first, he wanted to inform the King of Bone. The messenger also gave the governor a small bundle containing a gold gift (about 4¾ thaijlen, a local weight measurement). The governor accepted it to keep Aron Teko trusting them.
• Later that day, Aron Teko arrived at the castle with just 6–8 followers. He entered the governor’s hall, where the political council was waiting. As he stepped inside, he was disarmed and captured.

On 13 April 1723, a letter was written from Makassar addressing several issues:

• Governor Sipman regretted sending his son to Batavia secretly, which had upset the authorities. He explained that he had not intended to disobey orders and asked for forgiveness. He also mentioned that his son had been dismissed from service in Hamboina and was no longer in his employ.
• The ship Bellevliet had unloaded its goods properly. However, Joan Hapon, the chief merchant, reported some shortages in the delivered goods, including:
  • 20 cans of French wine
  • 42 cans of arrack (a type of liquor)
  • 2 measures of Surat tarruw (a type of cloth)
  • 3 measures of Bengal tarruw
  • 180 pounds of iron
  • 27 pounds of nails
  These shortages were approved to be written off as losses, totaling ƒ 81, 5 guilders, and 8 stuivers (a small coin).
• The following people were being sent on this ship:
  • Henricus Werend (also called Georgius Henricus Werendlij), a reverend, along with his family
  • 2 assistant teachers: Michiel de Bruijn and Jan Pietersz Governaar
  • 3 sergeants (including Michiel van der Rijke, requested by the kings of Bone and Gowa)
  • 3 corporals
  • 52 soldiers
  • 1 ship carpenter
  • 1 loadmaster
  • 1 quartermaster
  • 15 sailors
• Additionally, the letter mentioned that:
  • The reverends Abraham and Snoek were filling in for Georgius in Veromngvon.
  • Henricus Werend was involved in revising the translation of the Holy Scriptures into the Malay language, assisted by 4 others, 2 teachers, craftsmen, and 100 soldiers.

• On 13 April 1723, a set of documents was sent from Macassar by Johannes Philippus Sipmuan, Governor and Director of Macassar, aboard the ship Beloliet to Henric Zwaardecroon, Governor-General in Batavia, and the Council of the Dutch East Indies. The documents included:
• A register listing the sent papers.
• An original letter dated 13 April 1723.
• A summary from a 30 March 1723 meeting about shortages in drinks and supplies on the ship.
• Criminal charges by Abraham van den Anker, a merchant and fiscal officer, against Michiel van der Rijke, a temporary sergeant, for dueling.
• A summary of decisions from a 31 December 1722 meeting.
• A list of 58 discharged soldiers with their final pay records and 20 discharged sailors with similar records.
• Costs for supplies provided to the ship’s officers in Macassar at Castle Rotterdam on 13 April 1722.
• The documents were signed by P. van D. Cnippe, secretary, and received in Batavia on 27 May 1723 aboard the Bellevliet.
• In response to earlier orders, Sipmuan confirmed receipt of Zwaardecroon's letter from 16 January 1723 and explained that 180 lasten (units) of rice were loaded onto a ship bound for Banda on 26 February 1723, as the ship’s capacity was limited by heavy timber and other cargo.
• The ship Bellevliet arrived in Macassar on 17 March 1723, carrying further instructions from Zwaardecroon and the Council.

This summary covers official records from Maccassar (modern-day Makassar, Indonesia) sent to Batavia (modern-day Jakarta) in 1723 by the Dutch East India Company (VOC). The documents were transported by ships like the Kiefhoek and the Patsjall.

• On 27 May 1723, the ship Register der Papieren delivered:
  • An original letter from Governor Johannes Philippus Sipman and the Council of Maccassar to the Governor-General and Council of the Indies in Batavia, dated 11 April 1723.
  • Legal documents about a duel case involving Sergeant Michiel van de Rijke.
• On 18 June 1723, the Patsjall brought:
  • Another original letter from Governor Sipman and the Council, dated 6 June 1723.
• On 21 August 1723, an original letter from Resident Abraham Walburg in Bima (an island near Maccassar), dated 9 August 1723, was received, along with:
  • A list of ships that arrived and departed from Bima between August 1722 and July 1723.
• On 25 October 1723, an original letter from Governor Sipman and the Council, dated 5 October 1723, was delivered, discussing affairs in Towadjoeresto-anka.
• On 8 November 1723, the ship Sjallang, captained by Burger Hendrik, carried:
  • An original letter from Governor Sipman and the Council, dated 21 October 1723.
  • A report listing VOC sailing and rowing vessels in Maccassar on 3 October 1723, including necessary repairs.
  • A record of civilian ships present in Maccassar as of August 1723.

The records also included:

• Copies of reports by:
  • Hendrik Duurveld and Jan van Landsheer on their mission to Maros.
  • Pieter van der Snippe (a junior merchant) and Hendrik Duurveld on their dealings with the King of Boni (modern-day Wajo, Indonesia).
• A summary of VOC personnel in Maccassar as of June and September 1723.
• A list of ships arriving and departing Maccassar between September 1722 and September 1723.

In 1701, a report from Macassar was received in Goa on 14 November 1741, detailing gifts sent by the English leader of Banjar to the King of Goa and Carain Bontosoengo. These gifts were accompanied by a letter, which had already been responded to earlier that month. The letter was secretly delivered by a trusted person from Macassar, who traveled quietly without a pass from Goa to Banjar. The contents of the letter remained unknown, as they were kept confidential.

The report also mentioned that, over the past five years, the Portuguese in Timor had occasionally sent gifts to the people of Macassar. However, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) had not been informed about these exchanges. Around four years earlier, a messenger named Mangarij, supposedly Portuguese, had arrived with gifts that included small boxes, pearls, and possibly gunpowder in jars. These jars were not opened, so their exact contents remained uncertain.

The governor thanked Raja Bonij for his openness and recalled reading about similar Portuguese gifts in records from 3 August 1697. He noted this information in his private records, signed by Cornelis Beernink.

In another letter dated 11 November, it was reported that Abraham Holscher, a merchant, had arrived two days before the letter was written. The governor had already responded to an earlier letter from 16 August, but he still needed to reply to a secret letter addressed specifically to him. He trusted that the response would be handled carefully.

The governor also discussed a murder case involving Arouteko and Dain Manbam, which took place on 1 May 1700. The courts of Bonij and Soping had handled the case lightly, suggesting that Raja Bonij might have known about the murder beforehand. The governor believed that Raja Bonij wanted to protect the accused due to their connections, while the VOC aimed to enforce local laws strictly. The governor noted that most allies, except Raja Tello, would follow Raja Bonij's lead in public meetings. He decided not to consult the allies publicly to avoid influencing their opinions, as fear still lingered from past conflicts.

The VOC had urged the courts of Bonij and Soping to resolve the case and punish the murderer appropriately. However, since Aron Lonij refused to pass judgment and the Queen of Soping remained neutral, no other allies could interfere. This left the VOC to handle the matter independently.

In 1701, a report from Macassar revealed tensions between local leaders, the Dutch East India Company (VOC), and the English. Key details included:

• The governor of Macassar knew about gifts sent by an English leader in Banjar to the rulers of Goa and Bontoesoengoe around 3 months earlier. However, he claimed ignorance about a letter attached to these gifts, which the writer had disclosed to him. The writer chose not to press further to avoid seeming overly critical or biased against the Macassars.
• The writer feared that Radja Gas (a local ruler) would grow more hostile if all secrets were exposed, especially since the governor had recently mediated a dispute between the writer and their father-in-law. The writer decided to stay silent unless formally questioned by the governor.
• On 1 September 1701, Aron Teko, a local figure, was seen moving freely around the Dutch trading post in Macassar, despite earlier restrictions. The governor sent his clerk, Marcus Santbeek, to discreetly question Aron Teko about this.
• Aron Teko admitted he had been warned 4 months prior by Arou Pany (another official) to avoid the Dutch area but assumed the ban was no longer strict after receiving gifts from the VOC's Director-General. He justified his movements by claiming he needed fresh air and couldn’t stay confined.
• The governor had earlier (22 August 1701) received reports about English activities in Banjar and pressed Radja Boni (the King of Boni) for honesty as a trusted ally. Radja Boni laughed off the serious tone but confirmed discussing Banjar with a confidant, assuming this person would report back to the governor anyway.
• Radja Boni hinted at past events during his uncle Radja Palacca's time, suggesting long-standing tensions. He also mentioned that 12 days earlier, sensitive topics about Banjar were still being avoided in discussions.
• The report noted that the English had sent 2 small and 2 large barrels of gunpowder (a strategic resource), though the context or recipient wasn’t fully detailed in this excerpt.

In 1701, a report from Macassar revealed concerns about secret dealings between the English and local rulers. The text describes a meeting involving key figures:

• The ruler of Boni, referred to as Radja Boni, shared sensitive information with the Dutch governor. He warned that a trusted ally (likely a local leader named Arou Lonij) had learned of English activities in the region. The English were allegedly forming close ties with local powers, which could threaten Dutch control.
• Arou Lonij claimed the English had already gained strong influence over some allies, though Radja Boni refused to name them directly. He suggested the Dutch governor might already suspect certain parties.
• The governor arranged a private meeting with Radja Boni in the Dutch East India Company (VOC)'s garden in Macassar on Saturday, 20 August 1701, at 3 PM. They discussed the English sending gifts—small and large barrels of gunpowder—to local leaders. Radja Boni confirmed the gifts were part of a broader English strategy to build alliances, including secret letters.
• The governor was shocked, recalling a past incident on 4 June where a messenger (possibly linked to the English) had requested transport during a time when ships were readily available, raising suspicions.
• Radja Boni expressed frustration, noting that English goods (like cloth) were openly sold in markets, despite Dutch oversight. He feared worse illegal trade was happening along the coast, where smugglers operated freely.
• The meeting ended abruptly when Radja Boni grew agitated. The governor, already aware of some English activities from a 16 July report, decided to cut the discussion short and returned to the castle.

The text highlights growing tensions between the Dutch and English over trade influence in Macassar, with local rulers caught in the middle.

In 1701, a conflict in Macassar (now Makassar) involved two nobles: Arou Teko and Dain Manbanij. The dispute began when Arou Belo accused Arou Teko of murdering his brother. Though the case had initially been settled, tensions rose again when Arou Belo threatened to attack Arou Teko openly. The local governor, Cornelis Deernink, tried to calm the situation and urged Arou Belo to wait for a legal decision. However, the case dragged on due to:

• The governor’s personal hesitations about handling such a serious matter.
• The reluctance of authorities in Goa and the court of Boni to intervene.

Arou Teko claimed he had justifiable reasons for his anger toward Dain Manbanij and his wife, Saena, accusing them of exchanging love letters while Dain Manbanij was away. Though Dain Manbanij denied any improper relationship, the situation remained suspicious. A temporary peace was brokered by Macassarese mediators, but it didn’t last. Cornelis Deernink believed Arou Teko was at fault for taking justice into his own hands, especially since Dain Manbanij—though of mixed noble and common heritage—did not deserve to be judged by Arou Teko.

The governor considered three possible punishments for Arou Teko:

• Execution (but feared it would cause too much unrest).
• Exile (but Banjar, the closest option, was under British influence).
• Confiscation of goods and titles (seen as the most practical solution).

He stressed that Arou Teko could not go unpunished if justice was to be served for Dain Manbanij’s allies and the royal family.

Later, on August 19, 1701, the King of Boni sent an urgent message to the governor through his clerk, Marcus Santbeek. The king revealed secret intelligence:

• The British were establishing a stronghold in Banjar Masin.
• They were actively recruiting locals—including discontented people from Boni, Macassar, and other regions—with promises of high pay (5 to 8 rixdollars per month).
• Around 300 men, led by a Bonijer fugitive named Bambang, had already joined British forces.
• The British admiral had ordered spies and cruisers to destabilize the Mandaresian kings and disrupt Dutch influence.

The king also mentioned he had avoided visiting the Dutch fort to prevent causing alarm, given the governor’s wife’s illness. He urged swift action against the British threat.

In 1701, Dutch officials in Macassar (now Makassar) dealt with a serious conflict involving local rulers and a murder case. The key figures included:

• The Dutch governor, representing the Dutch East India Company (VOC).
• Radja Tello, a local ruler allied with the VOC.
• Arou Teko, accused of murdering Dain Mabanij (also called Arou Bilousou), a prince from the Soping kingdom.
• Radja Boni, the king of Boni, who seemed reluctant to punish Arou Teko.
• Cornelis Beernink, a VOC official reporting on the situation.

On January 8, 1701, the governor met with Radja Tello in the VOC’s garden to discuss the case. Radja Tello explained that Arou Teko had killed Dain Mabanij after a reconciliation, which was a betrayal. According to local laws, Arou Teko deserved the death penalty, but the VOC had delayed the execution. Radja Tello warned that further delays risked angering the VOC’s allies, especially the Soping court, who felt justice had not been served.

Radja Tello also noted that while the governor had the authority to enforce the sentence, local rulers expected the VOC to respect their laws. He suggested three possible punishments for Arou Teko:

• Execution.
• Banishment (considered too risky).
• Confiscation of goods and titles (seen as necessary to satisfy allies).

Cornelis Beernink agreed with most allies that Arou Teko must be punished, though Radja Loubou preferred a heavy fine instead. Beernink believed Radja Boni was secretly pleased the VOC was handling the issue, as he had avoided acting himself. Beernink urged swift action to maintain the VOC’s reputation as a strong ally.

On September 1, 1701, the governor met privately with the king of Boni in the VOC’s garden. The king admitted the case had dragged on too long but claimed he had tried to resolve it. He implied that Dain Mabanij’s family should have sought immediate revenge under local customs. The governor pressed the king for his official stance on Arou Teko’s punishment, but the king avoided giving a clear answer.

The VOC was frustrated that Radja Boni kept delaying, forcing them to take the lead. They feared that if they didn’t act firmly, their local allies would lose trust in them.