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On November 1, 1613, Marie Jans, widow of Jochum van Schenenburch, arranged to transfer several debts owed to her by sailors who had returned from East India on the ship White Lion. The debtors included Ariaen Cornelisz from Rotterdam (150 guilders), Claes Jacobsz from Zeeland (26 guilders), Herpert Claes from Rotterdam (9 guilders), Pieter Cornelisz from Soetelande (18 guilders), and Ariaen Symonssen de Veer (6 guilders). An additional 46 guilders was owed by Hans Bien for cellar beer.

The debts were transferred to Hillegout Mertens, a beer seller, as partial payment towards 1,320 guilders that Hillegout Mertens had paid as security for Marie Jans's house rent. The document was signed in Amsterdam near the Reguliers gate, witnessed by Gerrit Pietersz and Herman Janristen.

A second document dated November 5, 1613 records testimonies from Jan Maerszen (aged about 45) and Gysbert Gerritsen, a wagon maker (aged about 28). They testified about a conversation at Tryn Gerrits's house in the Ridderstraat regarding the rent of a garden plot, for which she had been paying 3 guilders annually and refused to pay more.

The final section mentions a dispute between Jan Janssen Brandaris and the children and heirs of Jan Maussen and Neeltgen Willems regarding the division of their inheritance.

View transcript NL-AsdSAA / 1510593 / 95  


On August 13, 1642, several sailors gave testimony before notary Henrick Schaeff in Amsterdam. The first group included Jan Thijsz, Willem Claesz, and Jan Jansz, who had sailed on the ship White Lion in 1639 and recently returned from Brazil. They testified about several crew members who had transferred from the White Lion to the ship St. Lawrence in Pernambuco, including:

In a second testimony that same day, soldiers Robbert Koeckman and Coenraet Severijns testified about Frederich Glots, who had served as a corporal in Brazil. They stated that Glots died on January 26, 1642 in Fort Wilhelm after a serious fall. Before his death, he had arranged for three months of his wages to go to the poor and the remainder to his roommate.

In a third testimony, Jan Jansz and Roeloff Roeloffsz testified about Pieter Ewoutsz from Rotterdam. They confirmed that Ewoutsz had spent about three weeks on the White Lion in Pernambuco before transferring to the St. Lawrence, which then sailed from Paraíba back to the Netherlands.

View transcript NL-AsdSAA / 605089 / 134  


On November 11, 1630, Dirck Jansz van der Molen and Isack Jansz van der Linden, both beer inspectors of the White Lion and citizens of the city, became guarantors for Claes Jacobsz to Willem Ockersz, the tax collector for beers. They promised to fulfill any court judgment as their own debt.

On November 12, 1633, Viertien Adriaens, living in the Bagijnhoff, made her will. She was healthy in body and mind. She left all her goods, including her house on the Ronde Bagijnhoff, to Heijltgen Pieters, or if deceased, to Marritgen Roeleffs. These goods had originally come from Anna Gerrits through a testament dated March 19, 1611.

On November 13, 1633, Hendrick Jacobsz, a 42-year-old shoemaker, and Esse Jansz, a 41-year-old tailor, testified about Reijnier Jans. They declared that he was born in Zwolle, Overijssel, to legitimate parents from Münster. They confirmed he was a good Roman Catholic. Hendrick Jacobsz was his godfather.

Additionally, Father Joannes van den Branden, an Augustinian priest educated at the University of Leuven, testified that Reijnier Jans lived as a good Catholic, attending confession and communion at Easter. With his confessor's permission, Reijnier Jans had gone to Spain to practice his trade.

View transcript NL-AsdSAA / 1510605 / 244  


On December 7, 1635, a legal document was created in front of notary Jan de Vos. Garbrant Willems, a citizen of this city and widower of Hillegont Pieters, gave power of attorney to Drick Albertsz Schoneman, also a citizen. This power allowed Schoneman to:

View transcript NL-AsdSAA / 1510871 / 524  


In Banda on February 8, military officials set rules for soldiers and sailors going ashore. The commanding officers were: Ship captains and officers included: The rules stated that all officers, soldiers and sailors must obey their superiors without question, under threat of severe punishment. Officers were not allowed to leave their assigned areas or give permission for others to do so without the Admiral's or Lieutenant General's explicit consent. Anyone caught wandering around the island or city causing trouble would be physically punished.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1053 / 1291  


On March 16, 1612, Raphael dluca wrote a letter from Banda. He reported that on June 1, 1611, he transferred from the ship 'Pergoes' to 'Wapen van Amsterdam' as an assistant. By August 23, following the general's departure to Molucca, he was appointed as under-merchant on the same ship. He also became secretary of two forts, Nassau and Belgica, and two ships, the 'Wapen van Amsterdam' and 'Witten Leeuw'. On December 16, 1611, following orders from the general, he transferred to the 'Witten Leeuw' as under-merchant to sail to the Molucques.

He mentions there are wars everywhere. He requests a copy of his bond document, noting that conscience is far from India. He warns that letters are being opened, so one should be careful what they write. He sends kisses to his niece Lucietia and sister Tanneken if they are still unmarried.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1053 / 1287  


In Johor on June 20, 1612, a trade deal was being discussed for Salde wood. The price offered was 40 reales per baer (a unit of weight), with each baer being 4½ picols. Around 48 baers of good quality wood had been purchased previously. Ships had been traveling between Bantam and the region. Sr Matay had written on October 20 about prices being offered to Chinese merchants who had come from Solor. The ship Eede arrived on the 5th from the Moluccas, Amboina, and Bandar. On the 8th, it left for Bantam, planning to stop at Johor for capital before continuing to Patani and then Japan. In the Moluccas, there was ongoing warfare with the Castilians (Spanish). The Dutch maintained 8 ships there. Trade with the Bandanese was going well, though there were not enough small ships to bring in the spices. The letter was signed by Heijndrick van Bourfolt and Andries.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1053 / 0441  


On June 20, 1612, Heyndrick van Boucholt wrote about trade activities in Bantam. He mentioned discussions about ship transport and negotiations about prices. The document refers to trade relations with Japan and Patani. The account mentions conflicts and the presence of Japanese vessels. There appears to be discussion of financial transactions, with some numerical values recorded.

A second date of March 43, 1772 is mentioned, though this appears out of chronological order in the fragmented text.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1053 / 0438  


In September, ships were sent from Bantam to the Moluccas due to concerns about Admiral van Caerden's second imprisonment by the people of Ternate. The ships Den Leeuw, Gonda, and Der Veer were dispatched with vital supplies.

The ship Banda and yacht Halve Maene met at Mauritius island, departing for Bantam in December. The crew was mostly healthy after refreshing supplies at Santa Lucia.

The ship Hollandia couldn't be repaired in Mauritius due to crew misconduct. They stopped at Santa Lucia for 8 days to resupply. Despite getting supplies at Santa Elena, the ships struggled with sick crew members due to eastern winds lasting over 3 weeks.

The situation was especially dire on the ship Middelborch, where 26 people had died and 30 more were seriously ill. The Hollandia had fewer sick crew members but still faced difficulties.

The ships lacked essential supplies, especially cables and ropes. They sent a yacht ahead to request assistance, as the Hollandia didn't have proper ropes to safely make landfall.

The letter was signed by Jacq Therunte de Jouve, Frederick de Schoutman, Pieter Pietersz Heijn, and Maerten Reijerssen.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1053 / 0436  


This document appears to be a report about Dutch maritime activities in Asia around 1610-1612. The Governor General arrived in Bantam and departed for Ambon and Banda with his fleet. The ships Delft and Orange left Bantam in February 1611.

In Banda, they found the ship Hollandia taking on cargo. They began building a small fort on a hill overlooking Fort Nassau. The construction faced delays, and they remained there until August 30 when they planned to leave for Ternate with the ships Black Lion and Vlissingen.

The report mentions poor conditions in Ternate, where peace was not achieved. They left the ships White Lion and Arms of Amsterdam to load cargo, as the Banda people seemed interested in peace. However, the Dutch suspected this peace offer was insincere, believing the locals were trying to get rid of ships that could harm them, only to resume hostile activities later.

The document is dated June 15, 1612.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1053 / 0435  


In Ternate, a letter discusses the Dutch struggle against Spanish forces in the Moluccas during the early colonial period. After the death of Director Cristiaen de Dorst, and following Governor General Pieter Both's departure, the situation became more challenging. The writer emphasizes that the Moluccas were vital to the Dutch position in the East Indies for 2 reasons: The Spanish-Dutch conflict led both sides to fortify their positions. The writer identifies 2 key strategic locations: The Spanish defenses included: The writer suggests that the only way to defeat the Spanish at sea would be to use rowing vessels like galleys or frigates to block their supply lines, as the Spanish were currently maintaining their position with just one galley and frigate.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1057 / 0173  


In this report about Dutch settlements in the East Indies around 1625, we learn about several trading posts and conflicts. At Larentoucou, the Portuguese used gifts and Catholic priests to win back over 4,000 Christian converts. The Dutch needed to strengthen their garrison at the castle, though they believed the Portuguese couldn't cause much damage since they lacked ships to sail to Timor. The Dutch maintained 4-5 small vessels to control ports and transport sandalwood. Jan Gijsbrechts de Vrij had died, and Crijn Jacobs van Raemsdouc was appointed as a merchant. The Dutch regretted not sending the Portuguese away to Gresi or Macassar after taking the castle, as agreed. Instead, they let them settle at Larentoucou, where Captain Apollonius Schot made a treaty with them. At Botton, the trading post was poorly fortified with just two small bulwarks manned by soldiers. The king of Botton promised to send 200 households to Banda to work with nutmeg and mace, but was considered untrustworthy. In Macassar, the trading post was in disorder after merchant Samuel Denijs died. The books were a mess, with no entries for a year. Abraham Sterc replaced him. The reporter suggests closing this trading post as it was costly and supplied the enemy Bandanese. Rice could be obtained from Japara and Japan instead. At Gresi, they found everything destroyed by Mataran 8-10 months before their arrival.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1057 / 0373  


A person calling himself a blacksmith named Daniel went to visit Jacobus Meijburg. He had bought coal from Stephanus Sebastiaan Walters and had treated Meijburg's son's horse. As payment, he gave Meijburg's son silver buckles that were stolen from Willem Hartkamp.

He then went to widow Gilderhuijsen's place near Saldanha Bay. He asked her son, who worked there as a servant, for a night's lodging, claiming he had his workshop at widow Poul Jordaan's place and was just out for pleasure. After getting permission, the next day he accompanied Gildenhuijsen to farmer Jacobus Kloete's place near Massenberg.

He stayed there until the afternoon, but when Gildenhuijsen decided to remain there, he secretly returned to widow Gildenhuijsen's place. He told the slave Gabriel that he had permission to stay overnight. The next morning, he stole Gildenhuijsen's light blue coat or waistcoat, a musket with bandolier, and one of his horses.

He rode to Geelbek Fountain, the farm of Johannes Heufke. There, he told the slave Martinus he was Gilderhuijsen's servant out hunting. After leaving the stolen musket and bandolier at Geelbek Fountain, he rode to farmer Teunis Schalkwijk's place called Ganse Kraal.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 10960 / 0773  


On an evening, Le Roust allowed Gerrit to stay overnight when he came to collect a horse that was supposed to be delivered earlier. That same morning, a Khoikhoi person had asked Le Roust about the horse and was directed to his second farm nearby. During their conversation that night, Le Roust learned that Gerrit had stayed behind from an English ship that was in port in April. Gerrit had permission from the prosecutor to seek his fortune and wanted to set up a blacksmith shop. They reached an agreement: Gerrit would pay 10 rijksdaalders monthly for lodging at Le Roust's third property, including meals, coffee and tea (but not wine) for himself and a slave boy he would hire. Van Reenen had promised to help him establish the blacksmith workshop.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 10960 / 0768  


The suspect bought a horse from the wife of former leader Gerrit de Leeuw for 10 Rixdollars. He convinced someone to trade horses, with him paying an extra 10 Rixdollars upon his return from Groeneberg. At Groeneberg, he was supposed to collect wages owed to him by blacksmith Jan Joost Steenberg from farmer Andries du Foit. He told the other party to verify his story with Ian Le Roux, claiming he had agreed to work as a blacksmith for 40 Rixdollars per year, including food, drink, and lodging for himself and his servant. After exchanging stirrups and dishonestly obtaining the horse, he left for farmer Johannes van Aarden's place. Finding no opportunities there, he stayed just one night, pretending he came from across Berg River from Gabriel du Frit and needed to travel to farmer Louis Coetsee. He stole a snuff box from the slave quarters.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 10960 / 0771  


On July 21, 1646, at around 6pm in Amsterdam, Elsge Matheus, widow of Hans Jansz, made her last will and testament. She was physically healthy and of sound mind, revoking all previous wills. She left the following bequests:

The money for Aeltge Jans was to be passed down to her legitimate children if she died. Half of Jacob's inheritance would go to Jaques Bols's children if Jacob died without legitimate heirs. Jans, a basket maker in the Niesel, was named as the universal heir for all remaining possessions.

View transcript NL-AsdSAA / 1510388 / 128  


These documents are correspondence from 1772-1773 between various Dutch officials in colonial areas. They include letters from Captain Lieutenant Henrich, Commander Tisscher in Sairogo, Sergeant and innkeeper in Gettam, Ensign and Commander in Passerouang, Governor van der Burgh, and Administrator Luzal in the eastern region.

There is also a translation of a Javanese letter from Jurragan Jania, chief of Noessa Island, to Commander Fisser, shown in Samarang on January 10, 1773, and correspondence with Bui Deremo Joedo. Additional letters are from Resident Schophoff in Oeloo Pampang and Balemboangang, and a report from the Mantria Kondor of Bansen.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3389 / 0466  


A list of requested trade goods shows items that were ordered but not received for 3 years, and are now being requested again. The items appear to be meant for different Japanese nobles including Matsudaira Sangaro, Kamisama, and the Lord of Arima. Nabeshima Siranodono is also mentioned as a recipient.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1213 / 0860  


On 14th 1500, a list of trade goods was made. Several textile products were mentioned, including bleached Guinea linen and bleached Salampores. 1,000 pieces of fine bleached Parcalles were received that year, along with 1,000 pieces of bleached Allegias from Coromandel, 1,000 pieces of bleached red Chelas, 1,000 pieces of blue Radaphons, and 2,000 pieces of sailcloth, mostly black.

500 pieces of Sarasses were painted according to Japanese samples. The Thomese ray skins, which usually gave good profits, could not be sent in too large quantities. They needed to be well-protected from moisture and packed tightly, as the slightest dampness could ruin and infect an entire package.

From Persia, 3 to 4,000 pieces of black prepared goatskin leather from Esfahan were listed. From Surat, 150 to 200 picols of good Catchie were recorded. They didn't request any Putchock since Japan was still well-stocked and there was little demand. It was noted that if none was sent for 1 or 2 years, it would find a better market and return to its previous price. That year it sold for 17 Tael per picol.

From Siam, they had not yet received their annual order, which consisted of:

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1213 / 0854  


In 850, various goods were requested, including:

These items were provisions and necessities for the trading office and to please important officials.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1213 / 0857  


The report describes sailing activities near Banda from May 10-16, 1728. A captain navigated through waters near Great Kei and Little Kei islands. The ship used various depths for anchoring, ranging from 5 to 18 fathoms. The sailors faced changing wind conditions, mostly from the northwest. On May 16, they experienced rough weather with rain, and their staysail tore apart, requiring immediate replacement. During the night, they encountered unstable conditions with rain, thunder, and lightning.

The crew asked all natives from the Little Kei islands whether they had seen any foreign ships or other vessels in the area. The locals responded that they had not seen any.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 7988 / 0148  


In the St. Laurens area on June 16, 6 to 12 Brazilians reported their findings during a reconnaissance mission. They traveled through several locations: They found St. Sebastian deserted, with all residents having fled. After crossing the Tapicura River, they reached Johan Fernandes Vieira's settlement. The slaves there had instructions to: At St. Anton, they found a small chapel and a house belonging to Johan Fernandes Vieira containing 50-60 goats and many chickens. At the monastery of St. Bento, they discovered that both Portuguese and slaves had fled. They proceeded to Miguel Fernandes's house, who had been ordered by Johan Fernandes Vieira three months earlier to provide flour to people coming from Bahia. Miguel Fernandes had sent supplies to Pedro d'Acunha's settlement, where rebels were hiding. Miguel Fernandes was also expecting cattle from Rio Grande, ordered by Johan Fernandes Vieira. At Pedro d'Acunha's settlement, they found: Finally, they went to Una, which was empty, and to Santa de Luz, where they only found a priest before returning to the fort. Jorge Homem Pinto appeared before the assembly to explain his absence from Parniba. An assessor was appointed to examine him and report back.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.05.01.01 / 76 / 0080  


On September 13, 1634 in The Hague, a regulation was proposed concerning travel costs for civil servants and military personnel being transported between colonies in the Dutch West Indies. The document was sent to H.J., the Governor General of the Dutch West Indies, who forwarded it to the Department of Marine.

After reviewing the proposal on September 6, 1734, the Department of Marine (reference B3. 4072) determined the regulation matched existing colonial rules. The proposal specifically dealt with payments to commanders of war vessels who transported officials between colonies as part of their duties.

On September 4, 1814, the Major General, who was also Governor General of the Dutch West Indian possessions, stressed to the King the necessity of establishing fixed regulations regarding these travel expenses. The matter was considered urgent enough to require formal rules about how civil servants and military personnel should pay ship commanders when being transported between colonies on official business.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 2.10.01 / 937 / 0353  


In 1891, 15 cinnamon growers owned a piece of land of about 22 ammonams. Half of this land, located in the limits of the village of Ambagam, was taken from them by Corael Don Louis. He gave it to a person from Mitelwittij under false pretenses, claiming the land belonged to the latter village. The real reason was that the Corael wanted to seduce the majorael's wife, and he would only succeed if he gave the land to her husband. After the transfer, he gained unrestricted access to her, causing public scandal.

All the araatchees and harpenaers of Nigombo complained that they had served under various Captains and dessaves for many years. However, none of the previous leaders had been as harsh and unreasonable in governing as dessave Joannes de Krouse. As evidence of his ungodly behavior, they testified that he had severely whipped and chained araatchie Anthonij de Welho and two harpenaers, Francisco Pieris and Francis Matthijs. He also chained araatchie Pedi Moerais without giving any explanation for their punishment. They added that while they could endure the shame, their subordinates now refuse to follow Company orders, saying they won't be commanded by disgraced persons.

A porter named Simittra Jagerero, living in Kage or Kirrege Pakene and carrying hunted game to Colombo, complained that his garden on Company ground was sold by Commissioner Joannes de Crouse and Captain Gregonius da Costa. The garden, containing only 29 young coconut trees and 5 soursop trees, was bought by bookkeeper Hendrik van Reijschoten for 13 rixdollars.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1823 / 0493  


In Nieuwenhuysen, on February 2, 1741, a testament was signed by Dirk Roovers and Dielia Coorael. Leonard Braband and Hendrik van Oorschot were present as witnesses. The document detailed inheritance arrangements for their children, with the surviving parent becoming the guardian. This guardian would have the power to: The testament was certified by notary public W.S. Nots.
View transcript NL-HlmNHA / 4975336 / 98  



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