Transcriptions » Recently created summaries of historical documents

On an unspecified date, a person (referred to as the Comparant) formally agreed to give up any current or future claims to land or authority in Cheribon (now Cirebon, Indonesia). In return, the Comparant requested permission from the Dutch East India Government in Batavia to live peacefully in Batavia (now Jakarta) with an annual income of 2,000 Spanish reales (an old currency). The Comparant promised to accept this agreement without hesitation and to make any changes the government required.

The document was signed in an unspecified location by Casuma Di Ridja using Arabic script. Witnesses included:

• Bernardus van Pleuren (Governor and Director)
• V. A. Schilling
• B. Smissaart
• L. J. Haga
• N. Galloo
• H. Martens

A separate report, recorded by an unnamed military ensign, was addressed to Bernardus van Pleuren, detailing an expedition conducted along the northern coast of Ceram (now Seram Island, Indonesia). The report was submitted in compliance with van Pleuren's official orders.

On 11 April 1787, a group appeared before Bernardus van Pleuren, the Governor and Director of Amboina, along with other officials, including:

• Johan Adam Schilling (merchant and fiscal officer),
• Balthazar Smits (assistant merchant and secretary of police),
• Lambertus Ianszoon Haga (acting under-merchant and shopkeeper),
• Nicolaas Galloo (paymaster bookkeeper), and
• Casoema Di Ridja, the former Sultan of Cheribon, held as a state prisoner in Amboina since 1769.

Casoema Di Ridja clearly stated that he willingly gave up all rights and claims he ever had as Sultan.

Earlier, witnesses reported seeing many kidnapped people from Xulla, Bour Amblauw, and Hatiling—with the last group estimated by the Dutch East India Company to number over 100. The witnesses confirmed their statements under oath in the presence of Elias Mazel and Frans Stephanus Clercquen, police secretaries, and signed the record alongside L. I. Haga, the secretary.

After arriving at an unnamed village, the travelers found only small huts with people, not proper houses. They left and landed on the island of Sawaij, where Flamisie was handed over to the postholder Hoppius by Sinopa without any demand or payment of ransom. Meanwhile, Iansenko had taken goods on credit from the same postholder, including:

• 8 pieces of red karrikams fabric,
• 1 piece of blue salempoeris fabric,
• 3 brown baftas (a type of cloth) called zourats,
• 3 pieces of blue Chinese linen,
• 2 Javanese sarongs,
• 2 large porcelain dishes,
• 1 large porcelain bowl, and
• 2 wooden axes.

The total value of these goods was 100 rijksdaalders (a type of currency). For this amount, Iansenko had signed a private debt agreement in favor of Hoppius. He then gave the goods directly to Sinopa to secure his own release, as Sinopa had also covered his expenses earlier. Three days later, both men were transported from Sawaij to Manipa and then onward toward their final destination.

Tansenko also mentioned that he had asked Sinopa to make every effort to locate and free the captured European helmsman Ian Post, the Indigenous helmsman Barend, the captain Nanij, the Chinese scribe Tjankinkong, and Kamonij from Quandan—all previously mentioned individuals. Sinopa had promised to do everything in his power to help.

Finally, when directly questioned by the secretary, the men stated that during their stay in Salwattij, they had neither seen nor heard anything about spices or spice trees. The same was true for all other places they had visited.

• The first witness, Tansenko, stated that while he was on Salwattij, he heard from Sengadja Makoeti (who had become his servant after being captured) that an English missionary had stayed on the island for 6 to 7 days with Tidorsen Prins Bakanoekoe.
• The missionary then left for Solok by a small boat called a Corra Corra, accompanied by four Tidoreese men: a Djoegoegoe, a Hoekom, a scribe, and a Cassie.
• These Tidoreese men had asked the missionary, on behalf of Prins Bakanoekoe, to quickly appear with three ships near the cape of Pattanij, which the missionary promised to do.
• Prins Bakanoekoe reportedly told his officials that he preferred the English over the Spanish or French.
• After 22 days on Salwattij, Tansenko was taken to Micoal by Sengadja Makoeti and freed by Sinopa in exchange for:
  • 2 Papoese male slaves
  • 1 large and 1 small porcelain dish
  • 1 Chinese-style dagger (Chitse Bardjoe)
  • 1 striped pair of long pants
  • 1 piece of blue and white Baftas cloth (zourats)
• At Micoal, Tansenko met the second witness, Hamisie, and they stayed there together for another half month.
• Both witnesses then traveled with Sinopa by a small boat (Mahoelij) toward Sawaij but were delayed by wind and currents, landing on Groot Hottij for 4 days.
• Afterward, they sailed to Hatiling, where they waited for 2 more days.

Survivors reported the following events after witnessing brutal acts:

• They saw many beheaded bodies left on the shore in Tidor, exposed to wild animals, with other shameful acts committed against them.
• Prins Bakanoekoe of Tidor shouted to them (while they and other prisoners were held near the shore, not on land) that he had 200 Corre Corre (war boats) ready.
• He was expecting another 200 boats from Oning and nearby Papoese Islands, plus 200 more from Ceram.
• His plan was to attack Saway and Manipa first. If unsuccessful, he would target Macquian and Ternaten.
• Prins Bakanoekoe had received "gifts" from the English, including:
  • 12 snaphaans (early firearms),
  • 20 pieces of fine wool fabric (lakens),
  • some torches (flambouwen),
  • white wax candles.
• The English had promised him support with 3 ships.
• On the small island where Prins Bakanoekoe stayed, the survivors saw a man who looked European. The prince called him a "writer and messenger of the English" and his friend.
• They described the man as:
  • light brown-skinned,
  • wearing a green shirt (kamisol), red breeches, and white stockings,
  • holding his hat under his arm,
  • having poorly styled, curly hair tied in a knot.
• The first survivor, Tansenko, believed the man was Portuguese.
• After seeing this, the survivors were taken back to Salwattij.
• The second survivor, Hamisie, was moved from Salwattij to Micoal three days later by Sinopa, who they claimed was the son of the late ruler of Micoal.

• A large group of people, estimated by the witnesses to be around 600 men, attacked three boats. The attackers captured everyone on the boats amid loud shouting.
• During the attack:
  • Iansenko (the first witness) was beaten with oars and then a stick until he fell to the ground.
  • The European helmsman Jan Post was wounded three times.
  • One local sailor was killed.
  • All those who had gone ashore were captured and tied up, except for the witness Hamisie.
• Hamisie escaped because a man named Sinopa (from Mixoal, who had come to collect sago) warned him about the attack just before it happened. Hamisie was called onto Sinopa's boat and thus avoided capture.
• Immediately after, the first witness (Iansenko) and the other prisoners were taken by Raja Salwattij to a small nearby island. The second witness was taken there by Sinopa.
• On that island, they saw Bakanoekoe, a prince from Tidor, sitting on the shore with a large group of his followers.
• Bakanoekoe's people showed the prisoners two dead bodies lying on the beach and said to the first witness:
  • "Look, these men were killed because your company (the Dutch) has wronged our prince. They sent his father and brother to Batavia and caused him great trouble."
  • "To take revenge, he has killed these two Europeans, and he will do the same to all Europeans, Chinese, people from Ternate, and Mardijkers he can capture."
• The witnesses saw more Europeans on the shore with their arms and legs bound at the elbows and knees.

Representatives from the Dutch company requested some arak (alcoholic drink) from the Raja of Salwatti, mentioning that the company had previously given him a cellar full of the drink in Tansenko.

The two speakers reported that they had traveled to Salwatti with two boats, crewed by people from three different ships. Among them were:

• A European helmsman named Jan Post from their own ship,
• A local helmsman named Barend,
• The anachoda (leader) Nanij from the pantjalling (small boat) of Landauw,
• People from the pantjalling of Captain van der Plas,
• A Chinese scribe named Tjankinkong,
• The housekeeper of the first company representative, named Kamonij from Quandang.

Upon arrival, they were greeted under a chiaboua (shaded area) in front of the Raja's house in Salwatti. The Raja (whose name was unknown to them) offered them seats and welcomed them warmly, saying, "Do not be afraid, Anachoda; I have given you my word." The group did not suspect any bad intentions, believing they were there to negotiate the release of the previously mentioned Europeans, as agreed with Kimelaka Kakea.

After sitting for about 3 hours, drinking some sopjes (light drinks) and chewing betel, they noticed around 100 Papoens (local people) standing around the chaboa (shaded area). This did not raise suspicion, as it was customary for the locals to gather this way. They then began negotiations with the Raja about the release of the European corporal and sergeant.

On orders from the noble Alexander Cornabé, Governor and Director, a group left to find the Ternate slave hunters (called Extirpateurs) who were supposed to work in Obie but had reportedly been captured by the Papoen people. They sailed directly toward Salwattij.

Near Salwattij, in a strait called Patantaa, they anchored and spotted a small boat (praauw) approaching. They signaled it to come closer, and a local leader (kakea quimelaha) from Weda boarded their ship. When asked about his destination and whether Europeans were in Salwattij, he replied:

• He had gone to Salwattij to gather sago.
• He didn’t know if Europeans were there but would ask the local ruler (Radja).
• He promised to return in 2 days with an answer, for which he was offered 2 pieces of white guineas (a type of cloth or currency) as payment.

After 2 days, the kakea quimelaha returned while they were anchored near the island of Iopi (close to Salwattij). He reported:

• Two Europeans—an ensign (vaandrig) and a sergeant—were in Salwattij (believed to be Paulus and Heek).
• He could negotiate their ransom with the Radja of Salwattij.

• The witnesses stated that most people from Salawati had left after being called to Tidore by a letter (as the witnesses had heard). Only a few people remained on Salawati.
• They found an old, small boat on the shore and used it to escape. After 15 days, they reached Lisabata (likely a coastal area), where they were taken to Manipa and later transported back.
• The witnesses ended their account, confirming they were ready to swear an oath if required.
• The statement was recorded at Castle Nieuw Victoria in Amboina on the same date mentioned earlier, in the presence of Elias Mazel and Daniel van Rijswijk, both clerks, who signed along with the witnesses and I. Haga, the secretary of Amboina.
• I. Haga also wrote to Bernardus van Pleuren, the Governor and Director of the province, reporting that an old leader from Hatiling (called Massepeijt) had been sent by military officer Bourqquits to Grote Hotij.
• The purpose was to gather information about foreign ships that had arrived at Salawati on November 11.

On 23 June 1780, Iohannes Hoppius reported from Zawaij that a messenger had returned with unfinished business. The messenger had only reached Hottij and learned from the local leader (called orangkaij) that Manipes, a ship named Carihita, had also been stopped by pirates near Hottij. No news was found about the foreign ships mentioned earlier. The letter was written respectfully to an unnamed high-ranking official.

A later note mentioned that the resident of Manipa was received with his Chiampang (a type of boat) after 6 months, along with ransom money and living expenses for the settlement at the post.

On 8 May 1781, in Heeden, Lambertus Iantz Haga, an assistant merchant and secretary of police, recorded statements from two witnesses at the request of Bernardus van Pleuren, the Governor and Director of the province. The witnesses were:

• Tansenko, a 39-year-old Chinese trader, and
• Hamisie, a 26-year-old Muslim local.

Both lived in Ternate but were present at the time. They testified that on 13 February 1781, they had sailed from Ternate on a two-masted boat owned by Feith Landouw, a local officer. They were accompanied by two pantjallings (small boats) belonging to Landouw and another officer, van Der Plas.

On December 31, 1737, a financial record listed debts owed to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) from various individuals and groups. The total amount owed was ƒ3,074:18 (3,074 guilders and 18 stuivers). The debts included:

• Captain Feijt Landouw of the civic guard: 117:11 (117 guilders and 11 stuivers).
• Captain Willem of Sangir: 168:15 (168 guilders and 15 stuivers).
• The government of Maba: 36 T (unspecified currency or unit).
• Senghaadje from Pattani: ƒ313:12 (313 guilders and 12 stuivers).
• An entry labeled weeda (possibly a place or type of debt): 1,278:15 (1,278 guilders and 15 stuivers).
• A subtotal of debts before the final sum: 1,196:5 (1,196 guilders and 5 stuivers).

The record was noted at Fort Orange in Ternate.

On June 23, 1772, officials noted that the rice supply in their settlement was dangerously low—only enough to last about 3.5 months (until October). Facing urgent shortages, they discussed finding ways to secure more rice without relying on shipments from Batavia or elsewhere.

They proposed a plan to Burger Vaandrig Feit Landouw, asking if he would use his private boat to transport 40 to 50 lasten (a last was a unit of weight) of rice from Manado and Kema for the Dutch East India Company (VOC). Landouw agreed not only to make the trip but also to cover the risks of the journey himself. In return, he requested:

• Payment and provisions (randzoen) for the free sailors he would hire.
• Support in the form of 4 two-pound cannons and 2 barrels of gunpowder for protection, which he would be responsible for.
• A request to the King of Ternate to provide additional local boats (corra) to assist in the transport.

• The King of Batchian (a ruler from the island of Batchian in the Moluccas, modern-day Indonesia) – owed ƒ 3,968:13.
• Hemmekamp, the head administrator – owed ƒ 616:9:4.
• The estate of the late Captain Fieij Landouw (a naval officer) – owed ƒ 117:17.

During a specific event, certain captured individuals (referred to as "geraakte Lijwaten") from Maba, Weda, and Pattani were allowed to be ransomed. The following details were recorded:

• Munitions were given under a guarantee to Captain Landouw and charged to the general accounting office.
• Goods were written off from the remaining artillery supplies by Captain Freit Landauw, a leader of the civilian militia.
• The cost of the munitions, amounting to rd:s 772: 8:-, was to be covered by the people of Maba, Weda, and Pattani. This amount included compensation for all losses caused by their rebellion.
• If the ransom for the captured individuals were to be taken from this fund, it would suddenly decrease by rd:s 211: 42: 15:-.
• A request was made to transfer only the purchase cost of rd:s 141: 12:- to the company’s cash fund, which was still weak. This amount would not cover all the other losses.
• It was presumed that after the expected submission of Maba, Weda, and Pattani, a decision similar to one made regarding the people of Tidore would be reached.

Additionally:

• On August 29, 1741, Captain Freit Landouw was loaned munitions for his ship under guarantee, which he was to return after landing.
• He was also loaned 6 iron cannons (3-pound balls), 60 round shots, and 60 long shots for his ship, which were written off from the remaining artillery supplies.
• Munitions and goods that had been loaned to the late Ensign Rauch were valued at rd:s 379: 11:- (or ƒ 750:16:8).
• An advance of 300 was charged to the general accounting office.

• The sloop would be inspected by Equipagie Opzichter Adolfs and the ship's carpenter van den Broek to ensure it was seaworthy for the planned trip.
• If approved, the sloop would transport between 40 to 50 loads of rice from Manado and Kema.
• Landouw would be provided with the requested cannons and gunpowder, but he had to return the cannons after the trip and account for the gunpowder used.
• The Indigenous sailors on the trip would receive supplies as outlined in the existing regulations for such voyages, including 40 pounds of rice and 2 pounds of salted fish per person.

This letter, written in January 1622, outlines a diplomatic and military situation between the kingdoms of Siam (modern-day Thailand) and Cambodia, involving the Dutch (referred to as Holland). Here’s a summary:

• The writer (likely the king of Siam) acknowledges gifts and goodwill from the recipient (likely a Dutch official or representative) but notes that Captain Jacob (a Dutch captain) had been busy, delaying a proper response.
• Two servants—Kon, Annave, Chidt Rachdy, and Mintsinementherij—are sent under the recommendation of Captain Cornelis van Nijenhoode to deliver the letter and a small token of gratitude. They are also tasked with verbally expressing the king’s goodwill.
• The letter explains that Cambodia had long been under the authority of Siam. After the death of a loyal governor named Kraferij Soubkaima de Raya, his son, 't Chesta, wrongfully seized power without approval. This act angered the king of Siam, who sent his army and navy to restore order and bring Cambodia back under control.
• The king emphasizes the importance of friendship between Siam and Holland, stating that their alliance is strong and should not be broken. He asks the Dutch to support this mission, as it benefits both kingdoms.
• The Dutch fleet is already prepared to sail from Siam to Cambodia within the month of January 1622. The king hopes the Dutch will send experienced officials to assist in governing Cambodia once order is restored.
• The letter concludes by reaffirming the deep friendship between the two nations and urging the Dutch to take decisive action to maintain their strong bond. The king assures that Siam will do everything in its power to uphold the alliance.

The text discusses the role and responsibilities of interpreters at external trading posts, emphasizing the need for trustworthy individuals with deep knowledge of local customs, laws, and traditions.

• Interpreters were carefully selected based on their loyalty and expertise in local matters. They played a key role in legal and administrative issues involving local communities.
• Interpreters could face serious consequences if complaints arose about their handling of local affairs. They might be summoned, questioned, arrested, or punished by the governor.
• An example is given of Evert Jansz, an interpreter who was arrested in Macassar in 1753 over a dispute involving enslaved individuals on the ship De Tijdzaamheid. He was only released after proving his innocence and justifying his actions, though he was fined 2,526.25 guilders.
• Another interpreter, Frans Fransz, was arrested by the Macassar government despite having followed written orders from resident Beems. This shows that interpreters could still face penalties even when acting on official instructions.
• Local rulers often gathered with interpreters before official meetings to discuss important issues. Interpreters directed local affairs and ensured that decisions from these meetings were carried out.
• Residents (local Dutch officials) had the authority to act against decisions made by local assemblies if those decisions conflicted with Dutch interests or local laws.

This document discusses the sale of enslaved people by the Council of Justice of Batavia Castle (in Batavia, present-day Jakarta) and the rules governing such sales between 1664 and 1691.

• Enslaved individuals were sold "as is" (voetstoots), meaning buyers could not return or cancel the purchase for any reason, even if flaws or issues were discovered later.
• This rule was recorded in a sales book (venduboek) in May 1691, but it was unclear who authorized this change or why.
• Other officials, such as the secretaries of the Honorable College of Aldermen and the Orphan Masters, did not have similar written conditions for movable goods. Instead, the auction master kept these rules, including the "as is" clause from 1664 to 1691.
• To prevent future disputes, the Council of Justice requested in 1720 that the "as is" clause be reinstated in the sales book. They also asked for clear rules on fees and auctioneer salaries for fixed goods.
• On February 26, 1726, the Council of the Indies reviewed the request and decided to restore the original clause, as it had been practiced since 1664 and was already included in the city statutes under the section on enslaved individuals (Article 16).

The document was signed by B:s Coop â groen and submitted to the Council of the Indies for final approval.

On 30 September 1666, in Palembang, Chinese shopkeepers were allowed to bring their goods to the trading post but remained under the control of their self-proclaimed masters.

After the Commissioner settled matters and inspected the trading post, His Excellency left for Jambi on 28 September 1666. His findings and further actions would be reported in detail to the authorities.

The local leader recently sent a request to Malacca via loaded ships, asking for 1,000 reals in coins—either as a loan or in exchange for the spices he had provided. Though advised against it, he persisted in hope of success.

The escape of the former skipper Springer, who took a small ship with 6 crew members (both Dutch and local), suggested they might turn to piracy. Authorities in Palembang were alerted to watch for them.

Attached were financial records, including trade logs, inventory lists, cash books, and warehouse records from May 1665 to April 1666. The local ruler (Pangeran) also sent a letter in response to one from Pits, along with gifts: 2 rattan mats and 2 elephant tusks.

For the past 4 years, traders from Makassar had brought large numbers of enslaved people (men and women) from Bugis to Palembang, selling them at high prices. These individuals, captured in war by the King of Makassar, were sold as lifelong slaves. Many were sent to the highlands and traded for pepper to work in spice cultivation. As far as known, no free individuals were at the local ruler’s court.

The returning ship Eendracht carried:

• 623,400 catties (units of weight) of black pepper
• 7,623 catties of white pepper

This document discusses a proposal to improve the trade and production of certain types of wood, particularly for military and naval use in the Dutch colonies. Here’s a summary of the key points:

• The proposal aims to reduce the price of 4 specific articles (likely types of wood or goods) by 9%. This would make them more competitive against similar products from France.
• It suggests that small ships could be used to transport these goods, reducing costs and avoiding extra taxes or fees that usually apply to larger colonial trade routes.
• The writer argues that introducing Mahaar wood (a type of timber) would benefit the military and naval departments of the government. There would be a steady demand for it, ensuring consistent profits.
• The proposal mentions Captain Mordy, who is described as highly qualified to oversee this project. He has experience in shipbuilding, particularly in Barbados, and understands the materials and labor needed for docks and construction.
• The writer believes that local workers in the colonies could be trained to build and maintain these docks, making the project sustainable and beneficial for the region.
• The goal is to create a reliable supply of high-quality wood for government use while also generating moderate profits for investors.

On 30 January 1744, permission was granted for a group of people to stay in the colony, specifically on the land called Pamanschan in the area of Kaarsang. The individuals listed were:

• Co M Baird
• L. Hall
• S. Nerland
• H. Opernie
• V. Ginexell
• S. Cousins
• Moodij
• P. Hardie

The necessary documents were to be given to those involved. A copy of this decision was sent to the Resident of Kaarsang for information and follow-up.

Additionally, H. H. Gelsken received a letter from the Lieutenant General, the commander of the troops, dated 22 January 1744. This letter informed him that the Dutch private ship Concordia, captained by Vesedore Willems, had arrived at the Rede van Batavia (the roadstead of Batavia) the day before. A detachment of troops had been sent to the ship. According to the enclosed muster roll dated 30 January 1621, the detachment consisted of:

• 1 First Lieutenant (de Louis)
• 1 Armourer (S. Ansums)
• 4 Ensigns
• 1 Drummer
• 41 Corporals
• 41 Musketeers
• A total of 162 men

The letter also noted that the soldiers had behaved well during the journey, the supplies were of good quality, and the troops had been registered according to the muster roll. The service records of the mentioned officer were included for consideration regarding their placement. The Lieutenant General approved the proposal for the officer's placement.

The letter was accepted for information, and a copy of the muster roll was included to confirm the arrival of the detachment.

On 30 January 1524, a payment was approved equal to two months' salary as compensation for relocation costs. The Algemeene Askerkamer (General War Department) and involved parties were informed for follow-up.

H. 9. Velcker, widow of Mazia Dickser, requested that her son Gijsbert's pension (from her first marriage to L. Lindeman, a master carpenter) be granted. However, since Lindeman died on 28 February 1811—before the pension rules took effect on 1 July 1811—he never contributed. The request was denied on 30 January 1734.

On the same date, a letter from L. Herarf, M. Quarles & Co. confirmed that the following individuals could stay in Paramaribo to work for the Administrators:

• Ro. N. Baind (born in Perth, Scotland)
• P. Mardie (born in Dalhuith, Scotland)
• Z. Hall (born in Glasgow, Scotland)
• H. Spenrle (born in Stansea, Wales)
• F. Nerrland (born in London, England)
• F. Lousind (born in Bridgnorth, England)
• S. Simerell (born in London, England)
• G. Moodij (born in London, England)

The Resident of Cayenne advised on this on 17 January, and the decision was recorded for future reference, following rules set in 1728.

On 10 November 1632, at Fort Sourousouangh, a group of 3 men and 2 women arrived. They reported that enemies from Macassar were passing by the bay and signaling to pick up deserters. Early the next morning, enemy forces were spotted near the riverbank, where rebel allies were stationed. During a skirmish, one of the Dutch soldiers was seriously wounded in the side, but the rebels retreated to the forest and their forts as usual.

Later that day, another group of 3 men and 2 women arrived from the enemy side. These women had previously been under Keeij Massor and came from the village of Tijcoloer. They shared key information:

• Toparagij had arrived at Tirtalaija with 25 of his people and one Dutchman, under Pangiran Abd-ellaliem.
• Dutch forces had trapped enemies in a fort at Tangirangh, blocking all exits.
• The Javanese near the area had asked the old king for help, who promised reinforcements within 1–2 days.
• The enemies had strengthened their forts along the shores of Tanckorak.
• Around the Tangirangh River, there were 20 Dutch company ships and 7 near Tanara.
• Many common people were expected to defect soon due to hardships, as they could no longer endure their current suffering.
• Pangiran Abd-ellaliem was still at Marcasana with 400 men.

On 11 November 1682, at the same fort, the ships Pijl and Brack were sent to Pitsjock. The next day, a Persian warning letter was opened and read, but no immediate action was taken. On 13 November, small local boats (pantsjalangs) entered the bay, and the yacht De Coopen, led by Captain de Rooij, landed. Pangiran Togia was at Canarij with his forces, but the whereabouts of other leaders remained unknown.

The yachts Pijl and Brack departed that evening for Pitsjock. Skipper Puijt was ordered to return if a cannon was fired from Carrangantoe or if a flag was seen signaling from there.

On 14 November, Major de Gheijn and Senior Merchant de Brieff reviewed a letter from Persian Director Rijcklof van Casembroot, sent to the Dutch East India Company (VOC). They decided not to send an express yacht to Batavia, as the situation wasn’t urgent enough. They would wait for the Macassar ship or another opportunity.

On 15 November, nothing significant happened. That afternoon, company boats and a chialoup from Paliacatta anchored near Pontangs Hoek. Soon after, the yacht Battavise Coopman arrived at the roadstead, along with Captain de Rooij and 3–4 Batavian trading proas near the lodge. The small war fleet had been patrolling between Tanara and Pontang for days.

The Dutch sent ships to Tagal, Banda, and Macassar, starting with the government of Amboina as usual. Following earlier reports from November 29 of the previous year, they prepared for the regular trip to the Eastern regions.

On March 23 and April 9 of this year, three ships were readied for the government:

• Driebergen
• Haringtuijn
• Fluijtbon

On April 12, the Driebergen was sent to Tagal with 50 soldiers to take control and transport a load of rice. It was also sent to Macassar and Banda to deliver 1,220 roof tiles belonging to the government of Amboina. More supplies would be sent soon.

Two small ships, the Ceram and the Kraanvogel, were repaired in Amboina and would be sent to the government after unloading. Their accompanying letters were included in the outgoing mailbook for review.

The plan was to send additional supplies with the remaining two ships, including:

• 60,000 guilders in cash (as requested)
• 50 barrels of meat
• 40 barrels of salted bacon
• 50 soldiers
• Skilled workers
• Other requested supplies by Governor van der Stel and his council, as available.

This section describes testimonies about the behavior and reputation of certain individuals and groups in a historical Dutch colonial context.

• The witness was asked if they knew that Craeng Bira had attacked the interrogator because the interrogator, through the interpreter Muller, had ordered Craeng Bira to hand over his kris (a traditional dagger) to Muller.
• It was commonly said that Craeng Bira had a strong tendency toward gambling, robbery, and murder.
• Locals in the area were known for dishonest practices, such as cheating, stealing, or giving false testimonies under oath for small amounts of money, like a few dubbeltjes (coins) or a small piece of cloth (kloofje sagweere).
• In local assemblies in the southern provinces, when the resident (a Dutch colonial official) proposed sending an important local issue to the Governor and Council in Macassar for decision, the locals often responded by saying it was not their custom. They argued that the resident was their representative and that they should not have to deal directly with the governor, emphasizing their local authority.