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On 4 May 1697, a report described the political situation in Macassar (modern-day Makassar, Indonesia). The text explains the following key events:

• The kingdoms of Soping (also called Hopingh and Wadzio) and Bonij had been attacked and conquered by the late ruler of Gowa, referred to as Paduka Radja Goa (the King of Gowa). After this, the people of Bonij accepted the King of Gowa as their ruler.
• After the conflict, both sides returned to their own territories. However, the Dutch—now represented by the governor Isaacq van Thije, who was stationed at Fort Rotterdam—had gained control over the people of Macassar.
• The text mentions a dispute involving the late ruler of Bonij and the people of Soping. After the death of the ruler of Bonij, the people of Soping refused to remain under constant threat. They reinstated their own leader as king, which angered the new ruler of Bonij. This led to an attack on Soping, causing destruction.
• The writers express concern but also approval regarding a contract related to Banggai (an area in Sulawesi). They emphasize that it is unacceptable for lesser figures to break agreements.
• The rulers of Macassar plan to send an envoy to Batavia (modern-day Jakarta) by October 1697, unless prevented by unforeseen problems.
• A small gift of 3 enslaved people is sent to the Dutch Governor-General and the Council of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) as a sign of sincere loyalty and peace.

The document was written and sealed in Gowa on 4 May 1697.

On 4 May 1697, a report from Makassar described how goods made in Europe and transported by ship arrived safely. These were handed over by an envoy to Governor Isaacq van Tije at Fort Rotterdam.

The Paduka Sri Sultan and his officials later gathered all their subjects to publicly read a respected letter from the Dutch East India Company (VOC). The letter was filled with kindness and favors, and the event was held with great splendor, unlike anything seen before. The sultan and his people were deeply moved by the letter’s warm words, bringing great joy to all in Gowa.

In another report from 4 May 1693, the sultan earnestly requested the VOC to allow his people to reunite with their relatives and rebuild their villages. He also asked for support in improving their livelihoods.

The VOC had inquired about the situation in Bone and Soppeng. The sultan explained that these two kingdoms, along with Wajo, had once been united as the "Three Allied Kingdoms." Each ruled itself but maintained a bond of friendship, symbolized by a memorial stone in Timo Urom. Even the late Raja of Gowa had once governed them with divine favor.

On 4 May 1697, officials in Makassar received an unclear report about unrest involving Soping and three local kings, but the source was unknown. The Dutch East India Company (VOC) was confused because a returning messenger had earlier claimed everything was peaceful when leaving Ujung Pandang. The VOC ordered an investigation to confirm the truth before rumors spread to Batavia, which could anger their superiors—especially since Arung Palakka (referred to as Cathagor in the text) had previously acted against Soping in a way that had already caused surprise.

• If the report was false, the VOC demanded Arung Palakka bring the three kings before them for questioning to clear up the matter.
• If Arung Palakka admitted to wrongdoing (even if he made excuses, like claiming it was retaliation), the VOC would formally protest for the second time, accusing him of breaking promises and treaties. They would demand:
  • The immediate release of the three kings.
  • The freedom of all Soping subjects enslaved or captured by him, now or in the past.
• The VOC reminded Arung Palakka that Soping was an ally, not a subject, under their treaties. If he refused, the VOC would not be responsible for any conflicts that followed.
• They warned that his actions could ruin his relationship with the VOC, which had—according to the late king—freed his people from slavery in the past. The VOC still valued this alliance but expected peace among all partners.

If the report turned out to be false, the protest would be unnecessary. Either way, the VOC insisted Arung Palakka come to Makassar quickly to resolve the issue. Local officials were told to:

• Use persuasion or pressure to ensure his arrival.
• Discreetly investigate the truth through trusted contacts without delaying their own work.
• Adjust their approach based on what they discovered on-site.

On 4 May 1697, a report from Makassar described an attack on three kings from Soping: Aroe Belo, Aroe Pila, and Aroe Pisoe. They were invited to a hunt in Tenroen but ambushed by armed men from Boni, led by Lieutenant Poane Wandjian. The first two kings were captured, and the third was wounded. The attackers took them to the region of Tiboeroe (or Timoeron). Thirteen defenders from Soping and three from Boni were reportedly killed in the conflict.

The attack was seen as an act of cruelty and abuse of power against Soping. However, confusion arose when a messenger from Boni, Intchie Djenal, returned with a different account. He claimed everything was peaceful in Tiboeroe and that Aroe Belo was unharmed, even dining with Aroe Ponij, the ruler of Boni.

Due to the conflicting reports, officials decided to send two language experts, assisted by Intchie Djenal, a corporal, and six soldiers, to investigate. The local leaders Aroe Tanette Matoe and Aroe Mero provided a boat to transport them to Padang Padang and then overland to Aroe Ponij's location.

Upon arrival, the envoys were to greet Aroe Ponij formally and inform him that the ship Domburgh had arrived safely from Batavia on 4 May 1697, carrying envoys from Boni. These envoys brought letters from the Dutch authorities in Batavia, along with gifts. The envoys were received with honors and expected Aroe Ponij to come to Bontuale to collect the letters and discuss matters with the governor and council.

The envoys were also to address reports about the attack ordered by Dain Mabanij against the three kings of Soping.

On 4 May 1697, a military force from Makassar attacked Soping and, after a fierce battle, conquered the area. Two important leaders, Aroe Solotangan and Tobake, were brutally killed. Afterward, the king of Soping sent a protest through the Dutch East India Company’s interpreter and later appeared in person following a formal invitation. He asked for forgiveness, but the decision was left pending approval from the leaders in Batavia. The Company insisted he avoid such violent actions in the future.

The situation became more urgent because Goa had recently been threatened by Aroe Ponij from Boni. The government of Goa sought protection from the Company, which promised support in case of an attack. This increased Aroe Ponij’s hostility but also gave the Company a chance to regain influence over time—if Aroe Ponij did not remain peaceful.

In March 1697, Aroe Ponij learned his elderly father, Pakka Koija, was seriously ill in Negorije Boege. To see him before he died, Aroe Ponij requested leave on 23 March and immediately departed. The next day, news arrived of his father’s death. Following a council decision on 25 March, a traditional mourning gift of 12 pieces of white cloth was sent to him.

Eight days before the report, Aroe Ponij had summoned one of his key warriors, Captain Boeloe Boeloe (also called Cito), from Bontuale. Then, on 4 May, Dain Mabanij (also known as Tohane), a prince of Soping, visited the governor with some Makassar nobles. He revealed that Aroe Ponij had left him behind to accompany the widowed queen of Boni. Two days earlier, he had received an urgent letter from the queen summoning him to Boni for discussions. Fearful this was a plot against his life, he requested the Company’s protection, which was granted the same day.

Soon after, Dain Mabanij returned with new information from a Soping man named Torappa, who reported that Aroe Ponij had summoned his warriors five days earlier (on 3 May).

On 4 May 1697, a report from Makassar discussed several administrative and legal matters involving the Dutch presence in the region.

• Dirck Neijbsek requested permission to return to the Dutch Republic because he had served over 3 years beyond his contracted time and had a family waiting for him. His request for compensation for unfair adjustments to his service was approved.
• A prisoner, former sergeant Dirck Meijbeeck van Teskelenburgh, had been sentenced to life in chains in Banda for manslaughter by the Honorable Council of Justice in Batavia. He escaped during a shipwreck near Zilversteijn, losing his shackles, and later traveled by raft and overland with soldiers to Makassar. After review, he was sent back in chains to the authorities.
• Compensation for unfair service adjustments was addressed based on records from the past 2 years, except for those who had died or left. Three sailors, previously granted a 3-year extension (from 9 to 11 years) under the late President Prins, remained unresolved.
• The ship Boswijk successfully delivered its cargo, but 50 pieces of knee timber were found rotten and unusable, even as firewood. The loss was recorded in the accounts.
• The ship Domburgh had some damaged goods due to moisture or faulty barrels, noted in a resolution on 30 April.
• Three enslaved individuals from the Raja of Goa were valued at 18 rijksdaalders each and charged to the general ledger. Additionally, 9 usable anchors (weighing 1,000 to 1,600 pounds each), believed to be from the ship De Flaman, were unaccounted for in official records.
• The third set of payroll books, closed on 31 August 1696, was sent separately.

On 4 May 1697, a ship named Domburgh sailed from Macassar carrying several people and financial documents. The documents included:

• A bill of exchange for Juffrouw Joanna de Cock, the widow of Captain Matthijs Hendrick Zuuring, worth 1000 reals.
• A bill of exchange for the surgeon Jeromimus Josephus, to be collected by his colleague Paulus Sermento, worth 55½ reals.
• A total of four bills of exchange, adding up to 2036 and 13/48 reals, credited to the general trading office.

The following passengers were on board:

• Mattheus Schenkenberg, a senior merchant, with his family, including the son of preacher Gerardus Heij.
• Hendrick Caas, a merchant and former fiscal officer.
• Maurits Drommout from Schiedam, a sergeant.
• Samuel Wisesius from Bommel, a temporary assistant.
• Juffrouw Joanna de Cock (the widow of Captain Zuuring), her daughter, and her son Philips van der Stappen, a temporary assistant whose 5-year contract had ended.

Additionally, the following groups were on board:

• 23 soldiers whose service time had ended and were returning home.
• 3 craftsmen.
• 5 foresters and sailors who were replaced due to expired contracts.
• 1 trumpeter.
• 28 soldiers, including 4 from Zilversteijn, all unfit for duty due to serious or long-term illnesses (as listed in a separate document).
• 6 people from various services saved from a shipwreck, including a blacksmith.

The trumpeter Jaspar van Stakenburg was also mentioned.

On 4 May 1697, a report from Makassar discussed military and financial matters under the Dutch administration.

• The position of a deceased captain, Harman Hansz, was declared vacant. His monthly salary of 100 guilders was stopped as of 31 March, and from 1 April, he received a pension of 16 rijksdaalders per month due to his poor health. Though he wished to travel to Batavia, his worsening condition kept him in Makassar.
• Pieter Schipion, a lieutenant, was temporarily appointed as the acting head of the militia under the governor’s authority until a permanent captain was chosen. He received the pay and benefits of a captain during this period.
• Three ensigns—Pieter Pietersz, Isaacq Alexanders, and Jacob Steenbergen (the latter recently arrived via Boswijk)—were assigned to take turns guarding Colatsraal. They were described as skilled, reliable men with strong potential.
• Two financial documents (exchange letters) were issued:
  • One for 1,621 rijksdaalders and 3/48 stuivers, the net proceeds from the estate of the late junior merchant Ioannes Junius (from 31 May 1693). This money was held in the general paymaster’s office and managed by the executor, Pieter de Vos.
  • Another for 200 rijksdaalders, taken from the account of former jailer (now a free man) Dirck Hoijers van Breemen. This sum was tied to a legal case where junior merchant and ensign Abraham Holscher had sued him for injuries. The court ruled that Holscher must return to Batavia within four months, and the case documents would follow via Boswijk. The 200 rijksdaalders were to be repaid to Abraham Quevilerius as ordered.
• The total amount covered by the two exchange letters was 1,821 rijksdaalders and 9/48 stuivers, including additional transport costs.

On 4 May 1697, officials in Makassar settled accounts and handed over administrative duties. The following changes were made:

• E. Schenkenberg was cleared of responsibility for financial matters after submitting a report on 19 April about minor shortages and surpluses, mostly in paper and spices, which were approved for settlement in the profit-and-loss account.
• The butler Jacob Sandersz and assistant Adriaan Broensz declared on 16 April that no shortages existed in the dispensary or iron warehouse, so they took full responsibility (with proper compensation).
• Hendrick Steenkop was appointed fiscal officer on 9 April, replacing Hendrick Caas, after taking the required oath.
• Moll took over the garrison books from Jacob Cuijk van Mijerop at the end of March, while Mijerop returned to his role as government secretary, replacing Isaacq. Molen Hackert.
• Isaacq. Molen Hackert was elected to the Political Council.
• Matthijs Hendrick Zuuring, a captain, died on 23 March from illness. His extra pay from 5 February until his death was approved.
• Jaacx Jacob Mariner stepped down as First Clerk and Secretary to the Council of Justice.
• Moll and Hackert were appointed to both the Political Council and the Council of Justice after taking their oaths.
• Surgeons Christiaan Bombergen (castle surgeon) and Pierre Dieu la Foj (hospital surgeon) were praised for their dedication and took over from Nicolaas Ridderveld, who had been bedridden since February.

All newly appointed officials expressed gratitude for their promotions and promised to perform their duties faithfully.

On 4 May 1697, a report from Makassar discussed the harvest and purchase of green kadjang (a type of legume). Due to strong southeast winds, ships were ordered to anchor below De Drie Gebroeders (The Three Brothers) until fully loaded, but no later than 20 May, before continuing to Batavia.

The green kadjang crop in the Buginese highlands had failed badly for the second time because heavy rain washed away or ruined most of the seeds. The Dutch had already given the widow of the first Buginese queen 200 rijksdaalders (Dutch guilders) to secure 20 loads at 10 rijksdaalders per load. A sergeant in Bulukumba was also ordered to secure 30 loads at the same price. However, only about 12 loads were received from the Buginese region, and just 3 loads from Bulukumba, where around 50 loads of rice also remained. The lack of small boats (chialoupen) made it impossible to collect the grain, as the assigned boats had not yet arrived.

The Dutch hoped to transport the kadjang with local boats before the Boswijck ship left. They planned to secure another 50 loads, expecting a better harvest next season.

Additionally, senior merchant Mattheus Schenckenbergh thanked the authorities for his promotion and received permission to temporarily transfer duties to Hendrick Steenkop (a merchant and fiscal officer) and Arnoldus Moll (an assistant merchant and designated garrison bookkeeper) while waiting for his replacement, Pieter de Bock from Amboina. After Steenkop handed over the cloth shop and small cash register to Joannes Hackart, the transfer of cash, the trading warehouse, and the main dispensary under the church was completed. Schenckenbergh finalized the business books by the end of March.

On 4 May 1697, officials in Makassar reported on efforts to salvage goods from a shipwreck and transport them to Banda using the sloops Waijer and Ceram. They noted the following key points:

• The sloops were originally meant to carry salvaged goods to Banda but were now being repurposed due to an unexpected event involving the ship Zilversteijn.
• Cash from the wreck would not be transported by sea. Instead, the Banda government was asked to withdraw the sum via a bill of exchange to ensure the money’s safety.
• Out of 92 remaining soldiers, only 25 were fit for duty. Many were either recruits, recently discharged, or unfit for service.
• The ship Domburgh was transporting 25 discharged soldiers, while another 24 unfit soldiers (excluding 4 from Zilversteijn) were also being sent away.
• Reinforcements (100 soldiers) had arrived via Boswijck and Domburgh, but around 80 experienced soldiers had been discharged due to expired contracts, weakening the garrison.
• The Zilversteijn incident also delayed sending Boswijck back immediately, as it had to stop near Tannekeke to unload cargo and gather drinking water for survivors.

The officials justified their changes to original orders, citing unforeseen circumstances beyond their control.

On 4 May 1697, a report from Makassar described the situation of the shipwrecked Zilversteijn. The ship had crashed, but most valuable items had already been saved. These included:

• 3 chests with 9,666¾ rijksdaalders (a type of coin) in cash,
• 23 packs of clothes,
• Various chests, pots, barrels, iron, copper, ropes, sails, and other supplies.

The items were listed in an attached document, but it was still unclear which goods belonged to the ship and which were meant for Banda. The condition of some items was also unknown and would be checked later.

The report noted that the Zilversteijn was not in immediate danger during the current southeast monsoon season but might not survive the first northwest storm. Meanwhile, the small ship Boswijck and borrowed boats could not risk going near the wreck due to the danger of being driven off course or meeting an accident.

Instead, a small sloop (a type of boat) that was only 10 to 12 feet deep would be sent to recover more items once it was ready. The ship’s carpenter had already found a safe anchoring spot for it.

Out of 214 people on board the Zilversteijn, the soldiers and sailors had first built a raft from beams, oars, and planks. 105 people climbed onto it and tried to reach the shore with a small boat leading the way. However, they would not have made it without the ship’s carpenter, who met them at sea with small boats. Many were half-submerged in the water due to the raft’s weight, so most were transferred to the boats. Around 25 people reached the Bay of Bankala on the south coast of the land on the raft. The wood from the raft was pulled ashore by skipper Theunis Ros and would later be picked up with a suitable boat (which they did not yet have).

Out of 100 soldiers meant for Banda, 96 arrived safely at the local garrison. They had traveled partly on a sloop owned by a Chinese captain named Ongwatko, partly on small boats, and partly overland. The group included:

• 2 sergeants,
• 2 corporals,
• 92 privates (called schildergasten in the text).

4 soldiers were missing and reported to have died on the Zilversteijn. Many of the soldiers had fallen ill during the ordeal but most had recovered.

On 4 May 1697, a letter and gift were collected for Radja Goa in Maccassar. His reply, along with 3 enslaved people, was sent back to the ship on 11 May. The messengers returned on 28 May, reporting that the earlier story (likely a complaint or accusation) was entirely false and exaggerated. Officials confirmed this on 15 May when Mabanij handed over a man named Torappa, chained for lying. Additional witnesses—Aroe Tenette Matoa and Aroe Mero—were sent on 20 May, but Torappa refused to speak. He was kept imprisoned until Aroe Ponij (expected back daily from Chinrana) could return to punish him.

Radja Goa received a letter and gift from Dutch authorities with great respect on 9 April. His reply, written in the Maccassarse and Malay languages, arrived on 2 May, accompanied by two elderly enslaved men and one enslaved Papuan woman as gifts. These were delivered to Domburgh on 3 May and handed to the ship’s captain, Evert T, for the Dutch officials.

Unusually harsh storms during the recent monsoon season (late 1696–early 1697) destroyed 7 or 8 local and Chinese ships near Maccassar, though most crews survived. Among the losses was a Dutch ship, the Bril, which sank between 29 and 30 March, along with its cargo, including silver stones meant for Banda. The storm’s severity was described as unprecedented in living memory.

Radja Goa had not yet shared the full contents of the Dutch letter with the governor, breaking past tradition. This change caused some tension in Bonij, though officials downplayed its significance. Another letter and gift for Aroe Ponij remained with the governor until his return.

On 4 May 1697, a report from Makassar described the tense situation in Goa, which had prepared its defenses due to political conflicts. Aroe Ponij had left for Bugis because his father, Packa Koija, was seriously ill. The Dutch officials hoped their actions would be understood or at least forgiven, as they aimed to prevent greater unrest. Without intervention, Goa risked severe damage.

Aroe Ponij had arrived at the fortress on 8 March 1697 with a large group, requesting permission to visit his dying father in Bugis. The governor allowed his departure but refused his additional request for the first queen, Dain Talalille, to attend the funeral, citing her old age and the governor’s protective rights over her.

Upon hearing of his father’s death, the Dutch sent a traditional gift of 12 pieces of white cloth (lijwaat) via their Malay scribe, Intche Djenal. Meanwhile, Dain Mabanij, a prince from Soping (who had stayed in Bontuale), arrived on 4 April and urgently requested Dutch protection. He feared Aroe Ponij, who had summoned him to Soping for unclear reasons. The Dutch council granted his request on 5 March, allowing him to stay in Goa.

On 8 April, shocking news arrived: Aroe Ponij had imprisoned three minor kings from Belo, Pila, and Pisij. The Dutch sent Abraham Holscher (assistant merchant) and Pieter Pietersz (flag bearer) on 9 April to investigate and protest if the reports were confirmed.

The text from 4 May 1697 describes ongoing tensions between the kingdoms of Boni and Gowa in Macassar (modern-day Makassar, Indonesia). Here’s a summary of the key points:

• The conflict between Boni and Gowa continued, with Aroe Palakka (also called Aru Palaka) being recognized as the king of Boni for unclear reasons.
• The Dutch governor urged both sides to maintain peace, warning them (as had been done before) that the Dutch East India Company (the VOC) would support its own laws and rights in the region.
• Gowa claimed innocence in the conflict, but the hostility between the two kingdoms persisted. The VOC tried to reassure Gowa that they had nothing to fear, especially since Boni's military power had weakened after their forces scattered and their people were withdrawn.
• The VOC believed the balance of power had shifted enough to prevent Boni from taking further aggressive action, though they acknowledged that Boni’s intentions were still unpredictable.

The text also addresses criticism from another Dutch official (referred to as "uw Edelheden," or "Your Honors") in a letter dated 5 March 1697:

• This official disapproved of the VOC’s decision to recognize Aroe Palakka as king of Boni, fearing it would upset the balance further.
• The VOC defended its actions, arguing they acted based on the situation at the time and their best judgment to maintain peace and serve the company’s trade interests. They believed avoiding conflict—without damaging the VOC’s reputation—was the best approach.
• The VOC also mentioned the Treaty of Bongaya (referred to as "sopingh"), treating it as a settled matter, though the official found their handling of it too lenient.
• The VOC insisted they had shown proper respect and authority, forgiving the offense this time but warning that if such issues recurred, stronger measures—like calling on allies—would be necessary.
• They concluded that, based on experience, their approach had prevented greater harm.

On 4 May 1697, officials in Makassar reported to the Dutch council about the fall of Goa, which they believed could have been prevented. The people of Makassar expressed fear of an attack by the Buginese (people from Bone). The local ruler, Aroe Ponij, along with other nobles and two queen widows, thanked the Dutch East India Company (VOC) repeatedly for their pardon, reaffirming earlier promises of loyalty.

The VOC believed this show of gratitude maintained their authority and prevented further unrest—or even the complete ruin of Goa. The kingdom had been threatened by conflicts tied to the Buginese claims that the Makassares, particularly Radja Goa, were plotting to restore the exiled king To-isa (his brother-in-law) in the kingdom of Soping. Though the people of Goa had hinted at these concerns earlier (as recorded on 12, 15, and 22 November), they did so vaguely. A trusted source later revealed that Aroe Ponij had secretly warned Radja Goa through his nephew, Crain Bontolankas, that he was strengthening his position in Pamanjingan (a region inland behind Goa) and would join Radja Goa if needed.

Despite Goa's complaints, their fear of attack persisted. They even requested Dutch soldiers for protection (noted on 24 December of the previous year). Tensions grew when Aroe Ponij, in a meeting with the governor on 25 February, accused Goa of sending Crain Bonto Monompo to Bone to persuade Crain Toerongan to rebel. He presented a letter—written on palm leaves by Crain Toerongan's wife to Aroe Tanette Matoea—as proof. Though upset, the governor and council advised caution, urging Aroe Ponij not to jump to conclusions. When pressed, the governor refused to name the accuser, fearing it would escalate tensions further.

On 4 May 1697, a report from Makassar detailed the state of affairs among local allies, particularly focusing on tensions with the kingdom of Boni and the actions of Aroe Ponij (also called Aru Palaka). The report highlighted ongoing conflicts since October 1696, when Aroe Ponij had attacked the kingdom of Sopingh (also Suppa).

• Aroe Ponij claimed his actions were provoked by rebels from Sopingh, who allegedly ambushed him. He admitted breaking earlier agreements with the Dutch East India Company (VOC) but begged for forgiveness, promising loyalty and no further violations.
• Meanwhile, people from Boni used the conflict as an excuse to steal buffaloes belonging to the VOC's subjects in the Maros highlands, near Sopingh's borders. The VOC demanded and partially received restitution, though delays left some claims unresolved.
• Aroe Ponij had also summoned the dowager queen of Boni, Poetri Dain Tahalille, to Chinrana, but the VOC advised against this, urging him to return quickly to prevent further unrest. He arrived in Bontuale on 2 December 1696 and met with VOC officials the next day, where he justified his actions but ultimately admitted wrongdoing.

The report also mentioned unresolved discussions about the kingdom of Tambora, though time constraints prevented further decisions on that matter.

On 4 May 1693, a report from Makassar mentioned that Aroe Teko and Crain Jersmika remained on the island of Sumbawa against the wishes of their kings and the Dutch commanders. The area near Tambora had suffered greatly from war, with the land exhausted and many people scattered due to hunger. Despite this, Aroe Teko and Crain Jersmika stayed, claiming they had reasons similar to those in a letter sent from Lunn on 20 April to the governor.

The letter stated that Turelij Baramboe and Turelij Gampo (said to be uncles or brothers of the Raja of Tambora) had come with 80 men to join the Dutch and settle in Sumbawa. They accused these men of spreading lies. The letter also noted that 17 cannons had been captured:

• 9 from Tambora,
• 3 from Bima,
• 2 from Dompo,
• 3 from Kore or Sangar.

Another report from Makassar on 4 May 1697 mentioned that the Raja of Goa had sent a ship to Sumbawa without specifying the type or size of cannons. The ship was to wait for the governor’s orders, but the report only discussed large cannons, as the Raja of Goa knew the Sumbawa contracts were exclusively for the Dutch East India Company (VOC).

The kings of Boni and Goa were frustrated that their subjects were not fully obeying their commands and sought the VOC's authority to enforce compliance. The Raja of Goa sent a servant, Dain Madjene, to Sumbawa on 2 May to check on Crain Sevenika and encourage Crain Pomelikan to return. The servant was to report back in writing, which would then be forwarded to the Dutch officials.

• On 4 May 1697, a report from Macassar detailed the capture of Radja Tambora, who had tried to escape after breaking agreements. He was caught buying horses and cattle (likely to flee) and was arrested. His followers had already escaped, but Radja Tambora was found with 3–4 men and his wife, who was killed. He was chained and his possessions were seized.
• The governor of Macassar ordered the kings of Boni and Gowa to send Radja Tambora to the Dutch. After receiving the orders on 20 March, they handed him over on 28 April. He was imprisoned, questioned about breaking treaties, and given food by the company’s interpreter, Jan Ferdinandus. The Dutch debated next steps, as Radja Tambora had also wronged local allies.
• Another report from 4 May 1697 mentioned Adriaan ’t Hooft, who arrived from Bima with updates. The king of Dompo, Boemij Sorowo (previously called Turelij Baramboe), had been at war. The Dutch now controlled him and would consult the kings of Boni and Gowa before acting.
• Adriaan ’t Hooft delivered letters to leaders in Bima, Dompo, and Sumbawa:
  • Mappa Talij, the late king of Bima’s eldest son (still a minor), was chosen as successor.
  • The king of Sumbawa had handed power to his underage son.
  • Boemij Sorowo was now king of Dompo, though earlier reports had confused his name.
• The report noted that Boemij Sorowo was a "king without people" because Dompo was in chaos.

On 4 May 1697, officials in Makassar sent a letter to Governor-General Willem van Outhoorn and the Council of the Dutch East Indies in Batavia. They reported receiving two letters from Batavia: one from 29 December (arrived 15 January) via the yacht Boswijk, and another from 5 March (arrived 3 April) via the ship Domburgh.

The letter served as a guide for the Domburgh, which was sent ahead of the Boswijk to sail back via Tagal (Manila). It also provided a brief update on key events, focusing on the island of Sumbawa.

• The king of Tambora was now a prisoner, held in the castle in Makassar.
• His capture was made possible by the presence of Aroe Teko and Crain Jerenika in Kilo.
• The king had arrived in Kilo in February 1697 with around 20 armed men and some women, surrendering due to hunger.
• The kingdoms of Bima, Dompo, and Sumbawa were weak and unable to defend themselves, let alone attack the enemy stronghold in Madind without Dutch support.
• Though Adriaan 't Hooft had been sent to Bima with orders to take action, the king of Tambora was already captured before his arrival.

On 4 May 1697, a list of documents was sent from Makassar aboard the ship Domburgh, addressed to Willem van Outhoorn, the Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies in Batavia, and the Council of the Dutch East Indies. The documents included:

• A letter from Isaac van Rlije, a respected council member in Makassar, to Willem van Outhoorn, dated 4 May 1697.
• A copy of a letter from Isaac van Rlije to the Governor and Council in Banda, dated 23 April 1697.
• Instructions for two officials, Abraham Holscher (assistant merchant) and Pieter Pietersz (ensign), for their mission to Chinvana, dated 10 April 1697.
• A report by the same officials about their experiences during the mission, dated 28 April 1697.
• An invoice listing anchors and enslaved people sent on the Domburgh.
• A receipt signed by the ship’s captain, Evert Doetis, and accountant Jacob Suijker.
• An expense report for the ship, signed by the same two men.
• A list of Dutch East India Company (VOC) employees traveling on the ship.
• A list of discharged soldiers also traveling on the ship.
• A note about goods already recovered from the wreck of the Silversteijn.
• A cash box containing payroll books closed at the end of August in the previous year.
• A copy of a certificate about the decay and unusable condition of 50 wooden supports brought from Boswijck.
• A sealed bundle with accounts from VOC employees traveling outside the official payroll list.
• A response regarding corrections made for certain individuals.
• A letter from the King of Goa to Willem van Outhoorn, held by the ship’s captain, Evert Doetis.

The documents were signed in Makassar at Fort Rotterdam by Jacob Cuijcq van Mijrop, the secretary.

On 14 February 1697, a report was translated from Malay by Wan Muhammad and presented to Willem van Outhoorn, the Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies. The report detailed political conflicts in the kingdom of Soping (also called Suppa), as shared by a traveler named Tohamis from Makassar.

• The ruler of Boni, referred to as the Raja of Boni, had attacked Soping.
• The conflict began with a power struggle tied to a past agreement. The late Raja of Soping had given the former Raja of Boni authority to decide who would rule Soping after his death. The agreement stated:
  • If the chosen heir, To-Indziang (son of the late Raja of Soping), ruled poorly or unjustly, the Raja of Boni could remove him.
  • In that case, Raja Dijwata (another son of the late Raja of Soping) should replace him.
• After the Raja of Soping died, To-Indziang became ruler. Later, two officials from Soping, Mantrij Arongh Salatoemoe and Galarang Tobakij, complained to the Raja of Boni that To-Indziang was a bad ruler who oppressed his people.
• The Raja of Boni then removed To-Indziang and installed Raja Dijwata as the new ruler.
• After the Raja of Boni died, the same two officials, Arongh Salatoenoe and Galarang Tobakij, reinstated To-Indziang as ruler of Soping.
• The current Raja of Boni heard about this and attacked Soping. He killed Arongh Salatoenoe and Galarang Tobakij, removed To-Indziang again, and reinstated Raja Dijwata as ruler.

Tohamis shared this information with Wan Muhammad while still in Makassar and left Batavia on 2 February 1697.

• On 14 February 1697, a translated report from Han Muhammad, a servant of Willem van Outhoorn, the Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, was submitted. The report shared news about the Macassars (people from Makassar).
• A man named Tokanis (likely a leader or messenger) arrived in Batavia in November 1696 with updates. He reported that the current ruler of Bone, called the Raja of Bone, had left to attack the Raja of Soppeng.
• Han Muhammad investigated why the Raja of Bone wanted to confront the Raja of Soppeng. According to Tokanis, he had only heard from people that when the father of the current Raja of Soppeng was ill, he had given a power-of-attorney document to the recently deceased Raja of Bone.
• The document stated: if the father died, the Raja of Bone should appoint his son, named To Indziangh, as the new Raja of Soppeng—but only if he ruled justly and fairly. If To Indziangh ruled poorly, causing harm to his people, the Raja of Bone had the authority to remove him.

On 4 May 1697, a financial report from Makassar (in the Rotterdam Castle) was settled, including expenses for Domburg totaling ƒ414. Most of these costs were for Opperkoopman Schenckenberg and Coopman Caas.

The letter was signed by:

• Isaac van Thije
• Mattheus Schenkenbergh
• Hendrick Steenkop
• Pieter Scipion
• Abraham Holscher
• Aarnold Moll
• Ioannes Hackart

A note explained that Underkoopman Abraham Holscher and Vaandrager Pieter Pietersz should follow instructions for dealing with Aroe Ponij in Boni.

The reason for this report was the death of the old king of Boni on 6 April 1696. The current king, then called Aroe Palacca (or Lapatauw), was named successor with the support of the Aroe Pitoes (electors). Though the Dutch East India Company (VOC) had not originally planned this, they accepted it for peace, hoping the new king would seek good advice. He was crowned in Boni on 6 October 1696 with the VOC’s approval.

However, conflicts arose when Soping rejected Queen Regent Trowatoe and reinstated her brother, the deposed king To-Isa. This led to tensions, and the new king, Aroe Ponij, soon faced war.

On 4 April 1697, a letter was written from the Castle Rotterdam in Makassar by officials including Isaac van Thije (governor and director), Mattheus Schenckenberg, Hendrick Steenkop, Pieter Schipion, Arnoldus Moll, and Joannes Hakkert. They instructed someone (likely a merchant or envoy) to return quickly and provide a truthful written report about their mission. This report was needed so the officials could properly advise their superiors ("welgemelte haar Edelheden"). The letter ended with well-wishes and was signed by the group.

The document was later verified on 4 May 1697 by Iacob Cuijk van Mijerop, the secretary, who confirmed its accuracy.

Attached to the letter was a report by Abraham Holscher (a junior merchant, or "onderkoopman") and Pieter Pietersz (an ensign, or "vaandrig"). They described their encounters and activities during their journey by sea, land, freshwater lake ("Verse-meir"), and river.