Transcriptions » Recently created summaries of historical documents

• Petrus Albertus van der Parra served as Governor General alongside the Council members of the Dutch East India Company in the Dutch East Indies.
• A letter dated 2 March was received, along with secret correspondence and attachments from Java's east coast covering the period from 5 April to 25 August 1773.
• The writer expressed gratitude for approval of his actions during his journey to Surabaya and regarding matters concerning Palembang and other affairs.
• The regents of Demak were granted permission to cut wood for the Company in their own forests, with an obligation to deliver 1,000 beams annually to Kudus.
• In 1774 and the following year, they also had to deliver the 1,000 beams that were still owed for 1771 and 1772 at Kaliwungu.
• Cutting wood for anyone other than the Company was forbidden, with penalties of fines for regents and imprisonment for common people who violated this rule or damaged the forests.
• The ruler of Madura paid the 60 oijangs of copper coins he owed for 1772 in cash at 50 rijksdaalders per oijang.
• Thanks were expressed on behalf of the regents of Japara, Sumenep, Pamekasan, Surabaya, Lamongan, and Malang, as well as the Paccalongang officials, for favorable decisions made regarding proposals in their favor.
• The first regent of Japara received the honorary title of adipati along with an increase in his share and additional villages.
• He and his colleague received a reduction of 1,000 beams and an increase in buffalo payments for the remaining beams they still had to deliver annually, along with other granted remissions.
• The Paccalongang officials would soon have 1,000 patjas returned to them that had been taken from them against specific orders.
• The regents of Surabaya were specifically told they could expect no more reductions and had to ensure their reduced delivery quota of 1,000 was met in the current and following years.

This document is a list or index of various letters, reports, and declarations related to Dutch colonial administration in Java. The documents date from 26 April 1773 to 25 August 1773.

The records include:

• Copies of letters between van der Burgh (a Dutch official) and Luzac, the commander at Sourabaya, written on 26 April 1773, May 1773, 27 June 1773, 9 May 1773, and 4 June 1773
• A document of alliance from the regent of the district of Tjinkelsen, following Marta Widjo
• A declaration from 10 January 1773 by the local leader Pepatij Adien P' Jondro Rogoro, the clerk Radoen Soero Dirone, and official Soero Dewertje about the poor condition of the district of Toeban
• A confirmation document from 10 January 1773 regarding statements given by local officials
• 4 declarations by Javanese individuals Setjd Wigoend, Polla Singo, Wet Jono, and Nello Soeto
• A document from the Lieutenant of the Empire to commander Luzac about their mission along the southern sea and the military posts at Bambang, Gestem Plindo, Poeger, and Batoe Oeloe
• An overview of ships, European and native military forces needed for an attack
• A report from commander Burghard on the ship "de Bestendigheid" to resident Schophoff about his survey of the harbor at Sackum
• A report from resident Schophoff and officials Jenigen and Kregel about their findings in Banjoewangie
• A brief description of the village Sontang provided by official Soetanning
• A letter dated 30 June 1773 from resident Schophoff at Balemboangang to commander Luzal
• A report about the Centong region and places in front of the island Moessa
• Considerations about Balemboangang from commander Luzac to their High Excellencies
• A secret letter dated 25 August 1773 from governor van der Burgh to their High Excellencies
• A copy of a translated Javanese document about an expedition to Moessa

The Political Council in Padang on Sumatra's West Coast held meetings from 30 January to 2 February 1773. The council discussed several matters:

• They talked about the situation in Priamang and whether people could travel to Baros. Someone answered that everything was calm and ready to receive the commission, but it was necessary to have the raja come from there. Officials would need to persuade him through friendly means.
• Instructions were prepared for ensign Kaijsel, which would be given to him so he could travel to Baros.
• A letter from Baros was read, reporting that a Panglima Lauwt was appearing in those districts again. The resident feared an attack and requested a small boat and other supplies. A Malay letter was also sent that confirmed this report.
• After considering these reports and remembering events from 1771, the council decided to send ensign L. Kaijsel to Baros with the requested ammunition and supplies. He would receive proper instructions.
• On 2 February, ensign Kaijsel arrived and was summoned before the council.
• Commander Roeland Palm, chief merchant and commander over Sumatra's West Coast, presented a private letter from Baros to the meeting.

The council members present included: D.E. Adam Frederik Adami (merchant and first administrator), Challier (junior merchant), Joseph (departing secretary of politics and elected chief of Poulo Chineo), Iesaias Ehrentzaut (junior merchant and fiscal officer), Frans van Kerchem (junior merchant and 2nd administrator), and Ian Marthin Scheffer (ensign and head of the militia).

March 19, 1773, a report was sent from Malacca. Both brothers stated that they wanted to be warned some time in advance before any breakup would happen. They also showed fear and asked the commander not to interpret their refusal in a bad way. They said that if the East India Company decided to break up many things at once, they might sometimes change their mind. However, because all of this was uncertain guessing, no one could rely on it.

It was certain that the post at Pera was very important for the East India Company for various reasons. These reasons had been explained most clearly by former governor Mister Thomas Schippers and second-in-command Kretschiar in their separate letter of September 15, 1772 to the High Lords.

After careful consideration, it was decided to report all these circumstances respectfully to the High Lords at the first opportunity. In the meantime, while waiting for the positive orders from the High Lords, they would continue to operate at Pera in the old way. They did not feel authorized to break things up because no final decision had yet been made by the highest authorities.

• Wednesday 10 October 1721: The writer informed his highness that a small boat would be sent on 14 October in case Aroe Palacca wanted to send a letter. The translator Blij returned with the message that his highness thanked the writer and would be informed about it.
• Thursday 11 October: Nothing noteworthy happened.
• Friday 12 October: The merchant informed the writer that the Pongauwa had sent someone to him that afternoon. The Pongauwa offered the merchant a present and asked for his help to marry the widow Datuo Pamana. The merchant refused because he did not dare to get involved in this matter.
• Saturday 13 October: The king of Bonij and Aroe Palacca sent a letter to their grandson, the former king of Goa in Ceylon, which they asked the writer to forward to Batavia under his cover.
• Monday 15 October: The writer informed both the king of Bonij and Aroe Palacca that he had sent the letter to their grandson, the former king of Goa, to Batavia with the bark d'Jda. They both thanked him for this. Aroe Palacca told the translator Blij that the goods her grandson had requested were not with his mother Coaing Bellasarie but with the king of Bima.
• Tuesday 16 October: Nothing happened.
• Wednesday 17 October: A report was made about the pass holders.
• Thursday 18 October: Nothing happened.

On May 30, 1736, Marcus Benjamin, a merchant in Amsterdam, appeared before Daniel van den Brink, a public notary authorized by the Court of Holland. He appointed Moses Benjamins, also living in Amsterdam, to handle all his legal affairs. This included:

• Defending and pursuing legal cases
• Appearing before the city court
• Following legal procedures
• Requesting and executing verdicts
• Filing appeals
• Seizing persons and goods
• Making settlements
• Acknowledging debts

The document was witnessed by Pieter Clockener and Abraham Witte in Amsterdam.

On August 13, 1736, Judith Polak, widow of Benjamin Arons, and Moses Benjamins, son of Benjamin Arons, appeared before notary Daniel van den Brink in Amsterdam. They declared that Benjamin Arons had died in the night between August 5 and 6 and was buried on Monday August 6 according to Jewish customs. Due to the seven-day Jewish mourning period, during which Jews are not allowed to sign their names or conduct business, they could not file this document earlier. Once the mourning period ended, they wanted to declare that the burial of their husband and father was carried out only to fulfill their final duty to him, as they were unaware of his estate's condition. They intended to recover the burial costs from his estate. They emphasized that by arranging the burial, they had not involved themselves in managing the estate. They explicitly retained their right to either accept or reject the inheritance after careful consideration and gathering information about the estate. This declaration was witnessed by Abraham Witte and Abraham van der Poel.

• A dowry of 550 Caroli guilders from mother to groom
• A man's seat in the German Jewish Synagogue in Amsterdam, previously owned by Salomon Metz, marked with "N"
• Complete ownership rights of the synagogue seat transferred to Moses Benjamin
• A guarantee that if Moses Benjamin lost possession of the seat, he would be compensated based on a value determined by either two chosen German Jewish representatives or the synagogue leaders

On April 13 and 14, 1698, several people appeared before notary Michiel Servaas in Amsterdam. These included:

• Maria Malade, widow of Jacob Leenderts
• Joan Snoek
• Adriaana van Heemet, an unmarried woman
• Pieter de Sterke

They testified on behalf of Maria Brisco about her employment with Adriaana Hacquaert, who lived on the Heere Gracht. Pieter de Sterke, who had been Hacquaert's bookkeeper, was asked to calculate what goods Brisco had received and if it amounted to a year's wages.

Another document dated April 10, 1698 shows Judith Levij (wife of Nathan Kohen) and Gerson Nathan Kohen testifying about a marriage agreement between Moses Benjamin and Keyle Salemonis, daughter of Anna Moses (widow of Salomon Metz). Moses Benjamin promised to pay 150 guilders if Anna Moses fell into poverty.

A third document dated April 15, 1698 records Otto ten Dam, an apothecary and guardian of Anna van Swanenburgh, selling an obligation worth 3,300 guilders to Adam Tarwe. This obligation was issued by the government of Holland and West Friesland at the Leiden office on September 20, 1656.

On December 19, 1737, Adrian Baars, a public notary in Amsterdam, was asked by treasurers Nathan Coppels, Salamon Samuel Moses, and assessors Benjamin Joseph and Sarboche Samuel Moses from the brotherhood of Shomer Mitzvot (protectors of the commandments) of the German Jewish community to deliver a notice to Samuel Meijer.

The complainants stated that Meijer was wrongfully keeping in his possession:

• A chest containing money
• Documents and papers
• All brotherhood books
• A copper crown
• Other items belonging to their brotherhood

The brotherhood claimed this prevented them from holding their ceremonial meetings properly and carrying out their charitable work. They demanded through the notary that Meijer return all items against proper receipt. They also warned they would seek compensation for all costs and damages if he refused.

On December 9, 1727, treasurers Nathan Cappels and Talomon Samuel Mozes, along with assessors Benjamin Joseph and Hartoele Samuel Mozes, had filed a similar complaint against Daniel Meijer Levij for wrongfully holding the same types of items belonging to their brotherhood.

• 15-20 foreign trading junks
• The king had gone to meet the Mataram ruler
• The Mataram had 150,000 troops heading to Goribaya
• Rice was cheaper than in Grece or Macassar
• Deep water access for boats
• Good prices for livestock and provisions
• Chinese traders moving from Jortan and Bantam due to better treatment

• 4 Japanese ships visited Cambodia, with 3 returning and 1 heading to Faifoo with rice and silk cargo
• The King of Spain granted 10,000 reals to Malacca to build 3 galleys in Cambodia
• Pepper from Latana and Ligor was purchased by Portuguese and Japanese traders

• Silk prices increased to 120 guilders, up from 90 guilders two years prior
• The King was at war with Tonkin and Champa
• Catholic priests and Jesuits were expelled
• Pepper, copper, and rice were actively traded

• Ammunition
• Meat and bacon
• Pitch and tar
• Ropes
• Cannons

On October 9, 1681, in Macassar, the first harbor master and two interpreters came to the trading post with many armed men to escort officials to the king's court. Around 10 o'clock, they rode there on horseback in a specific order:

• First, a young boy in white carried the King of Ternate's letter in a golden dragon-decorated bowl
• Two people carried decorative parasols
• Next came the king's gift - pink damask with yellow silk covering
• This was followed by other gifts:
  • Crimson red cloth
  • Three palesias
  • 55 catties of Banda mace
  • 200 pounds of nutmeg
  • 200 pounds of cloves in 20 small bags
  • A case of Persian rosewater
• 16 guards led by a sergeant
• The king's steward
• Merchants and other officers in pairs on horseback
• Servants at the end

At court, they found the king with his nobles. They were seated and made their proper greetings. They thanked the king for his friendship and requested permission to keep their trading post for another year, even though their ships were already overloaded. Prince Craijn Patingelo answered on behalf of the king, saying that as long as they continued to behave well, the friendship would remain strong. The king granted their request to stay another year, though this would not break the original agreement. The King of Ternate's letter was then read aloud publicly.

• Rice in Macassar cost 48 reals of eight per last, up from the usual 16
• Maximum rice production was about 200 lasts per season
• Rice was bought partly by the King and his relatives
• Various cloths could be traded for up to 60,000 reals of eight yearly
• Money from cloth sales couldn't leave the country due to poor gold quality, but could be exchanged for Chinese gold, tortoise shell, rice, sandalwood, and silk

• 5 strong seaward points with 8-10 guns each
• A weak northern side with unbaked stone walls

During this historical period, there were concerns about finding good household managers in India. The Governor from Amboina faced challenges with cotton production in Batavia. The text discusses issues with slave management and the need for proper masters, as some free citizens and Mardikers needed supervision themselves.

The situation in Banda was difficult, as they refused to accept slaves without masters. In Batavia, they had trouble finding good masters for their slaves. There was a need for committed people from the Netherlands to stay in the region.

The farmers in Batavia were described as lazy people who were content with basic provisions like sago and simple clothing. They preferred living off the wild forests rather than farming. There were concerns about their weak commitment to Christianity, partly due to the lack of dedicated preachers and schoolmasters.

Willem Jansz was mentioned in connection with Banda. The text also discusses relations with Macassar, where Governor Speult visited with a fleet. He was received with great ceremony by the King of Macassar and entered peace negotiations.

The peace with Macassar was considered beneficial for:

• Strengthening commerce in Batavia
• Directing traders to the castle of Amboina for clove trade

An Italian vessel and a small junk brought 45 loads of Macassar rice to Batavia. The Danish ship under Waterhout obtained about 40 bahar of cloves in Macassar during the previous Western Monsoon. The English were unhappy that the Danes had gained an advantage in the clove trade in Macassar.

• The actions were taken by individuals without orders from the President and Council
• The Italian actually owed money to English Company officials from private trading

• The ship N. Bantam and yacht Purmereijnde departed for Bantam to relieve the yachts Arent and St. Nicolaes
• News arrived about an escort being sent from Mataram to Tegal for their envoy to the Susuhunan
• The English yacht Swalbe left for Japara
• The Arent and St. Nicolaes arrived from Bantam, with the Arent carrying the remains of Admiral Geen Huijgen Schapenham, who had died the previous year in the Sunda Strait and had been buried on an island near Bantam

On August 28, 1626, the yacht Arent departed for Bantam to replace the yacht Goope which needed urgent repairs. On August 31, 1626, the Italian Juan Maria Moretti arrived in Batavia from Macassar via Jappare. He had left Batavia for Macassar in February with his yacht Diana. In Macassar, English merchant Hendrick Shiort had captured Moretti and seized his yacht, claiming to act on orders from the English President in Batavia. Shiort sold the hull and sails to the Portuguese leaders for 1,600 reals but kept the guns as they belonged to the Dutch.

Shiort sent the crew back to Batavia but kept Moretti prisoner for two months. The English planned to hand him over to the Portuguese for a gold chain worth 500 reals, to be taken to Manila, but French and Dutch people prevented this. Moretti escaped but was chased by four Englishmen who were ordered to kill him. Spanish people at the market rescued him, thinking he was Spanish, and brought him to the Portuguese leader.

The King of Macassar later visited Moretti, freed him, and treated him well. The King told him about his expeditions to Bouton, Solor, Sumbaija, Inde, and Bima, and allowed him to return to Batavia to seek justice. The King was awaiting a response from the Dutch Governor-General to his letter sent with Governor Herman van Speult of Amboina.

Moretti learned that Shiort had sent 100 reals for his company and additional funds to Amboina to buy cloves at 125 reals, planning to sell them to the company for 250 reals. Shiort had also arranged with the Portuguese to send a frigate to Amboina with an ambassador to tell the local chiefs that the Dutch had no power. The ambassador died in Amboina, and the ship returned with only 5 bahar of cloves.

On February 1626, the magistrate was released from arrest, which he said was to his disadvantage. President Specx addressed this matter, stating it was formally settled by the Board of Aldermen. If anyone felt wronged by the verdict, they could appeal to a higher court, which would not be denied. When the meeting ended, his Excellency strongly urged the President to ensure none of their people would be taken aboard the ready-lying return ships to England.

On Friday, February 13, the long-awaited ship Schiedam arrived from the homeland, having departed from Zeeland on March 17. The crew consisted of:

• 118 sailors
• 45 soldiers
• 5 married couples

30 people died during the journey. The ship was blown off course from Cape of Good Hope by storms and sailed to Madagascar for supplies, staying at St. Maria Island for several weeks.

The yacht Arnemuiden also arrived from the Sunda Strait on the same day, having been sent with the return ships to the homeland. These ships were reported to have reached the open sea the previous day.

On Saturday, February 14, by order of the Governor General, Jacques Specx and Anthonio van Diemen, Council members of the Indies, along with Secretary Dooreslaer, went to meet with the English commissioners. After exchanging friendly greetings, Specx addressed the President and his Council, discussing a certain extract from letters that the President had delivered to his Excellency two days earlier in the castle.

On February 17, 1626, a meeting was held to discuss shipping arrangements between the English and Dutch companies. The English president brought up an order about transporting 212 loads for the Dutch Company. After reviewing letters recently received from England on the ship London, the English were willing to transport the cargo on their ship called the Reformation, which could hold 200 loads. However, they lacked enough crew members and requested 60-70 additional men to properly staff the vessel.

The Dutch Governor-General expressed regret about not knowing this earlier before their return ships departed, as they could have kept one ship in the region to help crew the English vessel. Due to current staff shortages, they couldn't spare any men. The matter was postponed for 10-14 days for further consideration.

Finally, the English president complained about procedures by the local magistrate regarding a dispute with an Italian captain, Juan Maria Moretti, who commanded the yacht Diana. Despite being legally detained before his departure to Macassar over certain debts, the magistrate had intervened.

On Sunday March 17 1626, the ship Woerden left for Bantam with provisions for the guard ships there. The ship Wapen van Zeelt arrived from Gresik bringing cattle, buffalo and horses. The frigate Muijs remained there to watch for expected Chinese junks.

From officials who stopped at Jepara, it was learned that the English ship Reformation had arrived from Macassar. In Macassar, it had seized the yacht Diana, which had been sent out against common enemies under the Italian Juan Maria Moretti with permission from the General. The Dutch sailors who had been allowed to sail on the Diana had all taken service with the English and arrived in Jepara on the Reformation. The Company's guns that had been entrusted to Moretti were loaded to be brought back.

The yacht Woerden arrived from Bantam with news that Pangeran Gede had died on March 13. The English ship Reformation arrived from Macassar carrying about 120 cloves and sandalwood purchased there. They had stopped at Jepara to load planks and cattle.

News arrived that the King of Macassar had conquered Buton and sailed to Bima and Solor intending to incorporate them as well. Two Danish ships had been in Macassar and obtained some cloves before departing for Borneo to get pepper in Sukadana and Banjarmasin. A Chinese junk captained by Lunthien carried 1800 for the trading post.

On August 13, 1703, at the Castle in Macassar, there was a report about unauthorized sailing by subjects in the bay of Tonum. When the King of Bonij would visit the Castle, they planned to complain about this issue, though they believed it would have little effect since the problem had deep roots. The Chinese merchant 't Jatko returned to the harbor on that day. He had left on June 16, 1702, with proper permission to trade in Manado. He reported to the governor that he had left Manado on August 23 but encountered severe headwinds and strong currents near the Banka strait. After drifting for seven days, he anchored near Mindanao. At Mindanao, he met a Papangar chief and traded wax for iron. The local King Kaloo informed him about a large ship with a red flag that had anchored near Bissaija or Bantul about eight days earlier. The ship, believed to be English, fired several cannon shots but neither the crew nor the locals dared to make contact. The ship later sailed westward, presumably toward Simo. On February 18, 1703, it was reported that about 60 Bugis people had settled in Bangaij with 20-30 vessels. These Bugis traders were buying all available tortoiseshell and wax in the region, including the gulf of Tomimij and Gorontale, to transport to Macassar. They traded with various textiles, silk fabrics, and Chinese rolls. Most vessels reportedly belonged to the Chinese Captain Ongwatko in Macassar.