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On 24 April 1751, a letter from Macassar reported the death of the governor, Cornelis Rosenboom. His duties were first temporarily handed over to a deputy but later officially transferred to his successor as per the latest decision.

The writers also expressed their sadness over the recent passing of the former Governor-General, Gustaaf Willem Baron van Imhoff, and sent their condolences.

They then congratulated the current Governor-General, Jacob Mossel, on his new position, wishing him all possible blessings and success. The letter closed with a respectful farewell, placing the interests of the Dutch East India Company under divine protection.

From Macassar on 24 April 1751, a letter was sent to respected officials, noting that detailed reports on local and domestic matters would be shared later, in May or June. The letter primarily served as documentation for the ship Eijndhoeff, which had delivered its cargo as required. The ship was then heading to Bima and Timor with 30 jars of olive oil for the Dutch East India Company (VOC), valued at ƒ3,016.14.8, as confirmed by the bill of lading and invoice. Additional costs of ƒ190.1.8 were incurred for unavoidable expenses at the destination. Copies of two resolutions, dated 25 February and 6 April, were also included for reference.

On 29 March 1744, officials in East Java received several important documents from Surabaya:

• Two copies of letters from Surabaya, sent by the local council and received on 11 March and 14 March.
• A decision record from the council meeting held on 3 March and 13 March.
• A copy of a letter from Major Mom, sent from Sumanap on 20 March.
• A report (written like a daily log) by the Surabaya translator Vleeshouwer, who was in Sumanap (no date given).
• Two copies of letters sent from East Java to Major Mom and the Surabaya leader Keijser, dated the previous day (28 March).
• A copy of a letter from Benjamin van Doorn, the temporary administrator in charge of Surabaya, sent on 18 March.
• Translations of several Chinese letters and documents related to both the local trading office and Pasuruan.

On 8 March 1744, documents were sent from Java’s East Coast to the Dutch East India Government in Batavia under the supervision of sailor Hendrik de Graaff. The shipment included:

• A formal letter from the local council to the Dutch East India Government, dated the same day.
• A copy of a political council decision made on 11 March 1744.
• Copies of letters exchanged with the resident of Joana, Sout Le Monde, and a letter to the King of Aroe Tanette, dated 17 and 20 March 1744.

The letter was signed by E. W. Gordon and noted that the original agreement was made on Wednesday, 11 Mochanam 1157 (likely a local calendar date).

The following is a summary of a 1744 letter from Craijeen Tanette Joesoeff Faharoeddien, a ruler from Samanang, to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) leadership in Batavia (modern-day Jakarta).

• The letter was written on March 3, 1744, received in Batavia on March 24, 1744, and addressed to Governor-General Gustaff Willem Baron van Imhoff and the Council of the Indies.
• Craijeen Tanette Joesoeff Faharoeddien expressed gratitude for the VOC's kind letters and past favors, reaffirming loyalty to the Company despite being in Macassar (modern-day Makassar).
• She swore by God to remain faithful to the VOC due to their past generosity.
• The main request was permission to leave with the west monsoon winds for three key reasons:
  • Her people wished to reunite with their families, lands, and children, as their religion and fairness demanded it.
  • Her followers from Tanette struggled to earn a living in Macassar and were leaving due to hunger, longing to return home.

• The text describes the deaths of Gresy and Johtan by the mattahan (a local ruler) and mentions a trade gift presented to this ruler.
• It reports the loss of Brase van Aurusten, whose goods were used in Macassar.
• The text criticizes Steven Coteels for his collaboration with the English, sharing secrets with them, and engaging in unfair practices like price-fixing and other dishonest dealings.
• It discusses problems in Jalatra, where a house had been banned for nearly 10 years, and mentions the disloyalty and corruption of Tuwman, who allegedly helped a Co (company) from Banten build a castle.
• The text refers to the actions of Middleton and Rix, noting a high death toll among their people and Coteels' assistance to them.
• It highlights the English tactics of offering good prices to gain trade advantages, their widespread piracy on all routes, and Middleton's deceit in buying and selling contrary to agreements made with Coteels.
• The capture of a treasure ship by the Portuguese is mentioned, along with the destruction and rebuilding of Paveccate.
• Complaints are made about a deaf and greedy captain, with a request that only sergeants be sent in the future.
• The text recounts the disloyalty of Captain Cals, his poor leadership, and a threatening letter sent by two individuals.
• It states that Jan Pieterse had his hands flogged for 30 strikes and that Joris Jaques Spelx was given an additional 4 years to serve, as was customary and known in the region.
• In a letter dated 15 July 1612, Steven Coteels writes from Louwa, warning about corrupt practices and suggesting that those involved should be punished. He claims the people of Banda are well-prepared and not easily intimidated.
• He complains that foreigners are ruining the trade in cloves and that there should be more patrols and ships to protect trade interests.
• The text notes price differences for cloves in various places: in Macassar sold by the Spanish for 57 stuivers per measure, in Amboina for 60-66, and in Malacca for 80-90 stuivers, where they previously sold for 190.
• It mentions the need for a lodge in Malacca and a new warehouse in Lohou.
• In another letter dated 1 April 1613 and 17 May 1613, Coteels praises a Riper Corns from the ship Black Lion but criticizes the English company, Barent, and Eigelsum for causing great harm everywhere.
• He reports that clove prices have dropped to 50 due to fear of the English, who have stolen many goods but have little money, and have borrowed heavily, including 800 portmies (a type of coin) from Combella.

On 24 October 1717, a report from Macassar listed the number of ships and boats owned by various groups in the region. The document included names of leaders and the types of vessels they controlled.

• The Buginese (from Boeginesen) had several leaders, including Bato pamana, Topalla, Tarasima, Topatti, Tomoessa, and Aroe Parra. They owned a total of 16 ships of different types, such as toadji manani, todalima, and tosadan.
• The Wadjoresen, led by Mattoa, had 7 ships, including tosenting, toadji manani, and toalima.
• Other individuals, such as Elang Josoem, Tie Latanie, and Poanacollo, owned smaller numbers of ships, ranging from 1 to 13 vessels each.
• In the River of Tello, under the rule of Prince Daing Mamantoelij, some ships were reportedly sold or loaned, but their owners' names were not yet known.
• A person named Tomassa Anga Tomaissa had 35 ships, and a section labeled "Transporteere" listed a long series of numbers, likely representing quantities of ships or goods transported.
• The report also mentioned ships in the River of Sandrabonij under Carain Sandraboaij and in the River of Godt under the Maeassaren people.
• The Radja of Goa had 8 ships, and other locations like Bonto Jongo and Bontogamasse were also listed with their respective numbers of ships.

The report noted that compared to the previous year, there was little difference in the total number of ships. However, there were 1 large ship (chialoup) and 6 smaller ships (goutings) fewer, while 2 medium-sized ships (pantchiall) had been added. Some ships had been lost, misplaced, or redirected:

• 1 chialoup and 1 gontinge (small ship) owned by Chinese traders were lost.
• 1 gonting owned by Maleijers (Malays) was lost.
• 1 gonting owned by the Wadjoresen was lost.
• 1 gonting owned by the Macassaars was lost.
• 1 gonting from the River of Goa had departed for Bima, owned by Dain Nisaba, the wife of the newly reinstated ruler of Bima, Tjenelij Rassenaij.

The increase of 2 pantchiall ships came from a Moors Mardijcker named Angeboleeng, who reported owning a pantchiall that had been overlooked in previous records.

The report concluded with a summary of older ships, including 6 cherc, 8 gont, 9 pantil, and 87 halop, among others.

• In October 1687, a Dutch delegation (the Commissie) was ready to leave Buton after dealing with the local ruler, the goe goe goe (a high-ranking official). They had been instructed by their superiors, the Heeren Principaelen (Dutch East India Company, or VOC leaders), to find a good opportunity to present their case to the ruler.
• On Thursday, October 9, the Sergeant (a Dutch representative) met with the ruler again to ask about their earlier request. The ruler seemed unaware but sent the Jurebassa (a local official) to discuss it. The Jurebassa returned, saying the ruler wanted them to leave on his ship, but the decision was delayed because the goe goe goe was still discussing it with other advisors.
• The advisors later decided the ruler’s ship would be ready to sail in 4 to 5 days. If it wasn’t, the Sergeant would have to leave for the Toeckabesies Islands (Tukangbesi Islands).
• On the afternoon of October 10, the Turebassa (another local official) reported that the ship’s departure was further delayed by 12 to 14 days, contrary to the goe goe goe's earlier promise.
• Because of this, the Sergeant felt forced to ask the king for permission to leave on Friday, October 10. He politely explained that they couldn’t wait any longer, as they had orders from their superiors (the Edel Hoogwelgeboren Heer President, a high-ranking VOC official) to avoid unnecessary delays.
• The Sergeant also mentioned that if they were ordered to stay longer, the ruler should guarantee protection against any harm or losses they might suffer.

The following trade records from Macassar were documented on 15 May 1725:

• Jntje Robo, a Parnackan Moor, arrived from Samarang on 8 March with a gonting (small ship) carrying 4 loads. The ship had 12 people aboard, following a pass issued on 25 October 1724. The cargo included 50 piculs of Javanese tobacco.
• Albert de Vries, a citizen of Batavia, arrived with a chialoup (small vessel) co-owned by Michiel de Vreede on the same date. The ship carried 30 loads with 27 people, following a pass from 11 July 1724. The cargo included:
  • 2 amens (large containers) of French wine, taxed in Batavia.
  • 2 cellars (storage units) of brandy.
  • 20 gross (1440 pieces) of tobacco pipes, seized in Samarang.
• Latanie, a captain from Wadjo, arrived with a gonting carrying 3 loads and 24 people, following a pass from 3 February 1725. The cargo included:
  • 6 corgs (measuring units) of large gerassen (likely a type of cloth).
  • 4 sologessie (units of fabric) taxed in Batavia.
  • 2 coarse cassia (a type of spice or fabric).
  • 2 Surat cheeses (likely chints, a type of cotton fabric).
  • 2 small armosyns (a fine silk fabric).
• Limnauko, a Chinese trader from Samarang, arrived with a chialoup carrying 30 loads and 18 people, following a pass from 30 December 1724. The cargo included 30 loads of rice.
• Tosorau, a Buginese trader from Bima, arrived with a pankor (small boat) carrying 2 loads and 5 people, following a pass issued by resident Abraham Walburg on 2 March 1725. No cargo was declared.
• Tottie, a captain from Boegies (Bugis), arrived from Samarang with a gonting co-owned by To-Alie, carrying roughly 10 loads and 18 people, following a pass from 30 October 1724. The cargo included 80 piculs of Javanese tobacco and 6 small (unspecified) items.

This report from Macassar (Makassar), dated 15 May 1725, lists ships arriving from various places with their cargo and crew:

• 12 March 1725: A ship from Tambora, led by captain Poetana Sallang, arrived with a crew of 6 people and a cargo of 2 units of rice, following a pass issued on 17 September of the previous year.
• A ship from Samarang (Semarang), led by the Bugis captain Cader, arrived with a crew of 7 people and a cargo of 30 units of Javanese tobacco, following a pass issued in September of the previous year.
• A ship from Bima, led by captain Toadlija, arrived with a crew of 5 people but carried no cargo, following a pass issued on 16 May of the previous year.
• 19 February 1725: A Chinese trader named Njothecko arrived from Batavia (now Jakarta) with a ship carrying 28 crew members and a cargo including:
  • 3 chests of Japanese gold thread
  • 3 units of old iron
  • 10 small chests of fine fabrics
  • 2 large chests of coarse cassia (cinnamon)
  • 2 chests of small soles (likely a type of shoe)
  • 1 chest of coarse Chinese fabrics
  • 12 units of brown powdered sugar
  • 5 units of Chinese tobacco
  • 4 large chests of coarse Surat (Indian) fabrics
• 19 March 1725: A ship from Cinrana, led by captain Toissa, arrived with a crew of 10 people but carried no cargo, following a pass issued on 19 December of the previous year.
• 23 March 1725: A ship from Batavia, led by the Bugis captain Somama and co-captain To Assie, arrived with a crew of 21 people and a cargo including:
  • 2 large chests of fine fabrics
  • 5 units of Chinese tobacco
  The ship was detained in Batavia, and 25 large iron pans were unloaded there.
• 28 March 1725: A ship from Adjden (likely Aceh), led by captain Soasie from Wadjo (likely Wajo, a region in Sulawesi), arrived but was detained in Batavia.

On 15 May 1725, a merchant named Joost Abrahamsz arrived in Macassar with a ship carrying 5 lasten (a unit of cargo weight) and a crew of 25. He had a pass dated 7 March of that year, issued by the Dutch East India Company (VOC). His cargo included:

• 4 corgs (large baskets) of high-quality rice,
• 3 of fine cassa (a type of cloth),
• 2 of coarse cloth,
• Some goods destined for Batavia (now Jakarta),
• 5 piculs (a weight unit) of Chinese silk,
• 2 chests of Chinese tobacco,
• 100 copper kettles,
• 30 large iron basins.

On the same date, a ship from Sumbawa, captained by Angebiba, a Bugis (ethnic group from South Sulawesi) sailor, arrived with his pankor (small ship) of 2 lasten and a crew of 7. He had a pass dated 6 September of the previous year but carried no trade goods.

Regarding departing and arriving vessels:

• On 2 March, Jan Ongena departed for Banda in a shallow boat with about 28 lasten of cargo and a crew of 17. He also took 28 lasten of rice.
• On the same day, Adriaan Schouten departed with a similar amount of cargo and crew.
• On 3 March, Todawang, a Wajo (from South Sulawesi) captain, left for Buton with a pankor of 3 lasten and a crew of 6, carrying only food for the journey.
• On 5 March, Hoemar departed for Tambora with a pankor of 2 lasten and a crew of 5, also carrying only food.
• On 6 March, Intje Toap, a sailor, left for Bima in a proa (small sailing vessel) owned by Pieter Alexander, with 4 lasten and a crew of 12, carrying only food.
• On the same day, Angegeger departed for Adjdem with a pankor of 2 lasten and a crew of 8, also carrying only food.

• On 6 March 1725, a servant of the King of Bima, named Nachoda Djena Pareka, left for Bima in a small boat called a prauw. The boat was about 2 last (a unit of weight) in size and had 16 crew members. They only carried food for the journey.
• On 8 March 1725, an envoy from the King of Boeton, named Bonto Goendo Goedo, left Boeton in a pankor (a type of ship) weighing 5 last, with 24 crew members. They also only carried food for the trip.
• On the same day, another servant of the King of Boeton, named Lapassie, traveled with Bonto Goendo Goedo in a pankor weighing 4 last, with 21 crew members. They only carried food for the journey.
• Also on that day, a captain named Care Tojing left in a pankor weighing 2 last, with 7 crew members. They only carried food for the trip.
• On 15 March 1725, a captain named Care Mamoentoelij left for Mangeraij in a pankor weighing 2 last, with 6 crew members. They carried no goods, only food, and were traveling to collect some outstanding debts.
• On 17 March 1725, a Chinese merchant from Parnakan, named Intje Sallang, left in a pankor weighing 4 last, with 13 crew members. They carried goods including:
  • 1000 pieces of blions or Capinessen (types of cloth)
  • 2 corg (a unit of measure) of small gerassen (likely a type of fabric or dye)
  • ½ bl (unit of measure) of salempoeris (likely a type of fabric or item)
  • ½ bl of chavonijs (possibly a type of cloth or good)
  • 2 bundles of large copper wire
  • 1 bundle of loot (likely lead or another metal)
• On 19 March 1725, an envoy named Daing Mangallee, representing the ruler Carain Bonto Soengo (who was in Goa), left for Sumbawa in a pankor weighing 2 last, with 11 crew members. They carried no goods, only food, and were traveling to handle some matters there.
• On 20 March 167? (date unclear), another voyage was recorded, but details are missing or unclear.

On 15 May 1725, records from Macassar detailed several ships departing to various destinations between 21 March and 2 April. Here’s what was noted:

• On 21 March, citizen Michiel de Vreede left for Banda on his chialoupe (small ship) with a capacity of 30 last (a unit of weight). The ship had 30 crew members and carried 30 last of rice.
• On the same day, captain Danig Mangalla from Sumbawa departed in a prauw pankor (small boat) with a capacity of 2 last and 9 crew members. The boat carried only food supplies for the journey.
• Also on 21 March, citizen Albert de Vries sailed from Amboina on his chialoupe with a capacity of 50 last, 15 crew members, and 50 last of rice.
• On the same day, Chinese trader Limmanko left for Banda on his chialoupe with a capacity of 30 last, 18 crew members, and 30 last of rice.
• On 26 March, captain Bandee Persijn from Zalijer sailed in a pankor with a capacity of 2 last and 5 crew members, carrying only food supplies for the trip.
• On 27 March, Chinese trader Than Koenko from Adjdem departed in a pankor with a capacity of 2 last and 5 crew members. He carried no goods, as his purpose was to collect outstanding debts.
• On the same day, captain Poeanna Tango, a resident of Macassar originally from Soembaden, sailed in a pankor with a capacity of 4 last and 14 crew members. He carried 1 corg (a small unit of measure) of salempoeris (a type of cloth), 3 sets of copper bowls, and 500 pieces of bliongs or kapmessen (a type of knife).
• On 29 March, captain Care Mabela from Sumbawa departed in a pankor with a capacity of 2 last and 6 crew members, carrying only food supplies for the journey.
• On 2 April, a ship from Geras was recorded as departing on 31 March, but no further details were provided.

• On October 1695, a letter from Ternate discussed the late queen’s slaves. Captain Laut was ordered not to sell a slave named Meintiko, who had tried to sell her to Philippus Lethij. The leaders of Boelang Itang confirmed the slave belonged to the late queen, so both Meintiko and Captain Laut were forbidden from selling or buying her.
• The schoolteacher Hendrik Tehoe arrived in Dauw with his family at the end of the previous month. By order, he was placed in Boelang Itang, which pleased the local leaders. Religious services, especially school and Sunday church attendance in Dauw, were growing, though Boelang Itang still struggled with poor church and school conditions. The writer hoped God’s blessing would improve this.
• The letter was signed by Iacob Iojeus in Caudipan, Dauw, on March 20, 1695, and addressed to Stephanus Thierrij, a merchant and assistant chief in Manado.
• Another letter from Ternate, dated October 1695, reported violence in Totoli. People from Tobijlien had attacked Totoli’s subjects in Amur and Kerck, killing 2 people, capturing 13, and killing one of the king’s slaves. The king of Totoli was urged to stop such acts or face severe punishment and displeasure from the Dutch chief in Manado.
• The king of Totoli encouraged his people to sell corret (a type of cloth) to the Dutch East India Company (VOC). Permission was granted for Totoli to trade in Cajelij, Tominij, and Gorontalo to buy corret for the VOC, with a warning to avoid misconduct. Those fishing or seeking tripang (sea cucumber) near the islands with proper passes from Macassar were to be left alone.
• The writer requested copies of the passes and confirmed sending three passes to Manado via Ballatangada’s envoy on November 15, sealed in a letter from November 14. Ballatangada confirmed delivering the letter to the chief in Manado as received.

• On 21 June 1761, a document from Delft referenced a sale involving Sijne Aluiken (likely a noble or official title) and a property or agreement related to a society called Cultuus Maatschappij in Amsterdam. The document included a draft charter for this society.
• On 24 June and 22 June, additional records noted financial or legal matters, including a debt of 1246 guilders linked to a property in Oosterwijk.
• On 17 June 1631, a record mentioned a community or guild agreement, possibly involving a large sum of 111,000 guilders.
• On 14 May 1688, a legal case involved Geb Ruchgen and Gimitersans Aed Mole, residents of Haren and Utrecht, concerning unpaid taxes or fees owed to the province of Overijssel. The total debt was 4,726 guilders and 4 stuivers, including interest and penalties.
• On 27 September 1688, a payment of 140 guilders was recorded, possibly related to the same case.
• On 14 May and 11 July 1718, records discussed inheritances and unpaid debts of some military personnel.
• On 12 May 1718, approval was granted for the establishment of a new society called Landbouw Maatschappij (Agricultural Society) in Amsterdam, with its charter and bylaws included. The society aimed to support agriculture and related industries.
• On 13 May 1718, further details were provided about the society’s rules and the appointment of officials such as Drehabvemi, Doenienep Miter, and others.
• On 9 August 1747, a document noted a dispute or decision involving a public school in Ovensa Pandad, Sumatra’s Westkust (West Coast of Sumatra).
• On 21 July and 23 July 1799, records referenced additional financial or legal settlements, including sums like 2,714 guilders.

• On 1416 (likely a typo, intended: 1770 or 1780), a general financial report was submitted for military transport and war expenses during the previous war with England.
• The report included a request for the money owed to the late Resident de Wolff, who died in 1777 when the ship Jda was lost.
• Two men, Casper Jansen (a senior helmsman) and Sergeant Stemming, claimed to be caring for de Wolff's two illegitimate daughters. They requested access to de Wolff's unclaimed funds of ƒ2609:8 (2609 guilders and 8 stuivers), as no closer relatives had come forward since his death.
• The government had previously decided in 1784 (on August 11) to keep the money for the Dutch East India Company (E Compagnie), but the request was forwarded for a new decision.
• Additionally, a payment of 9,151 was noted for Captain Landaan, based on a claim submitted by Captain Feit Landouw of the civic guard on August 29.

The document outlines debts owed to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) for war supplies, totaling 1789 ƒ46,921:11. Payments could be made in gold, cash, or clove oil. The following rulers and officials were listed as debtors:

• Rulers:
  • King of Tabukan: ƒ152:17:8
  • Ruler of Tavena: ƒ45:16:—
  • Ruler of Tagulanda: ƒ14:8:8
  • Ruler of Candaer: ƒ103:19:—
  • Ruler of Mangonitoe: ƒ58:17:—
  • Ruler of Gountalo Monosrda: ƒ829:7:8
  • Princes of Boelang and Mogondo: ƒ13:19:8
  • Total for rulers: ƒ1,219:5:—
• Officials with missing funds from their administrations:
  • Former Resident of Gorontalo, Hoeque: ƒ1,467:12:—
  • Mole: ƒ12,241:8:14
  • Dispenser Bassee: ƒ7,047:18:—
  • Shopkeeper van Raesveld: ƒ8,810:—:—
  • Total for officials: ƒ29,366:18:14
• Other debts:
  • Resident Wettewael (for unpaid "small change" funds): ƒ6,115:6:4
  • Assistant Merchant De Chalmot (as guarantor for Dispenser Bassee): ƒ990:—:—
  • Captain Lieutenant Feit Landouw (loan from Batavia): ƒ5,940:—:—
• Local rulers of Gorontalo:
  • Koning Mono Ansa: ƒ1,982:15:8
  • King Wallanadij of Gorontalo: ƒ396:—:—
  • King Iskonder Nachie of Lymoots: ƒ1,353:11:—
  • Bonijs @ Kitchiel la Haij: ƒ346:10:—
  • Transport costs: ƒ4,078:16:8
  • Total for Gorontalo rulers: ƒ9,053:1:2

This document lists legal records from the Dutch past, involving mostly women who were widows or guardians. Here’s a simplified breakdown:

• Lysbeth Outgers, widow of Jan Cornelis, had a legal statement recorded under number 518.
• Leonardt Hooghstadt had a legal power of attorney (procuratie) under number 544.
• Lysbeth Luijte Block, widow of Jan Meeuwin Klouwer, had a legal statement under number 550 and a power of attorney under number 557.
• Levi Loria had a power of attorney under number 576.
• Lysbeth Frits was a guardian, mentioned under number 337 (statement) and 339 (power of attorney).
• Martijntje Pieters, wife of Anthonij Jans Kavelin, had records under numbers 337 and 339.
• Maghdaleentje Jans had a power of attorney under number 350.
• Maria van Deelen had a power of attorney under number 358.
• Marten de Jeught had a substitution record under number 36.
• Marretje Steen, widow of Jan Wyniershoff, had a statement under number 378 and a contract under number 558.
• Matthijs Timan had a record under number 383.
• Marretje Hendricksz had a statement under number 403.
• Martinus Landouw had a power of attorney.
• Marrij Jans, widow of Jacob Pieters, had a statement under numbers 404 and 410.
• Maghdalena Sweegels had a legal bond (obligatie).
• Maria Constant, widow of Jan Kat, had a power of attorney under numbers 411 and 418.
• Menasse aan had a power of attorney.
• Margareta Dinne Kogel had a statement under number 439.
• Maria Hoeck had a record under number 449.
• Matthijs Dircksz had a power of attorney under number 453.
• Maria Gerrits had a statement under number 458.
• Maria van der Wieren had a statement.
• Matthijs Simons had a record.
• Marretje Arents, widow of Pieter Erasmus, had a statement under number 464.
• Marretje Theunis had a power of attorney under numbers 465 and 468.
• Matthijs Haaghsman had a power of attorney under number 470.
• Moses Perera had a power of attorney under number 481.
• Moses Josue Gan Ferme had a power of attorney.
• Margareta Bodisco had an agreement (accoort) under numbers 483 and 48.
• Maria Johanna Flaman had a statement under number 485.
• Maria Mulder had an agreement under number 486.
• Meijndert Kolder had a purchase agreement (coopcedul) under number 487.
• Matthijs van Aensorgh had a power of attorney under number 50.
• Moses Jacobs Polack had a power of attorney under number 515.
• Margareta Wighmans had a power of attorney.
• Maria Timmers, widow of Carel Jacob, had a statement under number 521.
• Maria Jacob had a statement under number 523.
• Maghdalena Otterlo had a power of attorney.
• Margareta had a record under number 524.
• Michiel de Hulter had a transfer record (transport) under number 534.
• Maghdalena Pieters had a power of attorney under number 538.
• Maurits Lels had a power of attorney under number 530.
• Manuel Eliasar had a legal bond (obligatie).
• Maria van Hoogeveen had a power of attorney under numbers 544 and 545.
• Marretje Ders had an inventory record under number 549.
• Michiel Gillis had a power of attorney.
• Maghdalena Jurriaens, widow of Pr. Willems, had a power of attorney under numbers 554 and 553.
• Maria van den Brinck had a power of attorney under number 573.
• Marretje Dircks had a power of attorney.
• Marretje, housewife of Jan Hendricks Schickingh, was a guardian under number 576.
• Nicolaes Sluijter had a receipt (quitantie) under numbers 380 and 482.
• Niesje Jans had a statement.
• Nicolaes van der Perre had a power of attorney under number 489 for ƒ 489.

In November 1716, reports from Macassar raised doubts about the claims made by the forest guard Anthonij van Aldorp. His statements about a man named To-adang were questioned, particularly the claim that To-adang had traveled to Johoor in 1774 with a ship called a Lamboe and 25 crew members. Official records showed that in 1713, To-adang had actually sailed with a gonting (a type of boat) and 25 crew, not on a mission but for trade. Additionally, van Aldorp claimed other traders from Catjong and a zabauwa (another type of trader) had sold spices in Riouw, but records confirmed that in 1713, only one trader, a Macassar resident named the maleijer Catjong, had sailed to Johoor for trade. Another trader, Intje Deraim, was attacked by pirates and killed during his journey.

The records also showed that in 1714, only one ship, led by Nachoda Bappa Boang, sailed to Johoor instead of the three ships van Aldorp had mentioned. These details contradicted van Aldorp's report to the governor of Malacca, and officials could not reconcile the differences. They also found it unlikely that large amounts of spices were being smuggled yearly by traders from Ambon and Banda without being detected, given the strict oversight in place.

On May 22, 1716, officials Ioan Happon and A. van den Anker signed a statement confirming these findings. Later, on May 27, 1716, Pieter van der Snippe, secretary of the council in Macassar, recorded a translation of a Chinese letter. The letter had been brought by a Bugis ship captain named Topasla and was translated from Chinese to Malay by the local Chinese captain, then into Dutch by the Dutch East India Company’s (VOC) sworn translator, Iacob Brugman. The letter’s contents were not fully detailed in this report.

On 23 May 1732, a report from Makassar discussed the situation of Queen Boemi Camboe from Dompo. Despite mediation efforts, she refused to return to her land due to fears of further violence from her stepson, the former ruler of Dompo. She claimed he had unfairly taken from her:

• A golden tatrappang (a ceremonial headdress) and armband,
• 30 enslaved individuals (wrongly labeled as "rice slaves").

An investigation by local authorities, witnessed by leaders from Bima, confirmed her claims. However, Queen Boemi Camboe and her two sons still refused to return and formally requested protection from the Dutch East India Company (VOC) until her disputes with her stepson were resolved.

The VOC agreed to her request only if she came to their main settlement to address the issue in person when the Dompo delegates arrived. However, they strictly forbade any exiled Dompo refugees—reportedly many in number—from seeking help or shelter from the people of Bima. The VOC feared that the two groups, being closely connected like "burrs sticking together," would unite against them, as had happened during the rule of Daing Tololo and long after his death.

The report praised the local mediator for referring the conflicting parties to the VOC. It also noted that other Dompo leaders and nearby rulers had been urged to travel to the VOC settlement, just as the king of Tambora and his authorized representatives had recently arrived.

The VOC reiterated its orders for the immediate arrival of the king of Pekat, along with the leaders of Sumbawa and Dompo, without further delays or excuses about lacking transportation. The goal was to address the issues with the already-present delegates from Bima and Tambora.

On 23 May 1732, officials in Ujung Pandang (now Makassar) sent a report to higher authorities. They dispatched Hendrik Van Rijd, an assistant merchant and garrison accountant, and Dorus De Waart, an ensign, to reassure the rulers of Bone of their strong friendship and alliance.

The officials also needed to inform the queen and leaders of Bone about a troubling issue. A powerful figure named Jaena (also known as the administrator of Bone), currently in Bontualak, had sent several heavily loaded ships. These ships were supposedly trading for Bone but were actually heading to places like Broo (likely Buru), Passie, Coete, Banjermassing, and other locations.

The problem was that Jaena had no authority to act on behalf of Bone. In fact, 10 years earlier (1722), he had loaded ships on Ujung Tana with goods like rice and cloth, worth a large sum of money. Instead of following proper trade rules, he sent these ships on private voyages without paying the required taxes or fees to the Dutch East India Company (VOC). This violated the Bone-VOC treaty, specifically articles 7 and 9.

Though Jaena claimed he had orders from Bone, the officials doubted this. He even tried to justify his actions by writing letters in the name of Bone and claiming he had received instructions to return fugitives from Aroe Sinkang to their homeland via Broo, Passie, and Coete. The officials suspected he was trying to pressure the governor into issuing special permits for his ships.

On 23 May 1732, a letter from Makassar outlined a mission to the queen and leaders of the Bone Kingdom in Tjinrana. The Dutch government in Makassar, representing the Dutch East India Company (VOC), chose Hendrik van Reijd and ensign Dovus de Waard for this task.

• Their assignment was to deliver a letter to the queen and officials, following the exact wording of a prepared Dutch draft.
• They received clear instructions to:
• Stick strictly to the letter’s content and avoid discussing anything beyond it.
• If the queen or officials brought up other topics, politely decline and suggest they contact the Makassar government directly.
• Observe the royal court’s behavior closely but respectfully.
• Once they received a response to the letter, they were to leave promptly.
• After completing the mission, they had to return immediately and submit a short, clear report.

The letter was signed by officials: J. van Arrewijne, Cornelis Roëll, Joan Steenhoff, Jan Hendrik Nipoort, and Jb. Lussenius.

On 23 May 1732, a letter was written in Makassar by Ib Lursenius and Hendrik van Reijd, summarizing an earlier translation of a Malay letter sent by the governor and council of the province from Fort Rotterdam on 16 September 1731. The letter was addressed to Queen Bonij and her court officials in Tjinrana Bonij.

The governor and council explained that they had long intended to send a delegation to Tjinrana Bonij to discuss important matters and inquire about the queen’s well-being. However, they had delayed because they expected the queen and her officials to arrive in Oedjong Padang in the eastern season.

Instead, they now sent Hendrik van Reijd, an under-merchant and garrison bookkeeper, along with Dorus de Waart, a military officer, to reassure the queen of Makassar's continued friendship and alliance with Bonij. They also wanted to inform her about a concerning issue:

• A high-ranking official from Bonij, known as the Nakkadang Tana (or Bonij's realm administrator), was currently in Bontualak.
• This official had sent multiple heavily loaded ships under the name of the Bonij court to trade in places like Broo (or Pasir and Koete), Banjermassing, and elsewhere.
• There was no evidence that this official had permission from the court to send these ships.
• The ships were loaded with goods like rice and fabrics, as well as a large sum of money, on Ujung Tana.
• The official then sent the ships to sea under his own private authority, without paying the required company taxes, tolls, or customs duties, as was his duty under the Bungaya Agreement.

• This document records the number of enslaved people transported from Macassar (modern-day Makassar, Indonesia) in November 1716 and September 1716, listing their origins, names of leaders or notable individuals, and quantities.
• From November 1716:
  • From the River of Pandrabonij: 5 enslaved people under Carain Sandrabonij.
  • From Goa: 9 enslaved people under Bonto Gamasse.
  • From Donto Songo: 11 enslaved people under Carrain Donto Songo.
  • Transported by ship: 75 enslaved people.
  • From Samadangan: 5 enslaved people.
  • From Todjing: 6 enslaved people under Carré todjing, and 4 enslaved people in another group.
  • From Nisali: 5 enslaved people.
  • From the Boegineesen group: 4 enslaved people under Djanang pangimpang.
  • Individuals listed: Dato Samana (6 enslaved), Ange Assing (9), To-Rassima (5), Radja Donij (3), Topalla (12), Tomoeshoe (6), and Topati (4).
  • From Polepagili: 17 enslaved people.
  • Total enslaved transported by ship: 90.
  • Total enslaved listed for November 1716: 152.
• From September 1716:
  • Transported by ship: 90 enslaved people.
  • From the Wadjoresen group: 4 enslaved people under Matoa (leader), and 7 in another group.
  • From Tohawa: 9 enslaved people.
  • From Totanga: 4 enslaved people in one group, and 10 in another.
  • From Tosoenting: 7, Teadji: 12, Manani: 12, Sodalima: 7, Toelang: 4, Toheni: 6, Oeti Latame: 6, Tosaleeng: 8, Tosehan: 7.
  • Individuals listed: Ange Assan (4), Josadan (14), Ioanna bollo (4), Tomoena (8), Tosatie (10), Toalima (6), Totanring (7), and Laworang (6).
  • From Ladio: 6 enslaved people.
  • Total enslaved listed for September 1716: 115.
• Combined total of enslaved people recorded in both months: 267.

On November 1716, a ship fled from Macassar, with one sailor injured during the escape. The crew sailed toward three other ships but couldn’t reach them due to reefs and rocks. They then headed to Boeton (Buton), arriving near the island on November 15, 1716 (Wednesday), but had to drop anchor due to calm winds. Stormy weather followed, and by November 16 (Thursday), they set sail again until strong winds forced them to anchor near Boeton on November 17 (Friday).

On November 18 (Saturday), they sailed with favorable winds, reaching the narrow strait of Boeton by 11:00 PM. The next morning, November 19 (Sunday), they passed through the strait and anchored in Boeton’s harbor. Upon arrival, they fired a salute on November 20 (Monday), and two translators boarded the ship. The crew explained their troublesome journey and asked the translators to inform the King of Boeton immediately.

On November 21 (Tuesday), the King of Boeton summoned the quartermaster and listened to the account of the failed voyage. The king promised to prepare ships to pursue and capture the attackers. The next day, November 22 (Wednesday), the king gathered all his people and asked if they would obey the quartermaster as their leader. They agreed, sealing the promise with a handshake. The king reassured the crew that ships were already sent to hunt down the attackers and that he would remain a loyal ally of the Dutch East India Company (VOC). As they left, they encountered several Buginese and Macassarese ships in the river.

On November 23 (Thursday), the crew asked the king for permission to inspect the ships they had seen, but he refused, explaining that these were traders he dealt with annually. However, he allowed it since the ships were outside the harbor. On November 24 (Friday), the crew—