Transcriptions » Recently created summaries of historical documents

In a letter dated 26 November, Gouverneur Artus Eisels informed the authorities in Amboina about the following developments:

• The ships Noortwyck, Warmondt, Bommel, and Cotchijn, along with the yachts Schiedam, Medemblik, Den Brack, and Brouckerhaaren, had been sent to block the Makassarese from trading in cloves and other spices. The goal was to prevent them from transporting around 400 bahars (a unit of weight) of cloves to Bantam.
• The English were also trying to trade directly in cloves from Bantam to places like Ceram, Balimboano, and Bali, sometimes even without proper permits. Some traders were suspected of going to Kosti (on the Malabar Coast). To stop this, Eisels ordered that all local traders found without permission—whether by sea or land—should be captured or destroyed.
• Many cloves in Makassar were actually being smuggled from Hitpol and other places to Amboina, proving that the Makassarese were not the only suppliers.
• Originally, the plan was to send 1,800 European soldiers to Amboina to fully control the spice trade, but due to shortages in Batavia, the Molucas, and Banda, this was impossible without weakening defenses elsewhere.
• Instead, only 4 ships (Noortwyck, Warmondt, Bommel, and Cotchijn) with 300 sailors and 100 soldiers were sent, supplied for 5 months. Additionally, the yachts Vergoes and/or Huijsduijnen (with 90 sailors and 50 soldiers) would arrive later, depending on trade needs.
• With local forces in Amboina (around 300 men, including civilians and soldiers), the total available troops would be roughly 500 soldiers and 500 sailors for land operations, plus allied local fighters.
• However, this force was still considered too small to fully secure control over the clove and spice trade in the region.

• The Dutch East India Company (VOC) issued strict rules for preachers and government officials in India (referring to the Dutch East Indies). Everyone was required to obey these rules or face penalties outlined in official letters and laws.
• Local church leaders in Banda were forbidden from making exceptions or delays based on orders from the Netherlands or other churches in the region. They had to follow decisions made by the Council of India and the Governor for the benefit of the Company.
• Disobedience had already caused problems in Banda, such as:
  • Church meetings being neglected or improperly held.
  • Small, disorderly gatherings replacing proper services.
• Though some officials deserved immediate punishment, the Council of India decided to give another warning. They ordered:
  • Church services and governance to resume as usual.
  • Political commissioners to be appointed (as done in Batavia and Ambon) with the approval of the local Governor and Council.
  • Refusal to comply would lead to suspension, loss of pay, and being sent back to the Netherlands for trial.
• Normally, only 3 official preachers were assigned, but due to shortages, 4 additional temporary preachers were approved, including Eijsbrecht Sebastiaenssz, who arrived on the wrecked ship Batavia. He was officially recognized based on:
  • His credentials from the Netherlands.
  • A resolution by the church council in Batavia, with the Company’s knowledge.
• Regarding school funding for children:
  • No changes were made to existing rules.
  • Church leaders and authorities must encourage parents to send children to school.
  • Poor families should not hesitate to accept financial aid (deacon’s support).
  • Wealthy families could not use excuses like "children must work" to avoid schooling.
  • Officials were urged to enforce these rules strictly to ensure all children attended school.
• All current orders were temporary and could change if new church rules arrived from the Directors (Heeren Majores) in the Netherlands.
• The letter was signed in Castle Batavia on 5 March 1632.

• The Portuguese and Messicen (mixed-race Portuguese-Asians) were sent far away to handle unfinished business. Afterward, they were to sail quickly to Buton to acquire timber, unless they discovered that the Macassars (people from Makassar) had sent an unusually large force toward Amboyna or Banda. In that case, they were to prioritize traveling there immediately. Both locations were risky for the Macassars, but with God’s help, they hoped to avoid trouble.
• The goal was to gather as much useful information as possible to meet the requests of the Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC, or Dutch East India Company). No untrustworthy people were to be allowed to return; instead, they should be punished or sent back based on their crimes.
• The Bandanese (people from Banda) had previously smuggled pepper back to the homeland openly. This was not to be tolerated again. No priests or individuals promoting Islam (referred to as "hidden Moorish practices") were to be spared—they were to be punished severely on the spot or sent back.
• Iscei V Beer had already been compensated in Banda for his expenses related to the ship’s crew and slaves, as confirmed by the company’s financial records. No additional costs were to be claimed in Batavia (modern-day Jakarta).
• Free merchants were allowed to sail to the Coromandel Coast (Costij) with a special pass (toll brief) provided by the General (likely the Governor-General). Anyone caught trading without this pass was to have their goods confiscated, and those involved were to be arrested as they were violating company rules.
• The wife of Jacob Lievensz was permitted to send her husband supplies listed in the toll brief, as compensation for damages he had suffered.
• Captain Marten Janssen Vodel was granted permission to sail with a small, fast ship (a "yacht") alongside the main vessel, as specified in his pass.
• The letter included licenses and documents for the recipient to review. The writer expected continued cooperation in enforcing these rules.
• The letter was written in Batavia Castle on 4 March 1632 and closed with a reminder to follow previous recommendations.
• S. Kerckringh complained that his rations had been reduced since 13 October and requested permission to return to the homeland as a merchant on the next ship. His request was forwarded to the recipient for a decision, prioritizing the company’s interests and his own suitability.
• A letter from the church council in Banda expressed shock and discontent over a decision by Governor Raemburch. In September 1631, the council had been forced to admit political commissioners into church meetings. They were even threatened with the suspension of communion and direct reports to the church council in Batavia if they refused. The council saw this as disobedience and opposition to the resolutions made by the Heeren XVII (the VOC’s directors in the homeland) and the Church Council of India for the well-being of the church and the company.
• The writer hoped the recipient would earn favor without abusing the company’s authority and continue to serve the company and the city well, as he had done before.

• The council was very disappointed with a person named Pinel for his dishonest actions, unfair legal procedures, and proven disloyalty. Despite his serious offenses, the local council in Banda did not punish him as they should have, setting a bad example for others.
• Even though Pinel deserved harsher punishment, the council showed leniency due to his pregnant wife and other difficult circumstances. They still approved of the changes PE (likely a council member or official) made with the council regarding Pinel’s and others' positions, assuming these individuals truly deserved their roles.
• The council strongly disapproved of Dom Holtenius being allowed to keep 400 crowns, which had only been permitted on the condition of further approval. They suspected him of fraud in Lenda and other wrongdoings.
• The council ordered that preachers should focus only on their religious duties and avoid meddling in other matters, as neglecting their duties would harm both their reputation and their work.
• Since the ship Medembrick and its small boat (chaloupe) could not sail to the Banda islands due to monsoon winds, the council suggested using a different small boat, Douwo, which they trusted more for its smaller size and better suitability.
• The council instructed that two ships, the Gouden Leeuw (Golden Lion) and ’t Wapen van Hoorn (The Coat of Arms of Hoorn), should be sent directly to their destinations:
  • The Gouden Leeuw to the west coast (likely of India or Sumatra).
  • ’t Wapen van Hoorn to Chiam (possibly Siam, modern-day Thailand).
  These ships were meant to promote the pepper trade, as proposed by Van Ris. They also suggested sending the yacht Jongsle Creveren from Amboina (Ambon) or another location to help advance trade in Banda.
• The ship Edano (a fluyt-type vessel) was to be used if it was still seaworthy after inspection. If not, it should be dismantled. If deemed unfit, the council advised against risking it further. The first returns (likely profits or goods) should come with the ’t Wapen van Hoorn, and later returns with the Gouden Leeuw.
• The council acknowledged the efforts in collecting old debts but urged that this should continue carefully and fairly for the benefit of both the citizens and the Dutch East India Company (VOC).
• The financial records from Banda showed that, despite general profits, high overhead costs still resulted in a large deficit. The islands of Banda had supplies and enslaved people valued at 450,000 guilders, including expected merchant profits. The council recognized the difficulty of sending large amounts of capital there, especially during scarce times.
• The council requested continued updates on military rolls, ammunition inventories, and other reports, as previous records had been lost when sent to the homeland without copies being kept.
• Though there were rumors that the Macassarese (from Makassar) leader Yets was on Landa, the council did not believe he posed a direct threat to Amboina or Banda. However, they still advised vigilance.
• They mentioned that a ship called Buijeren, carrying around 10 Portuguese, had been lost, likely due to an attack by enemies from Macau who had been brought to Macassar.

• The Dutch East India Company (VOC) was asked to handle complaints from church leaders about education. The church wanted children in public schools to be taught and fed for free, but the VOC argued that:
• No other republic provided free schooling and meals to children.
• The VOC already struggled with the costs of running schools.
• Schools should be managed by good religious and political supervisors to ensure children attended regularly, learned Christian teachings, and behaved properly.
• Regarding slaves from the Banda Islands, the VOC stated:
• Previous instructions for managing slaves were followed, but new demands were being made that the VOC could not meet.
• They lacked the resources to send the number and types of slaves requested for exchange.
• The issue would be delayed until better solutions were found.
• Meanwhile, strict supervision and justice should prevent problems with the Banda slaves.
• About 50 male slaves were still needed to meet demands, but this would be addressed once expected shipments arrived.
• Christian missions in places like Battavia, Amboina, and the Banda Islands had been ongoing since 1677 but had achieved little progress. The VOC suggested:
• More could be done in these areas, similar to efforts on other islands like Quilay and Arii Dunctons Weymer.
• A suitable ship should be sent when available, without delaying other tasks.
• Two ships from Medemblik remained under Banda's responsibility, despite some faults not being the crew's fault. One sailor was punished for his mistakes.
• The VOC had hoped the Banda Islands and other regions in India would generate profits beyond their costs, but this had not happened. Instead of profits, there were complaints.
• The VOC recommended:
• Continuing efforts to grow new plantations on Nera.
• Confiscating smuggled goods, as no one was allowed to bring such items there.
• To address the shortage of soldiers in Amboina, the VOC sent an additional 50 well-trained soldiers on the current ship, along with those previously sent on the Gouden Leeuw and Edam. This would:
• Allow older soldiers to be relieved.
• Maintain a total of 450 soldiers.
• The VOC also asked to send back relieved soldiers and any extra sailors who could be spared.
• Cloves from Banda were similar to those from Amboina and the Moluccas. The VOC suggested:
• Letting old trees continue to produce.
• Planting new trees until further instructions were given by the Lords Seventeen (the VOC's directors).

The Dutch East India Company (VOC) and the Council of India decided, with advice from the local church council in Batavia, to address several issues regarding church governance in the region.

• The Reverend Gijsbrecht Bastiaensz was assigned to serve the community on the island of Lonthor (part of the Banda Islands). He was to be accepted and officially installed there based on his credentials from the Classis of Holland and Zeeland (a church body in the Dutch homeland).
• The VOC and Council of India clarified that the selection and sending of ministers to other regions would follow the instructions of the Lords Seventeen (the VOC directors in the Netherlands) and the Council of India, with input from the local church council in Batavia. Ministers would no longer need additional approval from the church council in Batavia beyond their original credentials from the Classis in the Netherlands.
• Local governors in places like the Moluccas, Amboyna, and Banda were instructed to follow this new rule. They would decide, with advice from their local church councils, where ministers should be placed in their regions.
• Each church would govern itself through its own church council. No outlying churches would have to report or justify their actions to the church in Batavia. Instead, they would communicate directly with the Classis of Holland and Zeeland, the Lords Seventeen, and the church council in Batavia only when necessary for promoting unity and the Christian faith.
• All letters sent by church councils or individuals from these regions to other places in India or the Netherlands would first be handed over to the respective governors or their representatives. These letters would then be sent together in one package along with the governor’s official correspondence.

These rules were provisional and could be adjusted later if the Lords Seventeen and the Classis in the Netherlands issued new instructions. Until then, the current orders were to be followed strictly.

• The church leaders in Banda were surprised by the resistance they faced when trying to introduce political commissioners into church meetings. They believed the church leaders should have obeyed the orders given by the Governor-General and Council of India without protest.
• The church leaders in Banda argued that they had not received direct orders from the church in Batavia, but the Governor-General and Council of India saw this as an excuse. They believed the church in Batavia did not have authority over the churches in Banda or other regions in India.
• The Governor-General and Council of India were shocked that some church leaders even threatened to leave their positions rather than accept the political commissioners in their meetings. They considered this refusal unacceptable.
• After much discussion, the Governor-General and Council of India decided to send another letter to the church council in Banda, ordering them to allow political commissioners into all church meetings on the Banda Islands and give them seats, as previously decided.
• If the church leaders in Banda continued to refuse, they would be suspended from their positions and salaries, and sent back to Batavia or Ambon for further action.
• If the church council in Banda agreed to follow the orders, as the churches in Batavia and Ambon had already done, church matters would return to normal, and the Governor-General would support the spread of Christianity as expected.
• The Governor-General and Council of India also reserved the right to decide on the qualities needed for the political commissioners and other church matters.

• On 17 January 1634, Henrick Brouwer, the Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, issued orders in Batavia regarding a fleet expedition to Macassar (modern Makassar).
• The fleet included ships like der Goes, Heusden, Grootenbroeck, and smaller vessels such as de Sterre and Amboijna, along with two sloops and other small boats.
• Egbert Boom, who arrived from the Netherlands on the ship der Goes, was assigned to the expedition. His salary would remain payable in Batavia, and he would not receive a receipt on board. The goal was to assess his skills to see if he deserved promotion. He was not to be given any titles but should be assigned tasks matching his abilities.
• The fleet, led by Gijsberto Lodensteijn (former Governor of Ternate), was instructed to sail northeast toward the coast of Borneo, aiming to pass between two landmarks near Martapura (called Oedjongh Salatan). From there, they would sail southeast to reach the Pulo Laut islands.
• The meeting point was set at the eastern end of the easternmost island of Pulo Laut, near a freshwater inlet and a small island located at a latitude of 4 degrees and 35 minutes south.
• Jochem Pietersz, a citizen of Batavia, was promised a return to Batavia on the first available ship or yacht from the fleet after completing his duties under Lodensteijn. This promise was officially recorded in a document dated 17 January 1634.
• The fleet’s mission included various operations against enemies of the Dutch East India Company (VOC), with Lodensteijn given full command over all ships and vessels involved.

In the 17th century, the kingdom of Macassar (in modern-day Indonesia) grew powerful by conquering nearby lands. Its strength came from:

• A large population that could be called upon for war.
• Trade and alliances with Europeans and other nations, which provided advanced weapons like muskets and cannons.
• Knowledge of how to use these weapons effectively.

Within less than 20 years, the king of Macassar expanded his rule over neighboring regions, including areas to the north and east, such as the Boqueiron region, which was brought under his control around 1629. Earlier, in 1629, local leaders had asked Jan Vogel (likely a Dutch representative) for help to fight against the king of Macassar, with support from the king of Buton and limited Dutch assistance.

The Dutch hoped to weaken Macassar by destroying its fleet, ideally in early April. They planned to send ships to strengthen their position:

• The ship Weesp was to be sent to Amboina (modern Ambon), replaced by the ship Tessel, which was expected from Siam (modern Thailand).
• The ship Heusden, loaded with rice and supplies for Amboina, would be excused from some duties since other ships could cover its tasks.

The Dutch did not trust the king of Macassar enough to make a treaty but would allow his messengers to pass if he wished to send them. If the Dutch fleet needed to move inland to chase the enemy, they would coordinate with forces from Amboina or the Banda Islands to decide the best course of action.

The ship Grootenbroeck needed repairs and was to return between March and April 15, possibly stopping at Martapura to collect pepper. It was not to spend more than 14 days there, as the ship was needed elsewhere. Around 98 to 100 soldiers were sent to replace troops in Amboina and the Banda Islands whose service terms were ending. More troops would follow on other ships.

Any conquests made were to be carefully recorded to ensure fair reporting. A detailed list of supplies, ship equipment, and ammunition was provided for each ship and yacht. Additional supplies were noted for the Grootenbroeck and the six yachts that had already sailed. The document also included a commission for Gerrit Tomasz Pool, the vice-commander, and instructions for Heere Lodensteijn and the shipper of the Der Goes.

In 1696, instructions were given regarding the movements of Dutch ships near Macassar (modern-day Makassar). The following key points were outlined:

• The best time for ships to arrive was after the full moon in February, when the weather improved, aligning with the start of the east monsoon. Ships from Amboina, Banda, Ceram, Solor, Timor, Bina, and other locations would gather, preparing for voyages to Malacca, Macao, Borneo, Palembang, and elsewhere. This activity often surpassed even the trade of Mataram.
• The Dutch fleet was ordered to block Macassar to prevent enemy ships from leaving or entering. They were to wait for further instructions unless a large, threatening force from Macassar appeared. In that case, the fleet was to pursue it.
• Supplies were provided for 6 months, but if more were needed, the fleet could resupply at three northern islands outside Macassar's reef: Karanda, Balang Basar, and Balang Kichil. These islands had fertile soil, fresh water, and crops. However, the water sources could be poisoned, so crews were advised to empty and clean the wells before use.
• The islands could also serve as a base to attack if Macassar showed hostility. They could cut off enemy supplies and provide refreshments for the Dutch fleet.
• The fleet had to stay alert, as enemies might try to attack at night, similar to tactics used by the Chinese and people from Bantam. Anchoring under moonlight or sailing in darkness could confuse enemies.
• Spies were to gather intelligence on Macassar's plans, including their concerns about the Dutch blockade, potential allies or enemies of Macassar's king, and any enslaved groups that could rebel against him. Contacts with the English, Danes, and friendly locals could help gather this information.
• In February 1695, a Dutch merchant, Marten Valck, encountered a fleet of around 400 ships from Macassar near Bima. They carried thousands of men who had destroyed crops, ravaged the land, and burned Bima's city. This was because Bima's people had rebelled against their king, exiling him to Gunung Api. The king of Macassar sent this fleet to restore the exiled king (his relative) and punish the rebels. However, the fleet was poorly equipped for combat, and Valck believed even a small Dutch ship could have defeated them.

This document outlines instructions for a Dutch naval mission near Macassar (modern Makassar, Indonesia) in the 17th century. The key points are:

• The fleet could engage ships from Malay, Mataram, Banten, or other Indonesian regions, except those with Dutch passes (permits) or under Dutch protection. These protected ships had to show their documents in time.
• English and Danish ships in the area were to be left alone, as they were allies of the Dutch. However, they were not allowed to protect any Indonesian ships. The Dutch fleet was there to confront their main enemy (likely the Spanish or Portuguese).
• The crew was ordered to treat the English and Danes politely but avoid deep conversations. The local king might try to gather intelligence about the Dutch fleet’s strength and plans through them.
• The Dutch were to discreetly ask the English and Danes if any ships had recently left or were preparing to leave—including details like the number of ships, their destinations, and departure points. Jochum Pietersz, an experienced Dutch informant, believed ships usually left after the full moon in February, but the Dutch feared some may have already departed earlier.
• Jochum Pietersz was trusted for his knowledge of the region and was to advise the fleet. Though officially assigned as a night watch officer, he was expected to stay near the admiral’s ship for quick consultations.
• If few ships were found at Macassar, the Dutch could pretend they were there to destroy Spanish, Portuguese, or Mataram ships. This ruse would test whether the local king was as confident as Jochum Pietersz claimed—or if he would secretly move his own ships out of reach. The Dutch, however, were warned not to trust locals or send men ashore, as betrayal was likely.
• If a large enemy fleet (possibly from Martapura) was reported heading toward the Amboina (Ambon), Banda, or Ceram (Seram) regions, the Dutch were to pursue and destroy it—whether near Buton, the Banda Islands, or elsewhere.
• The Dutch relied on Jochum Pietersz’s expertise to confirm whether such a fleet had already left. Until then, they were to block all ships (except English/Danish) from entering or leaving Macassar.
• During bad weather, small boats were to be posted outside the islands as lookouts, as more ships from Macao, Manila, Malacca, Borneo, Palembang, or other places might arrive with the westerly monsoon.

• The Dutch East India Company (VOC) sent instructions to Commander Gijsbert van Lodensteijn and his fleet council, detailing their mission to support the King of Macassar against threats from enemies like the Spanish and Portuguese.
• The fleet was reinforced with the following ships and supplies for 6 months:
  • Ship Dergoes and Heusden: 70 crew each, including 15 soldiers per ship.
  • Ship Sterre: 50 crew, including 10 soldiers.
  • Ship Amboijno: 24 crew, including 6 soldiers.
  • Daily ration: 3 half-mugs of arrack (alcohol) per person.
  • Additional 7 barrels of arrack sent for the 6 yachts, allowing an extra half-mug at noon.
  • Extra provisions for 60 men for 6 months, likely for Ship Grootenbroeck, whose supplies were running low.
• On 12 July, the VOC sent the floating ship Batavia with 2 mortars to Bantam to attack the city. They planned to send this ship and its mortars to Lodensteijn’s fleet once it returned, expected within 14 days.
• The fleet was ordered to meet near Pulo Laut and prepare for the mission:
  • Fill all water containers (barrels, jugs, pots) to avoid shortages.
  • Distribute water rations and depart immediately for Macassar without delay.
• Command structure:
  • Gijsbert van Lodensteijn: Commander on Ship Dergoes, leading the fleet.
  • Gerrit Thomasz Pool: Vice-Commander on Ship Heusden, second in council.
  • Jochum Pietersz: Third in council on Ship Grootenbroeck (flagship at night).
  • Other merchants and captains assigned roles based on ability.
• Sailing route from Pulo Laut to Macassar:
  • Pass north of the Breede Bank, near Nusa Sive and Kucat islands.
  • Aim for landfall around latitude 5°15’ to avoid dangerous western islands near Macassar.
  • Anchor in clean, safe waters with good holding ground.
  • Arrive early in the morning to attack immediately.
• Mission objectives in Macassar:
  • Destroy all enemy ships in the harbor.
  • Act swiftly to prevent salvage attempts.
  • Show no mercy—no ships were to be spared.

On 8 April 1636, a letter arrived from the ruler of Siam, addressed to the Dutch Governor-General. The ruler was described with grand titles, including references to his divine status, wealth, and power over his people. The letter was translated from a message sent by Dya Berkelangh, a high-ranking official, praising the Governor-General's noble lineage and wisdom.

On the same date, a report arrived from Carnansen (near Batavia) about a Portuguese ship, the Galias, which had come from Goa via Malacca to Japara about a month earlier. The ship carried gifts for the ruler of Mataram, including two large clocks, a golden betel box, four women, clothes, and other items. The purpose of this mission remained unclear. Meanwhile, many Javanese war boats were seen daily near the Carnansen area.

Additionally, an English ship passed by, heading to Japara, and a small vessel called a Tammelangh left for Surabaya, carrying 4 pikols (a unit of weight) of old iron and 30 others.

To counter the Javanese war boats near Carnansen, Jan Coen, a senior merchant, ordered an expedition under Captain Jan Silvernagel. The force included 4 small boats, 14 larger boats called tingans, some Mardijkers (former slaves or mercenaries), a nobleman, and around 1,000 sailors and 130 soldiers.

From Cheribon, a Malay tingan arrived with 1.5 last (a unit of weight) of rice, 10 jars of oil, and other goods.

On 1 March 1636, the ship Weesp arrived from Martapura with:

• 2,300 pikols (or 115 last) of pepper,
• 720 bundles of rattan,
• 10 pieces of beharst (likely a type of wood).

The total value of the cargo was ƒ31,671 (Dutch guilders).

A letter from Wollebrandt Geleijnsen, dated 5 and 9 April, reported that Commander Gerrit Thomassen Pool and Commissaris Steven Barentsen had arrived in Martapura on 3 February with six yachts. They left for Macassar on 7 February without delivering the Governor-General’s letter and gifts to the king of Martapura, as he was not present. The letter and gifts were left with a local official called the orang raija. It was also noted that 45 more last of pepper remained in Martapura.

On May 18, 1636, a meeting took place where gifts were exchanged between the Dutch and the ruler of Quinham (modern Quảng Nam, Vietnam). The Dutch representatives included Governor Putmans and a merchant named Duijcker. The gifts from the Dutch included:

• A large Japanese lacquered desk and chest,
• 40 pieces of white cotton cloth,
• 2 pieces of red silk fabric,
• 40 pieces of a different type of cotton cloth,
• 10 pieces of a fabric called "Gilius,"
• 2 Japanese robes,
• 2 Japanese sabers (from Duijcker),
• ½ piece of red silk,
• 10 pieces of white cotton cloth (from Duijcker),
• 5 pieces of "Gilius" fabric (from Duijcker),
• A knife with a decorated handle (from Duijcker).

Duijcker then addressed the king directly, asking for the return of 23,580 realen and rijksdaalders (Dutch currency). This money had belonged to his late father and was unfairly taken from the Dutch ship Grootenbroeck, which wrecked near the Paracel Islands in 1634. He also demanded the return of cannons from another Dutch ship, the Kemphaen, which had earlier run aground.

The king replied that he knew nothing about the money, as his father (the previous king) had recently died. He admitted that the former official Ong Aug Mij had unfairly taken money from foreigners, including the 23,580 sum, and kept it for himself. After the old king’s death, over 3,400 thaijl (local silver coins) were unexpectedly found—most of it collected through dishonest means. As punishment, Ong Aug Mij and some of his associates were executed.

The king claimed he was not responsible for what happened under his father’s rule and asked the Dutch not to bring it up again. He promised he could not return the money but offered the Dutch better trading rights in his lands. From then on, Dutch ships visiting Quinham would be:

• Fully exempt from anchor fees,
• Gift demands,
• Other costs and payments to local officials (Mandarin).

The king also promised to maintain friendly relations with the Dutch, help them when needed, and prevent future injustices like those caused by Ong Aug Mij. He asked the Dutch to forget the past and excuse what had happened. After this, Duijcker delivered the Dutch response letters along with additional gifts.

In May 1636, Dutch traders in Martapura (on the island of Borneo) faced financial troubles. They owed money but managed to pay their debts using cash earned from selling pepper. However, the English had already bought much of the local pepper, leaving the Dutch with about 40 to 45 lasten (a unit of weight) in stock. Without ships or capital, they struggled to continue trade and still owed around 2,000 rijksdaalders (a type of currency), which they found hard to recover.

• To secure a ship and funds, they had sent a man named Mr. Gregorius to Macassar in March 1636 with a small boat (joncke) loaded with rattan mats, wax, resin, and little to no pepper. The goal was to:
• Protect the Martapura or Banjar River from enemy attacks.
• Prevent the English and other foreigners from transporting pepper.
• The local king asked the Dutch to keep a ship and two small boats on the river. In return, he promised to ensure the Dutch would have full control over the pepper trade.
• The king gave permission to a merchant named Geleijnsen to build a free storage house for the Dutch company about half a mile below the city, near the riverbank.
• The king prepared around 40 large and small warships (prauw) to attack Passir and Cate within two months, with help from Commandeur Lool (once he returned from Amboina). These rivals were causing daily losses in the pepper trade.

Around the same time:

• Five small ships (joncken) arrived from the coast of Java with salt, making good profits.
• A ship sent from Martapura to Quinam (likely Cochin China, modern Vietnam) in February 1636 had wrecked near Oedjong Salatan (a coastal area), losing most of its Chinese goods. Despite this loss, traders remained eager to restart the route and prepared two more ships to sail to Batavia (modern Jakarta) for trade permits in Quinam.
• A local leader named Orangcay Godja Babouw planned to sail to the Dutch with 25 lasten of pepper, some rattan, and other goods within 20 days after a man named Weesph left. More ships were expected to follow.
• On the same date, a ship arrived from Tayouan (modern Tainan, Taiwan) via the coast of China, carrying fine Chinese goods like porcelain, silk, and embroidered cushions, worth 6,203 guilders, 5 stuivers, and 8 penningen (Dutch currency units).
• This ship had been sent by Governor Hans Putmans from Tayouan on March 14, 1636 to deliver the latest reports to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) leaders about the state of affairs in Quinam.
• The ship carried a letter from Senior Merchant Abraham Duijcker, dated March 29, 1636, reporting that after the departure of Captain Major with the ships Grol, Warmont, and Huijsduijnen from the bay, he had delivered gifts and letters from General Governor Lutmans to the king of Sumatra, where they were received with great honor.

In 1635, two Dutchmen, Steven Barentsz and Roeloff Gerritsz, negotiated with a local king (unnamed) on behalf of the Dutch. They agreed to supply the Dutch with 5 or 6 ship loads of rice. The Dutch commander promised to buy the rice and pay upon delivery, even warning of potential war. The Dutch also requested a meeting with the king to discuss further matters. The king’s son arrived the next day with many armed people. Barentsz and Gerritsz went ashore unarmed to meet the king but were ambushed and killed along with 7 others:

• Steven Barentsz
• Roeloff Gerritsz (a merchant)
• Lambert Sloos (an assistant)
• A quartermaster named Toli
• Four sailors
• Another quartermaster (badly wounded but survived)

The attack was blamed on the Dutch being too trusting and careless. The killers claimed they were allied with the people of Macassar, and the clothes of the victims were later found there. This showed that the king of Macassar might be open to opposing the people of Bongijs, who were also enemies of the Dutch. The report criticized the Dutch for not fully understanding the local people’s loyalty to their Muslim faith, which united them against Christians. The Dutch had previously warned their commanders to be cautious, as shown in orders dated January 23.

The Dutch did not immediately punish the killers. Instead, they left the area and arrived near Bouton on March 3. Under the command of Pool, they successfully rescued Elsken Hostelck Jans Jansz (also called Mr. Smits’ daughter) and 6 other Dutch prisoners. They also killed 35 to 36 enemy fighters in revenge for the earlier murders in 1635. The king of the area even asked Pool to forget the conflict, but the details of the rescue and treatment of prisoners were recorded on June 22.

Later, Pool sailed from Bouton to Amboina on March 6 with 6 ships. On March 22, they reached Castle Victoria. From Amboina, Pool was sent with the ships Jacht and Cleen Wesel to explore Nova Guinea (New Guinea) and nearby lands. He left Banda on April 16 after receiving information from Governor Acoleij about the eastern areas near Banda. Sailing west of Goram, he reached the coast of Nova Guinea on April 24, continuing to explore possible harbors where sandalwood (a valuable resource) might be found.

In 1622, officials in Amsterdam reported on supplies, ship repairs, and events in the Dutch East Indies (now Indonesia). Here’s a summary of their key points:

• Supplies Sent and Requested:
  • Good-quality goods were sent to Amboina (now Ambon), including Amsterdam beer (4 to 6 barrels yearly). The beer arrived safely on the ship Middelburgh and sold well at 30 to 35 rijksdaalders (R.) per barrel.
  • The yacht Westhoven, repaired in Middelburg, needed more wood. Local repairs were expensive, requiring:
    • 160 Jati (teak) planks (1 to 2.5 inches thick).
    • 44 Siamese planks.
    • 12 Jati and 2 Carboucx beams.
    • 10 large and 15 small Cromhouten (curved timber pieces).
  • Yachts Prins Willem and Zutphen were prepared for use in Amboina and renamed Jonge Prins and Klein Enhuizen. These small yachts were useful locally, and officials requested 4 to 6 more yearly until further notice.
• Ship Conditions and Losses:
  • Ships Middelburgh and Jansch Sluerch, repaired poorly in Zeeland, needed extra work in Amsterdam. This delayed their voyages and increased costs.
  • Two yachts were lost:
    • The Wieringen sank during a battle near Malacca.
    • The captured Maria was lost near Solor and Timor.
  • Ships bound for Cape de Spirito Santo (now East Timor) were delayed due to Spanish reinforcements in the Moluccas.
• Mission to Macassar and Bungaya:
  • On 1622-01-24, Commander Gerrit Thomasz Pool left Amboina with 6 yachts, 110 sailors, and 50 soldiers.
  • They reached Martapura (now South Sulawesi) on 1622-02-03 but found the local king, Martagnia, already gone to the pepper harvest. A letter and gifts were left for him.
• Reports and Records:
  • Officials sent a detailed daily register (dachregister) of events in the East Indies since the last update (1622-02-02).
  • They avoided long reports to keep things clear and asked the Dutch East India Company (VOC) to review the register carefully.
  • No major ship losses were reported since Governor-General Brouwer’s departure, except for the two yachts mentioned.

The officials hoped the VOC would continue supporting their requests to strengthen Dutch operations in the region.

• The Dutch East India Company (VOC) leaders in Batavia received reports that local officials in Indonesia were not following earlier orders (178) about land and tree ownership. They decided to send back the unfairly traded items and reminded officials to enforce the rules strictly.
• Officials were ordered to ensure that no company employees could own or lease nutmeg or other fruit-bearing trees. Existing trees had to be sold to free citizens within a short, set time, with proper taxes paid to the Company (VOC). Only long-term employees with families in the colonies could keep their trees temporarily, but their details had to be reported.
• Employees without families in the colonies would get no special treatment—the rules had to be followed exactly to avoid further instructions from Batavia.
• Despite earlier bans, too many small nutmeg seeds were still being shipped from Indonesia. Officials were told to enforce the rules more carefully and improve the quality of large nutmeg shells, as recent shipments were uneven in size and generally too small (178 units too small in total).
• The Company was disappointed that good-quality nutmeg was mixed with broken or lower-grade ones ("Rompen"). When inspected, about 56 pounds of good nutmeg were found hidden in the bad batches. This mixing caused losses, as good nutmeg was sometimes burned as waste when supplies exceeded demand.
• To prevent cheating, sellers were paying the price of good nutmeg even for broken ones, making them careless in sorting. Buyers were also not strict enough in checking. The Company ordered that, in the future, good and broken nutmeg must be separated and recorded accurately.
• A suggestion was made to adjust prices—either paying less for broken nutmeg or increasing the price for good nutmeg—but no final decision was taken yet. Local officials were asked to provide advice on how to handle this issue properly.

According to records from the Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, dated October 29, 1868, and additional reports from the acting governor of Sumatra’s West Coast on June 8, 1900, four locals were detained in Batavia prison for crimes committed in the Kampar region. These individuals were:

• Si Kasir (also called Pangszma Bjoeloe or Pang Sariboe Barans), a 66-year-old farmer from Bangkinang, Kota Kampar.
• Rosat, born in 1821, a farmer from Air Tiris, Kota Kampar.
• Manan, born in 1824, from Kota Ratu, Kota Kampar.
• Datuk Muda Haldet, born in 1825, a wine merchant from Air Tiris, Kota Kampar.

The records state that Si Kasir (also known as Pangszma Bjoeloe) had weakened local leadership in Bangkinang, disrupted peace among residents, and endangered security through his violent and aggressive behavior. Additionally, during a military operation against Kota Kampar, the detained individuals—along with others—were suspected of involvement in the murder of a local leader named Rabano. They were also linked to an attack on a Mr. Diecord that took place on the night of April 5–6, 1899.

This section describes the importance of improving transportation and economic conditions in a certain area.

• The area needed better transport, not just for rafts but also for small boats (prauwen). Alternatively, a good road connecting to Vertabahroe would greatly benefit the entire region and support its development.
• The land was suitable for progress, and achieving this wouldn’t require much effort or financial help.
• The local governor (De Gylregverees) seemed isolated and burdened. He often left the area and only returned after many years.
• Most locals earned a living through fishing, trade, or small jobs. Many lived in simple huts near the water.
• The current leaders of the community had often gained their wealth through risky ventures or had to pay heavily to become leaders.
• Because of this, the region lacked its best workers, as many had left or were unable to contribute effectively.

On 13 February of that year, a group set out from Ternate under orders from Governor Alexander Cornabé. Their mission was to find the Ternatan slave hunters (called Nagul Extirpateurs) who were supposed to carry out their work but had reportedly been robbed by Papuans.

The group included:

• A leader named Tan Senko, a 39-year-old Chinese man from Parnakan, who had converted to Islam 26 years earlier. He lived in Ternate at the time.
• A sailor named Hamisie, also a Muslim and originally from Ternate.

They traveled on a two-masted boat owned by Captain Lieutenant Feith Landouw, a citizen of Ternate, along with two smaller boats (Pantjallings) owned by Captain van der Plas and the same Landouw.

Near an area called Salwattij, in a strait known as Batantaa, they anchored. A small boat approached from Salwattij, and they signaled it to come closer. A man named Kakea Quimelaha from Weda boarded their vessel. Tan Senko asked him where he was heading and if he knew whether there were any Europeans in Salwattij.

Quimelaha replied that he had only come to Salwattij to make sago (a type of starch) and was unaware of any Europeans. However, he promised to ask the local ruler (Radja) and return within 2 days to inform Tan Senko. For this effort, Tan Senko offered him 2 pieces of white Guineas (a type of currency).

On 30 December 1785, a record was made in Ternate (in Orange Castle) listing officials and their roles, including their start years:

• Johan Pieter Eberhart – Ensign in the militia (1782).
• Cornelis de Landmeter – Senior helmsman (salary paused, 1784).
• Arie Coomans – Police clerk and secretary (1782).
• Casper Vogel – Junior cashier (1782), later secretary (1784).

Another list named members of the Orphan Masters’ College (a city governing body for orphans) in session on 16 December 1785:

• George Frederik Durk – President (1784).
• Jacobus Josephus Bax – Bookkeeper and clerk (1783).
• Jacob Andris Roksien – Military captain lieutenant (1782).
• Frijt Landouw – Artillery lieutenant (1785).
• Andris Lohoff – Artillery lieutenant.
• Casper Vogel – Junior cashier and secretary (1784).

A separate record from 31 December 1785 listed members of the Marriage and Minor Legal Cases College:

• Jacobus Josephus Bax – Resident (1784).
• Casper Voges – Member (1784).
• Chrestiaan Smith – Member (1785).
• Jacobus Hanjer – Member (1784).
• Arie Coomans – Member (1785).
• Johan Paul Chrestiaan Wolff – Secretary (1780).

On 18 December 1785, a list of marine officers was signed by Daniel van Wanningen:

• Dirk van den Broek – Lieutenant.
• George Michiel Born – Ensign.
• Godlieb Daniel Wisse – Officer.
• Samuel Eijsenbag – Officer.
• Nicolaas Jurgens – Sergeant.

A civil officer list included:

• Frijt Landouw – Captain.
• Johan Bendsnijder – Ensign.
• Arij Caija – Officer.

Finally, the Pennisten Corps (a local militia) officers were listed on 16 December 1785:

• Judocus Hubertus Bax – Captain and police secretary (1784).
• Arie Comans – Lieutenant (1784).
• David Wolff – Ensign (1784).
• Casper Voges – Officer (1783).
• George Godfrid Hendrik van Greven – Adjutant (1784).
• Godlieb Carel Rouselet – Sergeant (1785).
• Johan Paul Chrestiaan Wolff – Officer (1784).

On 11 August 1787, the city council of Amsterdam had already decided in favor of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) regarding a dispute over a request made by Captain Landauw, a citizen and military leader. However, the officials reviewing the case believed they had the authority to judge it differently and chose to present it favorably to the city's ruling officials, known as Uw Hoog Edelheeden (Their High Noble Mightinesses).

Additionally, on 29 August 1787, a new document (numbered 6) was submitted by Captain Feit Landouw, which was also brought to the attention of the officials for consideration.

In 1756, a financial record listed debts owed to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) by several individuals and groups. The total amount recorded was ƒ3,074.18, with an additional ƒ313.12 noted separately. The debts included:

• Senghaadje from Pattanij: ƒ36
• Capitain Feijt Landouw, leader of the local militia: ƒ117.11
• Capitain Willem from Sangir: ƒ168.15
• The government of Maba: ƒ64
• A debt from Ternate, linked to Kasteel Orange (Fort Orange) dating back to August 1737: ƒ1,278.15
• An unspecified entry: ƒ1,196.5
• Another small entry: ƒ64

On an unspecified date, a person (referred to as the Comparant) formally agreed to give up any current or future claims to land or authority in Cheribon (now Cirebon, Indonesia). In return, the Comparant requested permission from the Dutch East India Government in Batavia to live peacefully in Batavia (now Jakarta) with an annual income of 2,000 Spanish reales (an old currency). The Comparant promised to accept this agreement without hesitation and to make any changes the government required.

The document was signed in an unspecified location by Casuma Di Ridja using Arabic script. Witnesses included:

• Bernardus van Pleuren (Governor and Director)
• V. A. Schilling
• B. Smissaart
• L. J. Haga
• N. Galloo
• H. Martens

A separate report, recorded by an unnamed military ensign, was addressed to Bernardus van Pleuren, detailing an expedition conducted along the northern coast of Ceram (now Seram Island, Indonesia). The report was submitted in compliance with van Pleuren's official orders.