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Fully AI-GeneratedUsers of Open Archives can have summaries generated from the recognized texts (transcriptions) produced through text recognition (OCR) and handwriting recognition (HTR). Neither of these artificial intelligence tasks is perfect, but they are often more than sufficient to make the historical document understandable. In the transcripts, names are underlined in green and clickable (to search the personal entries on Open Archives for the name in question), the recognized dates have a light gray background and recognized place names have a light purple background. The results of the application of (European) artificial intelligence have not been verified by a human.


On January 21, 1705, in Banda, it was reported that the commander of the Chialoup Waijer needed to travel to Timor. Together with the Doirados, he was considered capable of making the journey to Nova Hollandia. The document discusses routes, passages, locations, timing, and vessels needed for this voyage, as well as crew requirements and provisions. The text mentions concerns about possibly encountering the Englishman Dampier or other European foreigners, as reports from Europe indicated that Dampier was set to sail with one or more authorized ships, though their destination and purpose were unclear. There was particular concern because nutmeg was known to grow in Nova Guinea and Onij. From Dampier's third or latest travel description from the previous year, it was clear that he had spent 4 months exploring that region during his previous voyages.

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On January 21, 1705, in Banda, Nova Hollandia reported finding some unknown Indians. These natives could be brought back in groups of 1 or 2, without violence or danger, and of their own free will. This might be useful in the future. Food supplies for all crew members were provided for 10 months aboard the ships. The patchiallangs could only carry 2 months of supplies, so they would need to get more supplies from either the Geelvink or the Vossenbosch ships. The same arrangement applied to the sloop Kraanvogel, which only had 4 months of supplies. The Vossenbosch carried supplies for the Doirados, which was currently in Timor. The following items were shipped:

The sloop would be replaced by another vessel called the Wayer. Orders would be given to the officials at that trading post, and some sailors would need to transfer from that small vessel to the Doirados to strengthen the sloop's crew.

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On January 21, 1705, there was a meeting in Banda. They discussed sending soldiers along with sailors on a trip to Nova Guinea (New Guinea) for defense when needed. Ensign Hendrik Straatman was assigned to the ship Geelvink to strengthen the ship's council when necessary. 2 European soldiers and 5 Mardijkers (freed slaves) were placed on both the Geelvink and Vossenbosch ships. They would help during landings in unknown places with their weapons.

The ensign would have to stay under the governorship of Banda after returning, as an officer was needed there. One of the Geelvink's helmsmen would also need to stay in Banda, as a pilot with experience in Nova Guinea would be useful for future expeditions. During the outward journey, those from Banda would provide the ship with any helmsmen, sailors, or interpreters who might be helpful for the voyage, if such knowledgeable people could be found there.

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On January 21, 1705 in Banda, instructions were given regarding sea navigation and vessel coordination. If any sloops or small boats should drift off course, they must try to reach the designated meeting point at Onij to check if their companions had already passed through.

The commanders of these vessels were ordered to obey instructions from the skippers of the ships Geelvink and Vossenbosch, both during outward and return journeys. They were to follow signal instructions provided in an accompanying document.

The crew numbers were distributed as follows across the vessels:

The total crew across all vessels numbered 231 healthy individuals, including both Europeans and Indians.

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On January 21, 1705, in Banda, instructions were given about sailing routes. The ship Vossenbos was granted the same freedom of navigation as previously given to the Geelvink, provided good seamanship and caution were used. The commander of the Vossenbos, with council advice, was authorized to make certain decisions if they couldn't complete their exploration of Nova Hollandia's bay as prescribed by September's end. They could cross from a dry island near a river, which lay mostly northwest and southeast of each other, to shorten their journey. The text refers to a journal from 1678 by senior merchant Keijts (whose report dated September 25 of that year was included for reference). The journal mentioned uncertainty about whether a certain point at Onij was an island or mainland, which could be investigated if time permitted. This location was described as having clean waters extending 2 to 3 miles into the sea, without reefs or cliffs, and good anchoring grounds.

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In January 21, 1707, instructions were given for exploring the coast eastward from Banda to Arnhem Land. The route included passing both the inner and outer sides of the dry island, continuing to Van der Lijn's Island, then to Limmen Bight, Abel Tasman Bay, and the watering place. From there, the journey continued to Cape van Diemen, following the coast of Carpentaria northward along several rivers:

The route then passed Cape Keerweer, Carpentier River, the high island, and the large dirty inlet. After passing Orange River and a large protruding headland, it continued westward past:

Finally, the route reached Cape Oni, from where ships would cross back to Banda via Keffing. The instructions noted that all orders, especially those dependent on wind and water conditions, could not always be completely followed by the officials of Vossenbos.

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In Batavia Castle, on January 20, 1705, a document was signed by C. Besuijen, First Clerk. It contained instructions for ships heading to Nova Guinea (New Guinea) and Hollandia Nova (New Holland). The fleet consisted of: The mission was prompted by the spying and writings of English explorer William Dampier and other considerations. The Geelvink, Kraanvogel, and the patrol boat Nova Guinea were first ordered to sail to Banda according to standard sailing orders. The Equipment Master signed these orders along with other documents, which were handed to the ships' commanders.
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In Banda on January 21, 1705, sailing orders were given to the crews of several ships: These ships were instructed to sail first to Castle Concordia on Timor, and then continue to Nova Hollandia. The commanders Jom de With and Jacob Broeg provided advice to a committee. The ships' key personnel included: The instructions included sailing directions detailing the coasts, islands, and passages the ships should follow.
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In January 21, 1705, instructions were given to ship commanders in Banda about how to handle their vessels in case they got separated due to storms, currents, or dark weather. The frigate Geelvink, along with the boat Kraanvogel and patrol vessel Nova Guinea, were to sail from Banda through the Keffing strait directly to Onij. After completing their tasks there, they were to sail:

The final distance would depend on weather conditions, seamanship, crew health, and vessel condition. Since they were departing during the best part of the western season, they might be able to reach not only the mentioned island but even more eastern locations.

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On January 21, 1705 in Banda, sailors discussed navigation issues around Nova Guinea (New Guinea). They noted that the distance between the corner of Ongeeuw and an unnamed island appeared to be less than what was shown on their maps. The crew of the ship Geelvink would be able to verify this when passing through the area.

The sailors were instructed to:

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On January 21, 1705, in Banda, a document discussed making accurate maps of unexplored regions. A navigator was transferred to the ship called the Geelvink for this purpose. If crew members went ashore for exploration, they were instructed to make proper notes about the coastlines, local people, trees, fruits, livestock, fresh water sources, minerals, and other notable findings. They were particularly told to look for passages between outer and inner waters, both around New Guinea and New Holland.

The orders applied to crews of both the Geelvink and the Vossenbosch. They were warned not to venture too deep into any passages they might find, to avoid being swept away by currents and facing dangers. Such passages were not to be explored by the frigate or fluyt (small vessel), but only by smaller boats like chaloup or patchallang, and even then only as far as the experienced sailors deemed safe.

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On January 21, 1705, instructions were given in Banda about navigation routes. The ship Geelvink was ordered to sail east of Ceram, making stops at Maba or Weda to check for orders from Ternate. They were then to travel through the islands of Missooe and past Keffing to return to Banda. There, they would await orders from the governor about transporting nutmeg and mace. Similar instructions applied to the ship captains of the Vossenbos, coming from New Holland. Additional sailing orders were given for a small transport ship, based on instructions from Commander Jan de Wit. After reaching Timor, they were to sail from its northeast point to a position at 11 degrees south latitude and 148½ degrees longitude. From there, they would sail eastward to sight Van Diemen's Land and New Holland, where the coast was said to consist entirely of islands, which would be investigated further.

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On August 19, 1714, there were 112 sailors in Banda, distributed as follows:

There were also 482 military personnel:

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On November 24, 1871, government officials discussed a report from the Melbourne Daily Telegraph dated July 20 regarding a meeting between A. Fraser and the First Government Secretary of Victoria. The report suggested that Fraser was seen as a representative of the Netherlands Indies Government in Australia, discussing plans for a steamship line between Batavia and Australia. Fraser had claimed that colonizing northern Australia would only be possible through large-scale coolie immigration.

Officials were concerned that Fraser was being viewed as a government representative without proper authorization. They disapproved of his attempts to secure Australian government subsidies through unfounded and careless claims. They requested clarification of the situation to prevent any negative impact on future subsidy negotiations.

Several other matters regarding steam engineering positions in the East Indies were also addressed:

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In Tenimber, Cornelis Falckzoor was causing trouble by kidnapping people. The authorities wanted to lure him to Banda using merchant vessels to restore peace. His actions were concerning his father and others in the area. The natives of Tenimber and Babber had planned an attack on the guard post at Damme, and were oppressing people from Wesan. The Company decided to: A rebellion occurred when the Killibonners revolted against Raja Quellemoerij, their ruler. After receiving letters dated July 16 and August 10, 1686, officials were authorized to reconcile the conflicting parties in the best possible way. Merchants traveling to New Guinea for trade were repeatedly warned to be cautious. The conflicts between chiefs Nei Nei and Zinga in Leuwer were successfully resolved by junior merchant Gijsbert van Rijckel, preventing potential deaths.
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In Ceramatta, the residents needed to be treated well, but they had to remember the misfortune that previously befell their fellow citizens due to the cruelty of the natives. It was unacceptable that our citizens were causing problems for those from Ceramatta, and orders needed to be given to prevent this, especially to avoid pushing them towards other European nations.

R. Padbrugge, an extraordinary council member of the Dutch East Indies and Governor, wrote a letter on April 1, 1685 to Ternaten. He believed that Ceramatta and Timor-Laut were not bound to the Company by treaties, though he was uncertain about Ceramatta, whose inhabitants had once requested a garrison from Captain Jodocus Cromhuijsen.

The citizens of Amboina had requested permission in 1685 to sail to the Southeast, but this was not granted, as detailed in a letter from March 16 of the previous year. Those from Amboina had kept the blacksmith's coal from the vessel "Kroonvogel" and 200 loads of rice that were sent from here for Banda on the ship "America".

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In a letter from Cirebon dated May 26, 1684, officials discussed timber shipments. A detailed list was provided showing which ships transported wood and when. The letter addressed pricing concerns, noting that workers had to be practically begged to do the logging work. Crenger, the chief helmsman, along with a carpenter, was sent to Indramayu aboard the ship Delfshaven. Their task was to: While the carpenter seemed willing to help, he admitted having no prior experience with such work. The officials expressed doubt about moving the rafts without towing them behind ships, particularly due to rough seas near the Vuyle Hoeck and Karwang headlands during the eastern monsoon.
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In Macassar on October 23, 1738, a messenger from Bonij's Young King arrived at 3pm with a pass to call upon well-meaning Boniers from several villages: When asked about who lived in the village of Parre Parre, the messenger said he knew only of Boniers. When questioned about Wadjo people living there, he mentioned only one family who had lived there a long time with wives and children. The messenger was asked to provide an accurate report the next day, which he promised to do. The pass, issued in Castle Rotterdam on July 26, 1738, permitted Dain Mana Woengau, the young king's messenger, to travel by praauw paduaccan boat with 17 people to these villages to summon the people and bring some rice. The pass was signed by A.H. Smout. On Thursday the 31st, early in the morning, some good vessels were set off from shore, while the remaining damaged ones that could not be repaired were burned. Around noon, the messengers from Bonij's King returned with a report that the Glarvang and some Boniers had asked about Wadjo people in their village.
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On October 23, 1728, a report from Macassar described trade activities in the region. The main trade goods were opium, Chinese porcelain, gold thread, tobacco, textiles, and salt. The salt was brought from Java and Tello. About 100 buffalo loads of salt were transported inland daily. The village was inhabited by Boniers and various Celebese peoples. The port was under the jurisdiction of local rulers and minor Bonian allies from Soepa and Sidinri. The court of Boni had placed a tax collector there to collect import and export duties. This harbor master was now working for the Wadjorese.

The inhabitants of Soriang sailed under the name of Mandhaveer traders, as shown in their passes. These travel permits were taken from a Wadjorese vessel. Two specific permits are mentioned:

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In Macassar on May 18, 1741, a document was translated from Buginese which described a dispute between the people of Boni and Wadjo. When the Company asked about their claims against Wadjo, the following was stated: After Radja Palacka won the victory over the Wadjo people, he demanded from them: During this time, Pamana had switched sides to Boni and was accepted as an ally. In the latest war at Timoerong, when Wadjo gained the upper hand, they demanded the money back from Boni. Since the Boni people could no longer resist Wadjo, Wadjo took back the mentioned villages. While most Boni people fled to Macassar, Wadjo forced the remaining Boni people to increase the sum to 103,000. This document was signed by all Boni nobles.
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The Tabukan king Marcus Lalero wrote a Malay letter to the Dutch commander H.S. Steijn-Kuijter in Manado. The letter was sent on June 22, 1693 and received in Ternate on August 14, 1693. The letter begins with formal greetings to the commander, who represents the Dutch East India Company in Manado, acknowledging receipt of a previous letter and expressing understanding of its contents.

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In Magondo, on July 18, 1693, LaLoda Moekoago wrote and signed a letter expressing wishes for prosperity and sending greetings to all. The cost of this document was 8 guilders.
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A report from Manado described how some people were wounded and one person was killed. The writer states that if any of their people or others had done wrong while using their name, they do not want to keep such people and request they be punished according to law and justice. It was revealed that not only the Magonders killed 5 people from Tomboulang, but those from Houtolij Togia were also involved, as they had first cleared the way. The writer wanted to write more but lacked paper and was experiencing great illness due to the loss of their eldest son who had passed away.

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In Gorontale on July 14th, 40 people and 3 chiefs, including Dingkoewajang Libondal and Adigallang, were reported to be at the mouth of the river. Jacob Clack, the prosecutor, encountered them there with his forces on February 16th of that year. Before peace was made with Tonsauwang, some people including chiefs went out, but when they stayed away too long, it was thought that they had been killed by the people of Tonsauwang until the prosecutor sent them back. At that time, the prosecutor did not send any wounded or dead people with them, and after the prosecutor left, the people of Gorontale thought that their people had...
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On July 18, 1693, King Laloda Mockoago of Magondos wrote a letter to Harmen Jansz Steijnkuijler, who was the Dutch administrator of Manado. The letter was received in Ternate on August 14, 1693. It begins with a blessing wishing good fortune and mentions that the king had just learned about what the people of Magoudo had reported to administrator Steijnkuijler.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1554 / 0889  



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