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Johannes Theodorus Langguth, living in the colony, declared that Cornelia Russel appointed V.H. Schrelta Janoz. and J.J. Brouwer as executors of her will (6 March 1827) and codicil (25 January 1828, confirmed 1 April 1828). They were also named guardians and administrators for her minor heirs.

If one executor died, the surviving one had to appoint another to ensure there were always two executors. After Cornelia Russel’s death, J.H. Schrelta Janoz. died, leaving J.J. Brouwer and Johannes Theodorus Langguth in charge. When J.J. Brouwer later died, Johannes Theodorus Langguth appointed Samuel Martinus Klein (27 August 1828). After Samuel Martinus Klein’s death, Johannes Theodorus Langguth appointed Henri Guillaume Roux as the new co-executor, guardian, and administrator.

Henri Guillaume Roux accepted the role in Paramaribo before Johannes Theodorus Langguth, clerk Wilce Pieter Wilkens, and witnesses Jacobus Olivier Arlaud and Hendrik Francois Wesenhagen.

• She revoked all previous wills, codicils, and similar documents regarding her estate.
• She bequeathed the sum of 5 guilders to the Reformed Church of the colony.
• She bequeathed the sum of 5 guilders to the Lutheran Church in Paramaribo.
• She granted freedom to her enslaved woman named Genie, at her own expense, effective immediately upon her death, allowing Genie to go wherever she wished.
• She declared that all remaining movable and immovable goods, as well as stocks and credits, would be disposed of as follows (text incomplete).

• The couple intended to marry under the following conditions:
  • Each would bring all their current goods and assets into the marriage, which would be listed and signed in a document with the same legal effect as if fully written out.
  • There would be no shared ownership of property acquired during the marriage, except for household goods and furniture, which would be jointly owned.
  • Any profits or losses from the marriage would be shared equally.
• If the groom died first without children, the bride would receive:
  • 5000 guilders in cash, chests, and personal belongings.
  • All household goods, furniture, gold, silver, and tools related to the groom’s trade.
• If the bride died first without children, the groom would receive:
  • 3000 guilders in cash.
  • All household goods, furniture, gold, silver, and tools related to the bride’s trade.
• The surviving spouse would have the right to buy all business assets and goods at a fair market value without dispute.

In 1663, Batavia Castle received a delivery of good batches of light and white diamonds.

The text describes the last two diamond mines under the rule of Golconda. The first is the Erregoudepalemse mine, located near the famous fortress Gendicotte. According to the Benjamenin of Coeloer, this mine had declined greatly over the past 7 or 8 years, not due to a lack of stones but because of the departure of traders and local miners who wanted to escape poor governance. The mine mostly produced small, white, and low-quality diamonds. The Dutch East India Company had previously acquired several batches of diamonds from here in 1638, totaling 6,132 old pagodas or 27,595 guilders.

The second mine is located near the city of Golconda, 70 miles from Palleacatte. The route to the mine is described in detail, passing through several places including Armagon, Gangapatam, Tompelepette, Sengeraconda, Nirmaloer, Noecleparij, Adink, Moertessera, Raipar, Venneconde, and Wenketaij Palem. The mine is protected by three powerful fortresses: Venneconde, Conderoire, and Coudepillij, located within a 3-day journey from each other. The Golconda or Coeloer mine was discovered about 50 or 52 years ago and has made many adventurers rich, while others became poor. It covers 20 miles in circumference and has 14 villages, including 4 main villages: Coeloer, Wenketaij Palem, Kissafferam, and Contaparij.

The governor resides in Coeloer, and the mine is named after this village. The Benjamenin traders and miners live in these villages. About 3,000 to 4,000 Benjamenin households lived here 4 or 5 years ago, but due to the tyranny of governor Siammalbeeck, most fled, leaving only about a tenth of the population. The King of Golconda gave the mine to Masemchan about 1.5 years ago, who placed it under the governance of a Brahmin named Binnasie. Many refugees returned, and mining resumed with good progress. A new mine near Contaparij was also opened.

Previously, these lands contributed 100 to 150 pagodas annually to the king's treasury. Miners working at their own risk had to work an eighth of their time for the king, paying 2 pagodas per worker, with little benefit to the workers themselves. However, due to the decline and poor governance, the income reduced significantly. Governor Binnasie Brahmin sent over 106 pagodas to the king the previous year, as the mining was not bound to a fixed sum. This year, the lands were leased for 20 pagodas.

To mine diamonds, one must go to the main village Coeloer and express their intention to work, specifying the number of workers (200 to 300 or more). Workers, including men, women, and children aged 10 to 12, are provided with tools. For every 10 workers, 7 new pagodas must be produced monthly. For example, with 300 workers, 210 pagodas must be paid monthly. The king takes half of this, and the remaining 5 pagodas are given to the 10 workers.

On 5 June 1674, from Bantam, along with gifts of 2 piculs of nails and the requested 3 pumps with their accessories, Willem Caaff offered these to His Majesty. He also expressed gratitude for the return of 10 fugitive slaves and promised future cooperation.

His Majesty accepted the gifts warmly and assured Willem Caaff of his continued goodwill. He mentioned that the fugitive slaves had killed the fiscal and two Bantam Javanese who were fishing and cutting wood near Ruijgenhoeck. His Majesty also requested a diamond cutter, as he had rough diamonds he wished to have polished. He promised to pay the diamond cutter’s salary and saw this as a great act of friendship.

With the ship De Roos and two Javanese vessels, 39 from Bantam, Willem Caaff received 300 stacks of Cadjangs and 1500 pots of white lime for factory costs and fees, totaling ƒ210:15. The Batavia office would cover this, and more Cadjangs would be sent once available.

A Chinese junk, Soucko, bound for Japan via Macau, had wrecked on the north reef of Lucipare. To salvage the goods and crew, the Chinese had sent five large vessels the previous day.

This report was signed by Willem Caaff in the Dutch Lodge in Bantam on 8 June 1674.

In a trade contract with the Dutch East India Company, Gegijselde had taken goods worth 1700 guilders, which were entrusted to him and Rijckloff van Goens in India. Part of this sum, 800 guilders, was sent back to the Netherlands as a return.

Gegijselde was also entrusted with 5 diamond rings from Artus Gijsels to be delivered to Walraven de Larivière or, in case of his death, to his sister, J. Agnes Gysels, who lived in Batavia. Instead, Gegijselde dishonestly sold the rings, kept the money (123 guilders) for himself, and never informed his wife, Jo. Agnes Gijsels, about it. This only came to light when the widow de Larivière repeatedly inquired about it in late April, after Gegijselde had been in the country for about 27-28 months and in Batavia for about 3 months. This act was considered theft.

In 1641, Gegijselde arrived in Malacca, where he served on the Council under the governance of van Twist. He was also appointed president of the honorable Aldermen College of the city of Malacca and was responsible for the administration and supervision of the warehouses and goods belonging to the Company there. Despite the great honor and trust placed in him, he failed to conduct himself with the submissiveness, honesty, and integrity expected of a loyal Company servant.

• The King explicitly stated he would pay for jewels with pepper or by reducing tolls, not with wood or reals. He often replied this way when buying something, which was strange as U. Ed's letter to him allowed payment in any form he preferred. This raised suspicions that the King might have heard about a request to borrow gold from him.
• It was not possible to sell goods at a reasonable profit because no merchants from Bengala or other regions had arrived yet. Selling to locals or moneylenders in Achijn would mean very low prices and delayed payments, often in installments over 16 or 12 months.
• Sr. Jan vander Meulen had no gold reserves at the office, as all remaining funds had been spent on pepper per orders from Commissaris Deutecum.

• A small dagger to wear, with three ruby rings around it, adorned with small diamonds, one wider than the other.
• Two arm rings, somewhat wide at the top and adorned with faceted diamond stones around.
• Two gold chains with square links, each square having a faceted diamond stone, and around with small faceted diamonds.
• Some brooches with protruding spikes on both sides, each with a faceted diamond stone hanging.
• A large dagger to hang in his house.
• A small milk-like item, similar to what the Malay people commonly wear on their side, with a pattern where the hilt is so densely set with faceted diamonds that one can hardly recognize the gold.
• Two pairs of earrings made of gold and enamel according to the accompanying pattern.
• An ostrich, two Caeswaerissen, two winthonden, two large doggen.

An official ordered Sr. Derheuwt to return 200 realen of 8 from Can Berge and a painted box containing a diamond set in gold and finely cut. This diamond had previously been taken by Sr. Derheuwt from the estate of S. Vogelr and wrongfully claimed for himself.

Sr. d' Vogel had first been the employer of the interviewed person, who later worked for Sr. Derhout. The diamond belonged to Sr. d' Vogel, who had disposed of it in his will, but it was not bequeathed to anyone. Daniel Jopp stated that he had heard from the cousin of Sr. van Gent that the mentioned gold sack was indeed true. Additionally, the chief merchant of Gent had accepted gold mixed with other gold that his cousin, the chief merchant of Gent, had taken from the office in Buerg according to the books. This gold, from a Chinese merchant, weighed about 2 catti.

The chief merchant of Gent had also falsely recorded a diamond ring, a claw ring, as given to Ratomnaes in the company's books and kept it for himself.

Regarding the rice, the respondents stated that between 7 and 8 loads could have been brought in, but they were not sure. Some slave houses in the lodge had burned down between the night of 18 and 19 December 1641. However, they collectively knew that not even half a load had burned. Joost Thijssz and Jan Valck were present at the office at that time. Jan Valck testified that the cost of the burned rice was recorded in the trade books of the year 1641. Jan Meerman was also aware of this and had reported it to the noble lord Ouvr. van Sr. van Gent, but no further details could be provided.

The respondents also stated that the chief merchant Derhouwt, along with Valck and others, had taken some quantity of gold from the deceased man of Gent's estate after his death. They had secretly and separately taken much from the deceased's estate, even locking the deceased's young men out of the room with the goods for a month after his death.

On 1680, a sum of 800 ro or ƒ1120 was lent by Director Constantien Ronst in Bengal. The bond or handwritten note for this loan was requested to be sent back at the first opportunity. Additionally, 45 toman or 1912:10 was spent by Director Francois de Hase in Persia on the servants of the king of Siam. Furthermore, 50 rx or ro 150 was extended to the Siammer Omoen Tima Zackan in Batavia on the order of His Excellency. This amount was paid in full upon the first demand by His Majesty and received in cash, totaling 3182:10. The office recorded this in the trade books and credited Taliatours for the wood requested by His Excellency the previous year. It was deemed unnecessary to send more wood, as the Macao Portuguese had initially demanded to buy it. However, the free citizens of Batavia now travel in large numbers to the islands of Macao annually with various goods to trade with the Chinese of Canton. Thus, the Portuguese can only transport a small amount of sapang wood from here, with the rest of the capital carried in Siamese tickets. Therefore, no more silver needs to be advanced to these people for trade goods, as had been done before.

On 16 September 1681, in the waters near Vlissingen in Haitcumon Bay, a group from the Dutch was approached by officials who asked if the depth was sufficient for their ships and whether any news had reached Canton about their arrival. The officials claimed that no good news had been heard in Haitcumon. When asked if they knew about the Dutch ships anchored there, the officials denied any knowledge.

The Dutch then explained their entire journey from Batavia, as told by the noble Hartouwer. The local guard had only reported their arrival to a nearby fort the next day but had not sent word to Canton. The mandarin (official) asked how many ships had come, their origin, and their purpose. The Dutch answered truthfully, and the mandarin promised to return the next day for more details.

The next day, the mandarin returned and asked further questions, including whether the Dutch had been to Macao, the nature of their crew, the duration of their journey from Batavia, and whether their primary goal was trade or a formal greeting to the emperor. The Dutch answered honestly, and the mandarin recorded everything. He added that if the Dutch had stayed outside for 2 or 7 years without sending anyone in, Canton would not have known of their presence and would have let them stay.

The mandarin then left but returned in the afternoon, ordering the Dutch to wait until evening or at most the next morning for a definite response. Meanwhile, the Dutch crew was treated well without any disrespect. Later that day, another mandarin, Chiampen, arrived and asked similar questions, confirming earlier details. He also mentioned concerns about pirates and the safety of sailing with boats to the first anchorage point, from Kouw R to the flag point, covering a distance of 370 units.

On 3 August 1668, in the waters near Vlissingen, several large ships (called Champans) were seen near Haitaimon Bay. Their purpose was unclear, so attempts were made to approach them, but the ships moved away too quickly. It was uncertain whether they were fishermen or pirates, so caution was advised.

On 4 August 1668, early in the morning, the ships were seen sailing from an abandoned fortress, taking as much woodwork as they could. An attempt was made to reach one of the ships with a small boat, but it failed. The people on the ships fled, one even firing a shot. This suggested they were pirates. There were also 4 or 5 similar ships sailing at sea.

Later, they went ashore at the recently abandoned Tartar fortress. They saw that the ships had been there. The gates of the fort and the governor's house (a fine residence) were destroyed, along with its temple. Almost everything was broken into pieces and trampled. Some of the woodwork was also taken. A Chinese fisherman, who lived there, had his Champan taken. He confirmed that they were pirates who lived on nearby islands and often sailed to the coast.

That evening, preparations were made for a possible attack. Under the command of shipper Jeron Dircksz, a well-sailed boat was prepared.

• In the bay of Vlissingen, the ship Haitaimo from Bock and a small armed vessel, both with brave crews and soldiers, planned to attack pirate ships. Their goal was to capture at least one and scare off the rest. This was necessary because it was unsafe for their small ships, especially if one had to enter the harbor.
• On 1668-09-05, Jeroen and Dirckx set out with three armed ships to capture one of the pirate junks before daybreak. However, the pirates had already left their usual spot near Tijgershoek on the river.
• The Dutch ships chased the pirates but couldn’t catch them. Later, the small armed vessel (which had some damage from Jeroen's own gunpowder) arrived and reported that Jeroen still intended to chase the 10 pirate junks with two sailboats, hoping to succeed.
• The pirates escaped by rowing into small creeks and hiding, where the Dutch ships couldn’t follow. There was a chance to cut off three pirate ships, but the helmsman of the Dutch boat ruined it by being careless.
• The Dutch chased the pirates 4 miles up the river to Eerste Thorn but eventually gave up. The pirates escaped, taking only the Dutch’s empty supply junk, which they had found adrift.

On 1 December 1686, a letter from China addressed concerns about a ship allegedly from Batavia. The city officials of Macao clarified that the ship’s captain, a Chinese man, had claimed in court in Canton that his vessel came from Siam, not Batavia. Therefore, any complaint about a violated safe-conduct letter was unfounded.

The Chinese captain, Thesienqua, accused the citizens of Macao of stealing his goods, including 40 catties of ambergris, 20 piculs of camphor, 50 packs of fine cloth, and other items. However, his own crew testified that he had only pepper and rattan, which he had already sold. Since he couldn’t pay his crew, they left his ship. The court ruled that he should reclaim his ship and receive 150 taels for damages, which was immediately done.

When the letter was received, Father Philip Grimaldi, a respected figure traveling to Europe on behalf of the Emperor of China, reviewed it and confirmed its truth. Joao Cortes, a Portuguese director of goods for the Viceroy of Canton and Fukien, also verified the account.

The officials of Macao assured that this minor issue would not harm the friendship between the crown of Portugal and the Dutch States. They emphasized the strong trade and mutual friendship between the citizens of Macao and the Dutch merchants of Batavia, maintained through years of correspondence.

The letter was signed by Francisco Fragoso, a ship’s captain and clerk of the Macao city chamber, along with Mathias Perreira, Manuel d’Aquiar, Goncalo da Costa, Manuel Luis Freire, Joseph Vieira da Silva, and Francisco Nunes de Carvalho.

On 16 November 1677, from China, it was hoped that they would remain undisturbed and without trouble, and that they would properly receive full payment for the delivered saltpeter, sulfur, lead, etc., from the king upon their first arrival. Although the contract was modest and the principal amount had already been received, they wanted to avoid further inconvenience due to the current unstable times and war preparations.

They would try to resolve the matter in the best possible way and continue to serve the East India Company as long as they lived. It was necessary to do what was reasonable, not what one desired. The most difficult part was remaining impartial between parties, as they would try to do, and as was best judged by the statesmen there. However, it would not be possible to stay among the distrustful Chinese without suspicion of favoritism, which could lead to much evil suspicion and hidden attacks from one or another doubting party.

They found themselves sufficiently between the devil and the deep sea, with the Coxinga playing the boss again, while the Hecker was at the bridge under the Tontars, and the markets were in the middle of the River, where the Kopnieder was also not inactive. Thus, they were all in a great dilemma, like a mouse between two cats.

They would not neglect to use all practical means to stay out of danger as much as possible and carefully preserve the Company's resources. Furthermore, they would pray to God Almighty for a good outcome.

On 16 November 1677, a report was sent from China stating that due to the absence of their superiors and the concealment of daily registers, they remained unaware of the progress of the kingdom. The report was signed by J. M. Munnick, Mr. Stroelius, and others, and was received by the High Mightinesses on 30 January 1677 via the ship d'Annata from Siam.

They described their arrival, welcome, and initial good start in China, but noted that the Company's business had not progressed as expected. They had intended to inform the authorities in detail, but difficulties arose due to a change in government, which fell into the hands of the tax collectors. Additionally, a competitor in the region offered lower prices, hindering their efforts.

They were also detained for 5 full days and only recently moved to a lodge, where their activities were delayed and viewed with suspicion. They decided to postpone further actions until a better opportunity arose, despite the harsh treatments they endured. They assured that the Company's resources were being conserved.

On 13 January 1677, a translation of two letters written in Chinese was received in Batavia on the ship De Lijp Hetickongh. The letters were from Terijsongkon, also known as Taisong Kong, a commander, and Pangta Lauja, the city holder of Canton, addressed to Joan Maetsuycker, the Governor-General, and the Lords of the Council of India.

Terijsongkon and Pangta Lauja sent their greetings and wishes for a long life and prosperous rule. They noted that although their lands were far apart, letters could be exchanged to understand each other's intentions. They mentioned that ships and junks had previously traveled between their regions, a practice that had occurred long ago.

Last year, Terijsongkon had sent a letter to the Governor-General requesting that ships come to Canton for trade. They had also requested that the Governor-General's junks in Batavia benefit not just themselves but all inhabitants. The Governor-General's letter, along with gifts including a large silk item, a wool alcotiffe, four hours, eight fire wheels, and a lantern, were well received. Terijsongkon expressed his gratitude and assured that he would not forget the kindness.

Terijsongkon had allowed a ship from the Company to trade and depart from Batavia with the change of the monsoon. He requested that if any junks from Canton came to Batavia, the Governor-General assist them, as this would help maintain their friendship. In return, Terijsongkon promised to do the same.

The letter was signed by Stadthouwer Tan Zatjen Sanghtalanja Taulatjen panghtaseuwa Lent and addressed to the commander of Batavia. It was sent with 100 from Elingh on each side, with ample certification.

There was hope that the goods, which had been sent from Japan to the market well-packaged, would yield the desired profits from previous years, with the help of divine blessings from the Almighty.

During this difficult time, efforts were made to gather 375 packages of Coromandel and Bengal fabrics, along with some alcatifas, and manned with shaved Chinese and Siamese people, as well as some Moors, to be sent to Canton. Additionally, two ambassadors from the local king were sent with letters and gifts to the Tartar emperor in Canton. Their task was to renew the alliance that the crown had always maintained with the kingdom of China, and then travel onward to Peking.

However, the junks and the ship were in such poor condition and so poorly equipped that it was feared most of them would not complete their journey. This was undesirable for the East India Company, as the king’s trade with the Moors and Chinese could interfere with the company’s trade, especially in the cloth business. There was also concern that competition from Bengal silk, which would be added, could harm the common trade in Japan. It was judged that in Siam, nothing could be done against this for the East India Company.

It would have been highly desirable if Hendrik Indijk, following his advice dated 19 October, had managed to prevent the Moors from sailing to Japan. The circumstances had seemed favorable for this, so they hoped to share the desired outcome of this with the aforementioned junks.