Transcriptions » Recently created summaries of historical documents

• On 20 July 1825, at 9 AM, a legal document was signed at the home of a woman (referred to as Testatrice, meaning the woman making a will) in the presence of:
  • Gerrit Giervelt, a farmer
  • Jan van Eerde, a shoemaker
  • Mermanis van Eerde, a widow
  • Hendrikus van Eende, a shoemaker in den Ham
  The woman stated she could not sign or write because she had forgotten how. The witnesses and the notary, Gerrit Gierveld, signed on her behalf. The document remained with the notary.
• On 18 July 1825, Amama Chevalleraur, a notary in Ommen, announced a public sale of several mudden (a unit of measurement) of buckwheat. The sale was scheduled for 20 July 1825 at 9 AM at the home of the widow of Hendrik Kippe, a tavern keeper in den Ham. The sale was requested by Eybert Dannewind, a farmer from the district of Hardenberg.
• On 20 July 1825, at 9 AM, Johannes Amama Chevalleraur, a public notary in Ommen, held the public sale at the widow Hendrik Kippe's home in den Ham. The conditions for the buyers were:
  • Buyers must pay their debt plus an extra 6.25% (including registration costs) to the notary’s office by 11 November 1825. Late payments would incur an additional 5% penalty for each month overdue.
  • Buyers must provide a guarantee (security) for their payment. The guarantors would be fully responsible for the debt.

• On 13 November 1824, a legal document was registered in Almelo (in the province of Overijssel) by the notary Jacobus van Riemsdijk, who worked in the Almelo district.
• The document records a loan agreement between:
  • Hermannus op de Haar and his wife Janna Gierveld (farmers from ’t Zandt in the municipality of Wierden, near Almelo).
  • Nicolaas Hendrik ten Cate (a merchant from Almelo), who provided the loan.
• The farmers borrowed a total of 900 guilders (Dutch currency) from ten Cate, which they acknowledged receiving and agreed to repay.
• Repayment terms:
  • The loan must be repaid on 1 December each year, starting in 1825.
  • Either party must give at least 6 months’ notice before demanding or making full repayment.
  • Until full repayment, the borrowers must pay 4% annual interest (4 guilders per 100) on 1 December each year.
• Additional notes:
  • A fee of 8 guilders, 99½ cents was paid for processing the agreement.
  • The document was officially recorded in the Almelo registry (Volume 6, Folio 155, Entry 5).
  • The loan was secured by a mortgage (mentioned but not detailed in this text).

• On 12 July 1790, a legal agreement was recorded by Jan Schouten, a notary in Haarlem, involving:
  • Ruth van de Pol, a citizen living outside the Houtpoort gate in Haarlem.
  • Dirk de Bruyn and Jan Westrik, both living in Haarlem, acting as guardians of Klaas and Jan de Bruyn (minors) and managers of their inherited property.
• The agreement concerned the estate of Rutgert de Bruyn and Dirkje Janse Disseldorp, who were married with shared property. Key points:
  • They wrote a will on 6 December 1781, naming the surviving spouse as sole heir, with children from previous marriages receiving a mandatory share.
  • Rutgert de Bruyn died first, leaving Dirkje Janse Disseldorp with two minor sons, Klaas and Jan de Bruyn, who each received 50 guilders (proven on 27-28 May 1782).
  • Dirkje Janse Disseldorp later married Ruth van de Pol and wrote a new will on 17 April 1786, naming:
    • Ruth van de Pol as her sole heir.
    • Her sons Klaas and Jan de Bruyn and any future children with Ruth as equal heirs.
  • They appointed each other as guardians for minor children, excluding city orphan officials. Dirk de Bruyn and Jan Westrik were named guardians for Klaas and Jan de Bruyn.
• After Dirkje Janse Disseldorp died, Ruth van de Pol was entitled to:
  • Half the shared marital estate.
  • An additional one-third of the remaining half (since there were no children from her marriage to Dirkje).
• The remaining two-thirds of the estate belonged to Klaas and Jan de Bruyn (represented by Dirk de Bruyn and Jan Westrik).
• To settle the estate fairly, Ruth van de Pol agreed to:
  • Pay Klaas and Jan de Bruyn 100 guilders total (50 guilders each) for their paternal inheritance.
  • Pay them 60 guilders total (30 guilders each) for their maternal share.
  • Keep full possession of the entire estate in return.

• On 15 July 1796, Lijsje Mooijekind, a widow of Jan Gysz. Sonnevelt living in Noordwijk aan Zee, appeared before the notary Jan Schouten in Haarlem.
• She appointed Johannes Petrus Kuenen, a lawyer in Haarlem, to act on her behalf in a financial matter.
• The case involved a debt of 1,000 guilders (plus interest) from a notarial bond dated 24 July 1794, originally owed to Lijsje Mooijekind by Aletta Wilhelma Stomperyk (a widow of Cornelis Groen and later wife of Petrus Stas, now deceased).
• The debt was secured against a house and property located on the north side of the Spaarne river in Haarlem, near Klerksteeg.
• Kuenen was authorized to:
  • Demand repayment from Aletta Stomperyk's heirs or estate managers.
  • Take legal action, including appearing in court, filing claims, and defending her interests.
  • Receive payments, issue receipts, and handle any related financial or legal steps.
  • Choose a legal address, provide guarantees, and appeal judgments if needed.
  • Sign documents and perform all necessary actions as if Lijsje Mooijekind were present.
• The agreement was signed in Haarlem with witnesses Jan van Proosdij and Petrus Augustus de Genestet.
• Lijsje Mooijekind marked the document with a "+" (her personal mark) since she could not write.

• Under 22 October 1739 in Macassar, the governor learned that his highness would wait for the governor's orders in this matter.
• The governor of Goa informed his honor that he had heard about the arrival and was too weak in troops to resist the approaching enemy, but would still wait for the governor's orders on what to do.
• After the governor received the response from both these leaders, he ordered the interpreter Salomon Jacobsz to go there to tell the young king of Bonij and the governor of Goa that they should capture Crain Palimba with his followers and deal with them according to military custom.
• Under 2 October 1739, the interpreter returned from Macassar with a greeting from both these ministers to his honor.
• The young king and governor had said that these people did not come to make war, but came to transport the separated wife of Bontolancas, now living in Campong Baroe, named Crain Soemanna, and her sisters Crain Bonto Bonto, both daughters of Crain Tanna Tanna.
• The governor then sent the chief interpreter Ian Hendrik to the young king of Bonij to inform his highness that his excellency had learned from an envoy of his highness that Arou Madjege and Arou Oud Jong had informed his highness that the people from Wadjore intended to return this evening, and whether this message could be believed.

Timon was stationed at the castle Concordia in April and May 1688.

• On Thursday 29 April, they sent the sloop Egmont to the east of Babouw to cut firewood.
• On Friday 30 April, the sergeant and surgeon reported that soldier Jan Baak had died from dysentery.
• On Saturday 1 May, nothing happened.
• On Sunday 2 May, sailor Willem Andriesz died from his injuries.
• On Monday 3 May, they fired up the lime kiln in Amabij.
• On Tuesday 4 May, towards evening they sent the yacht Cadirij to the muddy corner of Psemauw to be repaired there. The stoneworkers also finished their lime kiln and fired it up.
• On Wednesday 5 May, the Christian from Coupang named Lucas (who had been sent to Amarasje on 26 April) returned, bringing back 6 runaway slaves: 4 from the widow of preacher Carpius, 1 from soldier Cornelis Helmont, and 1 from free citizen Floris Jansz. The King of Amarasje, named Don Augustijn, had sent them back upon request, along with a letter replying to theirs. In it, he asked that the slaves who were staying with the newly arrived people and their allies from Coupang (which he estimated at 35 men, women, and children) be allowed to return. His messenger also said that while some free people had moved to Coupang of their own free will, he requested that these people should not come back to his territory and rob his inhabitants of cattle and crops, as he claimed they did. If they wanted to take their own possessions, they could do so. The messenger also said their King requested that these allies should not travel everywhere trying to lure away his subjects and persuade them to desert. They answered that they were not aware of this, and that the Company did not interfere in such matters and had no interest in whether the Timor people came or stayed, nor did they seek to get involved in their affairs, since their position with the Portuguese crown and therefore with its subjects was peaceful. However, regarding the slaves who might be among the Company's allies, they would do their best to capture them and send them to the King. Furthermore, they asked why the King was getting involved with the people from Rottij, who were rebellious subjects of the Company, and was helping and supporting them, which did not agree with the good alliance maintained between them and the Portuguese. They answered that their King did not interfere in the affairs of the Rottij people, and that there were only 10 people from Amanasje, 40 or 50 people from Ambesj, and some Christian people from Rottij living on that island near Liffouw. After giving them drinks, they sent them to the house of the Coupang chief Amasoesang to be lodged and entertained there until their departure.
• After the people from Amarasje left, the regent from Amabij, Amacobo, reported that a brother of Amakieseme from Amabij with some people was about to arrive.
• Towards evening they sent the sloop Doradus to

People dressed as Winderbroeders were imprisoned in Madrid and accused of attempting to harm the lives of the King of Spain, the princes, and the Royal House.

T. Sasburch wrote from Brussels on 1 November 1659 that trade with the city of Marseille had not yet fully recovered due to disputes with the English. A galley from the Grand Duke of Tuscany arrived at Toulon and unloaded a large quantity of silk. The parliament of Aix ordered the seizure of all the unloaded silk at Toulon, based on an order from King Henry the Fourth that banned unloading silk in Provence except in Marseille, with confiscation as punishment.

The Superintendent Foncquet had arrived at Bordeaux and was ready to travel to Bayonne to speak with the Cardinal. However, the Cardinal sent him orders to first go through Toulouse to see the King, which he did, and then went on to Bayonne. Some people said the reason for the Superintendent's journey was to help arrange winter quarters for the armies for the remaining months of the current year and the beginning of 1660, because conferences on the frontiers and disputes about allied matters were taking much longer than expected.

Ambassador Boreel received letters on 16 November 1659 stating that letters from St. Jean de Luz written on the 13th reported that the Cardinal was still unwell with a fever and that no other conferences had been held since the 16th conference. However, letters from the 16th reported that the Cardinal had recovered and that the 19th conference was being taken up.

The Duke of Lorraine was released in complete freedom in Madrid to travel to the frontiers. The Superintendent arrived at St. Jean de Luz, and after being presented by the Cardinal to Don Louis de Haro, the 19th conference was scheduled for 16 October to review the drafted articles of the peace treaty. These articles were changed here and there by the council of Grandes, who kept finding things to change in various matters and articles, which wasted much time and repeatedly delayed the final conclusion of the treaty.

Meanwhile, many secret conferences were being held with the ambassadors of the Prince-Electors of Mainz and Cologne, who worked hard to get more assistance from France to maintain the affairs of the League in Germany and to benefit the King of Sweden.

Some people confirmed that the Cardinal had obtained an agreement that Spain would withdraw its garrisons from the city of Jülich and other places occupied in that duchy. This was in favor of the Duke of Neuburg, who would occupy everything with his troops for greater security against his neighbors who might want to attempt something against him.

De Lionne was still at St. Jean de Luz working with Secretary Colonna to put everything in writing. Letters from Toulouse from the 18th reported that the court arrived there on 14 October and was received with great splendor and magnificence. Lodging for the Cardinal was also being prepared at Toulouse.

The Prince of Conti had not yet been able to respond regarding his proposed resignation from the governorship of Guyenne in favor of the Duke of Espernon, and that his Highness would instead receive the governorship of Auvergne.

The Ambassador of Portugal arrived at Bayonne on the 17th and went on to the Cardinal to continue requesting that

Dain Maliwonga and Care Taka were sent by Dain Maliwonga's mother to Biema approximately a month after 11 October 1693 to claim the inheritance portion from a deceased person named Ieneloma from Radja Biema. The inheritance had been assigned to their mother by a judge but had not yet been handed over by Radja Biema. If the goods were not given, they were instructed to have all goods collected again and properly divided by the judge.

They were also ordered to send all their mother's people and slaves from the village of Biema, as well as the princes' children, because the queen had decided to travel to Macassar. Regarding two villages in Mangeraij that were being held by Radja Biema, the mother would not speak of these but would make a request to the authorities in Macassar, Goa, and Bone, and to the president and council at Oedjang Pandang to settle this matter.

When Dain Maliwonga and Care Tako arrived in Biema, Radja Biema ordered that the reason for their arrival be made known to Ienaloma Boja, Ienalama Bole, and Zijnamoni. They answered they had come to claim their mother's portion from Ieneloma's inheritance as assigned by the judge. Radja Biema requested 3 days' delay because the nobles needed to gather first.

After the delay, Radja Biema called them and asked why Dain Maliwonga had been sent personally. She replied that she came only to collect her mother's inheritance portion assigned by the judge, and if it was not given, all goods would be gathered again for proper division by the judge. Radja Biema was greatly troubled by this but eventually had to agree to their request, although it was against his will.

The inheritance portion assigned by the judge consisted of:

• 29 slaves
• 57 buffalo
• 44 horses
• 30 goats
• 1 firearm

Ienelij Sapij reported to Radja Biema that the goods were scattered everywhere and presently only 10 slaves were available, and they did not know where the rest was located. Radja Biema responded that what could not be found should be overlooked and he should be excused for this. When the servant of Ienelij Sapij objected because the judge had ruled otherwise, Radja Biema reportedly said that if his words did not count, then they should release him from the kingdom and from government.

Radja Biema then sent through a Tokiboe a female slave named Sinranoe to Dain Maliwonga, requesting that she persuade their mother to let him keep this slave. Dain Maliwonga replied she dared not present this request to her mother, but if he really wanted the slave, he should write a letter to his aunt and she would deliver it.

Meanwhile, Maliwonga summoned the princes' children, the slaves, and other people belonging to her mother. When Radja Biema heard this, he immediately requested through a messenger that the harbor master and a Catibo, both being in state and royal service, should continue their service, as well as a Samboelo. Regarding the latter, Radja Biema stated that not he personally but the entire council of the realm had punished this person for his offenses. Maliwonga responded by asking why he allowed her slaves to be punished.

• On 11 October 1693, a report from Macassar described conflicts about punishing people without proper notification and someone named Simado who was banished elsewhere without knowledge of his uncle.
• This made it clear that radja diema did not respect his uncle much and did not value him highly.
• Radja replied that what was said was true, but he alone had done wrong, not the council of the kingdom of biema.
• He said he would personally ask his uncle about samboeloe and the others, and sent a boemij parak bole to Cambo to his uncle to request the people who had been demanded by dain maliwoenga.
• What answer they received to this message remained unknown to maliwoenga because she was not present there.
• Some time later, maliwoenga received a letter from her mother from Cambo, in which she was expressly ordered to bring up immediately all the slaves and people she had gathered, because the mother wanted to leave for Macassar as soon as possible.
• Only the sabandaer and sitoeboe, who were being used in the country's service, were to remain because the King had requested them.
• Maliwoenga had to bring samboelo especially, because he had spoken with the ambassadors of radja biema.
• Maliwoenga also had to know that her mother had told the mentioned ambassadors that when her slaves and people were demanded, they should be told they were in the country's service, and why, when that service was completed, they were not sent back to her.
• Therefore, all of them had to be sent to her now, except the 2 people the radja had requested, because she intended to leave for Macassar immediately.
• These were exactly the reasons and conversations she had with the mentioned ambassadors.
• Only then did Maluwongo properly realize what words her mother had spoken to the biemase ambassadors.
• She then let radja biema know that she would take all her mother's people with her, and only leave the 2 requested people who were still in the country's service.
• When radja biema heard this message, he felt completely troubled in his heart and immediately sent Ienelis prado and woeha to maliwonga.
• He had them tell her that her nephew radja diema urgently requested that she arrange with his uncle that the mentioned samboele might remain with him.
• He had been punished not by him but by the entire biemasen council, because when his old ancestors or Kings had condemned or sentenced someone, they could not reverse it, even if they were people of the radja of Macassar, who had also never wanted to oppose it.
• He therefore had even more authority over his uncle's slaves.

• Majuda delivered a Malay letter on 1 August 1641 to governor Pieter Buijs, in the presence of Captain A. du Molin, fiscal Jacob Klaessen, and officials from Ternate.
• Majuda explained the origin of his slaves. When he served His Highness the Commander and followed the lord admiral and Captain of the Sea to destroy Makassar, he bought a female slave with her 2 children named Djoenoep and Djanabat from a Makassar subject called Gallarang.
• When the King and the admiral sent him to Saleijer, he gave these slaves to Tamboerod to bring them to Ternate and deliver them to his wife, promising to pay him 20 rijksdaalders.
• Tambora brought the slaves to Majuda's wife, who paid him 20 rijksdaalders and a damask cloth. Witnesses were Mahamibobo and Tiboroe, along with all his slaves.
• Regarding Boegie and his mother: when the people from Buginese were at war with the people from Makassar, the young King Kitchil Kalamatta captured Boegie and his mother as war booty, brought them to Makassar, and sold them to Majuda.
• The young King had them delivered to Majuda through 2 Ternate residents living in Makassar, named Siejoe and Rawiera.
• When the young King captured them, Nagarie Diangoe and Quimelaha Tagoena were present. When Majuda bought them, Baijchoda (a merchant), Baij Poerij, and Tandapie were present.
• Regarding Soerting and his brother: during the same war there was a great famine, so they defected from Makassar to the young King. The King let them live with Majuda.
• Soeting's brother stole 4 portions of gold from Majuda and intended to return to Makassar with it. Majuda informed the King, who allowed him to pursue the thief. They caught him at Bontael and brought him back.

Francois Prins, Harigen Hanssen, H. Caes, H. Berghuijsen, H. Steenkop, and M. Suering wrote from Macassar in Castle Rotterdam on 30 August 1693.

They reported that Turelij Gampo, the great governor and right-hand man of Dompo, was causing problems. He continued to hold a well-known fellow accomplice of Captain Jonker Keij Somtreij prisoner. He had also heavily fortified himself with wooden fences in the village of Nuij. These two actions went directly against the contract he had made with the Dutch East India Company, which did not promise anything good for the future.

On 7 August 1693, Dain Maloulongan, son of the murdered Queen of Dampoe, delivered a written statement in the Malay language to President Francois Prins and the council of this province.

The statement described the following events:

• When Dain Maloulongan first visited his mother, the Queen of Dampoe, she told him she was very happy he had come and that her heart was now at peace. She asked him to stay and rest for 1 or 2 days, but he ended up staying a whole month.
• His mother then sent him and Carre Tacka from Biema to discuss with Radja Diema the inheritance of Eene Louma. This inheritance had already been divided by the father, but the Queen of Dompoe had not yet received her share, nor had the King of Biema paid it out to her as a fellow heir.
• The Queen told Dain Maloulongan that if the King of Biema handed over the goods assigned to her, he should accept them. If not, he should request that all goods be gathered together and discussed again.
• She also ordered him to bring all royal children and subjects who were living on Biema to Kambo (where she was at that time), because she intended to travel to Macassar.
• She mentioned people in 2 villages on Mangeraij that he was holding, saying he should wait until she arrived in Macassar to discuss this with Radja Bonij, Radja Goa, and all the important people, so that after her death he would not have disputes with his brother Radja Biema.
• When Dain Maloulongan and Carre Tacko arrived at Binna, Radja Biema sent his messengers Jene Louma, Boodjo, Eene Loemoe Bole, and Eene Mona to ask what they wanted.
• Dain Maloulongan answered that the King's aunt had sent them to collect the goods assigned to her from Zene Loema Boele.
• Radja Biema took 3 days to consider and would gather his important people. After 3 days, he called Dain Maloulongan and Carre Tacko and asked why his aunt had sent them there.

30 May 1705, in the castle Rotterdam at Macassar, a translation was made of a document written in Malay language with Arabic letters. It was in the form of a letter from the first queen widow of Bonij, Dain Tahalille, to the Governor General Joan van Hoorn at Batavia.

After normal local greetings, the letter informed the Governor General about orders he had given to the governors at Macassar. These orders concerned questioning the old queen mother about whether she had truly engaged in rice trade at the shores of Macassar.

The old queen mother answered Governor de Roo and Governor Joan Jacob Erbervelt that she had never personally involved herself with this matter. However, Marcus had come to visit her, sent by Governor Beernink. Marcus said that Governor Cornelis Beernink requested help from the old queen mother because the governor wanted to buy up all the rice on this side of Macassar, and that the old queen mother should declare it was for her.

The old queen mother remembered that when the old king of Bonij, who died at Bontnale, was still alive, some of the nobles sometimes asked for such help and received it. However, with none of the previous governors had they ever bought up all the rice at the shores. When 1 or 2 boats were loaded, it stopped again. They had not bought or paid for it themselves, but only helped by giving money to those who owned the rice, without anything more following.

After some time, the second person came with the captain of the castle, accompanied by Marcus, again sent by Governor Beernink. Marcus said that only the old queen mother was being sought. However, since the death of the old king who died at Bontnale, her poverty had greatly increased. This was the instruction from Governor Beernink to the old mother. Governor Beernink also had the old queen mother come to the castle, where he personally told her the same words mentioned above.

The old queen mother stated that in her entire life, from her youth until now in her old age, she had never involved herself with trade or business, except that according to her old age she had sometimes sent something here and there to get cloth or linen for her clothing.

Joan Jacob Erberveld, the Governor at Macassar, wrote to Crain Bonthain on November 30, 1706. Crain Bonthain managed the Company's land and subjects there on behalf of the old Mother Queen Tahalille.

The Governor informed Crain Bonthain that the old mother had promised her son the Governor to have as much rice purchased for the Company as the inhabitants of Bonthain could reasonably spare without causing themselves hardship. The Governor had requested this from his old mother Queen Tahalille because the land and subjects of Bonthain had been entrusted by the Company to the old mother at sea, so that she could govern them for as long as she lived and also receive the benefits from them.

The Governor did not doubt that Crain Bonthain would follow the orders of the old mother and help the Company's Sergeant at Calekonkong, who had been instructed to purchase rice for cash to the amount of 1,000 or 1,200 rijksdaalders. By doing so, Crain Bonthain would show that he knew how to obey the commands of the old mother Tahalille as a faithful servant.

The letter was signed at Macassar in Castle Rotterdam on November 16, 1706, stamped with the Company's seal in red wax, and signed by Joan Jacob Erberveld. W. Moors, clerk, certified it as accurate.

A register listed the letters and attachments being sent on that same day by order of Governor Joan Jacob Erberveld and the council via the sloop Bonij to Batavia, addressed to Joan van Hoorn, Governor General, and the gentlemen of Netherlands India:

1. An original letter from the Governor and council dated that day, with the duplicate being sent on the fluyt ship
2. A sealed package of papers dated November 30 of the previous year that had been sent on this vessel but was brought back because it could not complete the journey
3. A memorandum for ensign Brouwer and assistant Snaats regarding their commission to Bouton, dated April 18 of the previous year
4. Instructions for sergeant Swaneveld who was also going there to remove harmful spice trees, dated April 18 as mentioned above

Commandeur Verbeeck was very well received by the local inhabitants and the Sengages. Later, some of them came to Batavia with a Corcorre (a type of boat), bringing approximately 50 slaves and female slaves with them. These were sold here at good prices. They would return with the ship that was planned to go there in January or February of the coming year.

The Dutch did not doubt that they would receive payment for their outstanding 156 bundles of sandalwood from the Portuguese in Larantuka. However, they needed to be careful and proceed with great caution because these people could not be trusted. Proper instructions would be given to the persons traveling there.

The people of Martapura and Cotuaringen remained unpunished for the terrible murder they committed on the Company's people in 1638. The problems in Amboyna and the new war with the Portuguese prevented the Dutch from taking action. When they would deal with this matter, they wanted to do it significantly and effectively, and take such revenge that it would cause fear and respect among these unreliable people. If means would present themselves in the coming year and they were not prevented by more important matters, these people would have punishment waiting for them. Meanwhile, the Dutch gave passes to Chinese and Malays to go there for pepper, which was brought to them in much larger quantities than what the English residing there received.

The old king of Martapura had died and was succeeded by Radje Japasane. He occasionally tried to open negotiations through Chinese and Malays, but since the murderers would not agree to pay for the stolen goods or compensate for the spilled blood, the Dutch decided they should settle this matter when the opportunity arose and make themselves master of that land or install other rulers. This still required time.

From Dutch letters dated 12 December 1642 and 23 December 1642, a detailed report was given about their considerations regarding peace with the Portuguese in this country. According to orders, shortly after the arrival of the ship Salmander, this truce was proclaimed in the city. Orders were also sent to Coromandel and elsewhere to inform the Dutch about this 10-year treaty and to make it known to the Portuguese living near their districts. They had also commissioned Pieter Boreel from their council to go to Malacca, to the Dutch fortress Cruz de Gale on Ceylon, and to Goa, with authorization, orders, and instructions to notify Geral Mascarenhas in Colombo and the viceroy in Goa about this treaty and to have it published. This would happen when the dispute concerning lands under Gale's control would be resolved and they would be given possession according to article 12 of the treaty. This action showed their readiness and sincerity in maintaining and observing what had been agreed upon between the Portuguese Crown and themselves.

Major Verbeecq sailed to Solor and Timor on the ship the Leopard on 9 February. He arrived at Larentuque, where the Portuguese lived, on 23 February. The Portuguese welcomed him warmly and paid their debt from the previous year of 7,931 guilders, 4 stuivers, and 8 penningen with sandalwood. Major Verbeecq did not go to Timor but traded his cargo mainly at Larentuque.

On 26 May, the ship returned bringing 1,095 picols and 59 catty of fine sandalwood. Of this, 91 bundles were paid for with current reals at 60 per bundle. The return totaled 35,097 guilders, 2 stuivers, and 15 penningen. Goods worth 13,314 guilders, 12 stuivers, and 7 penningen remained unsold and were brought back. The people of Larentuque still owed the general Company 156 bundles of sandalwood for this monsoon season, worth 23,881 guilders, 1 stuiver, and 6 penningen at 60 reals per bundle.

The total came to 72,292 guilders, 16 stuivers, and 12 penningen. On the traded cargo of 26,291 guilders and 7 penningen, a net profit of 10,222 guilders, 13 stuivers, and 3 penningen was made (with the wood still subject to taxes).

During that season, 3 vessels from Macau and 1 from Makassar were in the Solor and Timor areas. The traders had experienced many disasters and misfortunes.

Fort Henricus on Solor remained uninhabited. The inhabitants of the island refused to live in or near it. They asked that a garrison be stationed there again, after which they would take up residence near the fortress. Major Verbeecq only planted a Prince's flag on the fort to maintain possession. It was not advisable for the Company to restore the place, and there would still be no shortage of sandalwood. If private individuals wanted to take over this trade, as the Portuguese at Larentuque did, it would not be strange to leave them the fortress and the Timor trade. However, few among the Dutch had interest in this, as service to the Company was too attractive. The Portuguese organized their settlements very differently.

The government of the Portuguese colony at Larentuque and the trade there were given to the clergy, who made great profit from it and converted many Christians in their way.

The people of Lamala, Adanare, and Lamaguera had salvaged 19 cannons and 3 anchors from the fluyt the Golden Moon, which had been wrecked on Solor the previous year. They voluntarily handed these over to the Dutch, and they were brought back on the Leopard.

A person referred to as "E" or "his E" (likely a governor) was left with several instructions, orders, and resolutions from 1638 when Banda was visited. The secretary of Nera should have found the followed advice there, from which the intentions for that government could be understood. However, there were plans to provide his E with a special instruction for security purposes.

When good order was observed in Banda, the following conditions needed to be met:

• The management should be well observed
• Attention should be paid to cultivation of the lands
• Nutmeg and mace should be received cleanly
• Smuggling should be prevented
• No foreigners should be admitted unless they came with express passes
• All European nations outside the general Company's harbors and incomes should be prohibited
• Private dealings and petty theft should be prevented
• Religious services and schools should be promoted
• Fortifications and warehouses should be properly maintained
• Good care should be taken that nothing would be lacking in times of need
• The inhabitants should remain at their duty and be governed well and politically
• Proper books, accounts, and remainders should be sent to Batavia yearly

These were considered the most important points to observe, easy to understand and follow. If these were done, things would go well in Banda.

The islands remained occupied with 383 hired persons and Dutch garrison on 14 April. They were provided with 550 lasts of rice, which would last for 1½ years. His E had sent the small ship the Engel with 61 lasts of rice and 60 discharged soldiers to Amboyna to assist mister Caen. With this, proper relief was done according to orders. Furthermore, Banda remained in good condition, thank God. It was promised that by September, with the last shipment, a good return of nutmeg and mace was expected: namely 550 to 600 sacks of mace, with 40 to 850 pounds of nutmeg in kind, which they remained waiting for with the Otter.

However, God help us, it turned out differently. The small ship the Otter was shamefully wrecked. 35 souls were still behind with the boat, which was a great loss with the Otter. The ship had departed from Banda on 2 September with 745 sacks of mace and about 210 pounds of nutmeg, muscaten and broken pieces. On the 7th, about 7 miles outside the Bouton coast, it ran very badly aground on an unknown shoal and sank. The people could barely save themselves. According to the report of the chief mate, along with 16 other persons, they miraculously landed there on 19 September with a poor vessel. They had separated at the southeast corner of Saleijr from a boat with 35 persons, among whom were the old suffering skipper Pieter Franssen and captain Hans Jacobsz. They had with them all the papers and latest news and resolved to sail to Marcasser to come from there with the opportunity of ships. However, at the departure of merchant Zuijdwijck by the Oudewater on 21 September, and long after this date in Maccassar, nothing was heard from them. From this it was feared they would never appear: apparently lost at sea through disorder, or massacred on Salaijer or elsewhere with whatever they had with them.

In the meantime, everyone remained without any news that was still to come, which

A problem was discovered with storage methods. When dry paper was wrapped around items, the vinegar or blue coloring and gold decoration that had been oiled were drawn into the paper and became damaged. It was found that if the paper was first thoroughly moistened with oil before being wrapped around the items, they would be properly preserved without damage. The officials decided to inform the company about this to prevent future damage.

The leaders of the ship mentioned submitted their accounts for what was consumed during the voyage and returned the remaining money to the company's treasury. They also provided documentation of the consumption during the voyage. They had not exceeded the company's orders but had managed their resources well and properly.

A letter dated 23 May was received, to which the following response was given:

• They were still waiting for the ship "de gecroonde leeuw" (the crowned lion) from last year's expedition for the Enkhuizen chamber, which they hoped would arrive soon
• With that arrival, the expedition would be complete and all ships destined by the Gentlemen Seventeen had safely arrived, thank God
• After the return fleet of 1658 and 1659 departed from there to the homeland, they expected in due time the ship from Enkhuizen on behalf of the chamber, hoping it would arrive on time and bring desired news from the homeland

Regarding a request for 20 to 30 pounds of Macassar gold as a sample, either in coins or otherwise (preferably as it comes from the mine): They had never been informed that Macassar produced any gold, let alone in quantity, since gold was brought there by Portuguese and other foreign traders. It was possible that some gold existed without their knowledge. If so, it must be from such small islands that it was not well-known. The king had coins struck there which were of such poor quality that they caused losses of 30% or more on the Coromandel coast. What their residents occasionally bought there in small quantities due to lack of better return currency consisted mostly of alloyed gold, costing over 20 reals in actual value, and had to be sold again at considerable loss. If reasonable quantities at good prices had been available, they would have long ago supplied themselves for Coromandel, where they were always in need of that mineral. As a sample, they sent 111¼ pieces of gold Macassar coins as they were currently in circulation there, weighing together 9⅛ reals, costing 222 guilders and 10 stuivers. This went in a sealed bag in the hands of Robbert Pietersen Ram, captain of the aforementioned ship "de Vogelesangh".

Regarding the relief from Portugal to Goa: what had previously been rumored to be a galleon turned out to be only a bark. This would cause a sorry state for that nation in those regions, particularly in Goa, especially since rumors were also circulating that things were difficult for them there.

• Parcel 229: A piece of land in Ooster Esch, last rented by Abraham Grobben, day laborer in Almelo.
• Parcel 230: The first parcel of Veldkamp, last rented by Abraham Brouwer, farmer in the district of Almelo.
• Parcel 231: The second parcel of Veldkamp, last rented by Willem Bokhoeve, weaver in the district of Almelo.
• Parcel 232: The first parcel in Horstkamp, last rented by Fredrik Wissels, farmer in the district of Almelo.
• Parcel 233: The second parcel in Horstkamp, last rented by Jan Hagedoorn, farmer in the district of Almelo.
• Parcel 234: A piece of land, last rented by Hendrik Beverdam, weaver in the district of Almelo.
• Parcel 235: A piece of land behind Eskeskamp, last and currently remaining without lease.
• Parcel 236: A piece of farmland at Eskeskamp, last and currently remaining without lease.
• Parcel 237: A piece of farmland also at Eskeskamp, last and currently remaining without lease.
• Parcel 238: Five small parcels of land, last and currently remaining without lease.
• Properties of the farm Hambrugge:
• Parcel 239: Hambruggen Gaarden, last and currently remaining without lease.
• Parcel 240: The first parcel of Rietkamp, last rented by Iannes Lankamp, farmer in Almelo.
• Parcel 241: The second parcel of Rietkamp, last rented by Iannes Lankamp mentioned above.
• Parcel 242: The third parcel of Rietkamp, last rented by Benjamin ten Bruggencate, tavern keeper in Almelo.
• Parcel 243: The fourth parcel of Rietkamp, last rented by Benjamin ten Bruggencate mentioned above.
• Parcel 244: The Hambruggen Maatjen, last rented by Jan Hendrik Hambrugge, farmer in the district of Almelo.
• Parcel 245: De Rande Hoek, last rented by Willem Lammers, weaver in the city of Almelo.
• Parcel 246: A piece of farmland along Abbinko mate, last rented by Iannes Erhuis, farmer in the district of Almelo.
• Parcel 247: A piece of farmland next to the previous parcel, last rented by Hillebrand Diederik Groeneveld mentioned above.
• Parcel 248: The small piece Dijk, last rented by Jan Hendrik Hambrugge, farmer in the district of Almelo.

• One black mare horse, valued at 50 guilders
• One chestnut gelding horse, valued at 30 guilders
• One dark black spotted cow, valued at 20 guilders

Jan Giesveld gave power of attorney regarding financial matters involving a person living previously in Viesenween and most recently in Almelo. The document was created and signed at Almelo at the office of the notary, in the presence of witnesses Stifter Swanschers and Een Hendrik van Lochem, both weavers living in Alkals, on 19 November 1819. The document was signed by the person involved, the witnesses, and notary C. van Eemstijk. The document was registered in Almelo on 19 November 1819 with a fee of 59 cents received.

On 19 November 1819, before notary Jacobus van Riemsdijk, who lived in the city of Almelo, in the presence of witnesses and Elias Dull, the justice of the peace of the canton Almelo, assisted by his clerk Gerhardus Lambertus Theodorus Hubertus Sinkel, both living in Almelo, the following people appeared:

• Jan Geerling, a farmer living on the farm Wevers in the area Kippershoek, within the municipality Wierden, widower of the late Maria Eshuis, and father and guardian of his minor son Derk Geerling, who was married to Janna Barlde, farmers living with him
• Hermina Geerling, of legal age, married to Jan Hendrik Koersen, a carpenter living in the village of Wierden, assisted by her husband and authorized by him to sign this document
• Hendrica Geerling, of legal age, married to Hermanus Koersen, a shoemaker and tavern keeper also living in the village of Wierden, assisted by her husband and authorized by him to sign this document
• Abram Eshuis, a farmer also living in the village of Wierden, acting as supervising guardian over Derk Geerling, appointed by the family council in a document signed before the justice of the peace court of canton Almelo on 19 November of the previous year, registered at the office in Almelo on the 22nd of the same month

Jan Koers, a carpenter living in Wierden, declared that he had purchased the 3rd lot (first part) and 7th lot (last and second parts) on behalf of his son Hanmen Hendrik Koers, also a carpenter, who lived with him but was absent at the time. Jan Koers accepted the purchase for his son and confirmed it with this document.

The process report was closed in the afternoon at 4:00. The seller Jan Gierveld, his representative Hendrik Jan Raedt, Jan Koers, the witnesses, and the notary signed the document after it was read aloud. The document remained in the possession of notary Jacobus van Riemsdijk.

The document was registered in Almelo on December 18, 1819. Various fees totaling 121 guilders were recorded, with a final amount of 57 guildens and 17 cents.

An extract and authorization letter were issued to Gozenijn Broeze Derkszoon.

Jan Gierveld, a farmer living in Wierden, appeared before notary Jacobus van Riemsdijk in Almelo. He declared that he authorized Hendrik Jan Raedt, a lawyer at the court of first instance in the district who lived in Almelo, to act on his behalf. This was done to prevent legal claims and execution costs.

The authorized representative was empowered to sell the following pieces of real estate belonging to Jan Gierveld, all located near the village of Wierden, by public auction to the highest bidder:

1. A piece of farmland located in de Kempe, about 6 spinden in size, between den Esch Graven and the land of Derk Dekkers
2. A piece of farmland called het Bekers stukje, about 3 schepels in size, located at den Gromen weg with one end at the farm Goosselink
3. Three pieces of farmland called het Brestuckke, with one bordering den Groenenweg; one piece about 1 schepel in size, the other two each about 5 spinden; all located next to each other
4. Three pieces of farmland, each 2 schepels in size, located next to each other at den Laandik-Pad, subject to tithes
5. Eight pieces of farmland called de Wegstukke, with one end at de Brestukke mentioned above and the other end at the road running through den Esch to Rijssen, each about 5 spinden in size
6. A piece of farmland called den Dalen loper, about 2 schepels in size, located near den Benenkamp

The authorized representative was empowered to receive the purchase prices and issue receipts. If necessary, these payments could be used to pay off capital debts, claims, and related interest owed to Gerrit Tennink, a public notary in Enschede, Jan Hendrik Wamaar, a public notary in Almelo, and Frederieus Loreij, a merchant living in Almelo, the latter acting as executor of the estate of the late Jan Coster.

• He would deliver 200 bales of sandalwood to the Company at a price to be determined by the authorities
• He would leave for Goor in June or July of the following year, provided he received a passport

• The smaller one was burned by Dutch patrol ships
• The larger one carrying sandalwood was expected daily

• 20 April 1658: At the trading post in Macassa, each real was worth 80 stuivers. Chilibagus, a Chinese captain, and Adja Hamat offered payment several times, but Crul refused to accept it. The same conditions applied to 16 measures of tjacco at 12 maesen per month at 40 stuivers each. Most of the damage could and should have been prevented by Crul. The merchants complained several times to merchant Reijniers about Crul's behavior and business practices, and did not want to deal with him anymore.
• 21 April 1658 (Easter Sunday): Captain Jan Gomas arrived with his small ship from Manilhas, loaded with sugar and tobacco, and 8,000 Spanish reals on behalf of the king for goods sent there the previous year. The day was spent appropriately with religious observance.
• 22 April 1658: News arrived with the ship from Manilhas that the ship called the Bruijn Vis, which had been sent about 5 months earlier by Governor Simon Cos from Ternaten to Mendanauw along with merchant De Jongh to collect a rice cargo, had caught fire and exploded due to carelessness and drunkenness of the captain. Merchant Remers could not accept this and ordered a thorough investigation.
• 23 April 1658: The Moorish merchant Mappule and Den Mogel came to buy a batch of cloth. Merchant Remers finally reached an agreement with them: 15 packs of bleached salampoeris at 80 masen per corge, with half to be paid in reals and half in masen or goods, either immediately or on demand; 6 packs of brown-blue beelles at 90 masen per corge; 5 packs of ginneel linen at 115 reals per corge; 5 packs of white parcallen at 40 masen per corge; 4 packs of chits at 22 reals per corge; 3 packs of white betilles at 100 masen per corge; 36 packs of kannakins at 22 masen per corge; 3 packs of chavonijs at 35 masen per corge; 3 packs of tapelarasse at 40 masen per corge; and 7 packs of bleached betilles of 32 afta at 90 masen per corge. The merchants requested that this transaction not be made public yet because they were still very afraid of the king regarding this deal. In the evening, a prau arrived from [text incomplete].

• Antonij Varelle de Wele arrived as Captain of the company of Christoffel Snares. He was described as a person of quality and standing in these lands, and the writer stated they were so obligated to him that any good deed done to him would be considered as done to themselves.
• A letter was written in Macao on 7 November 1644 by Rafael Aras de Morales Alfchijres, clerk of the Secretariat of the City of the Name of God in China. It was signed by L:o Mendijs Cordeiro, Antonio dat=r Benijchio, Ffrancisco Botelho Preiva, and Domingos d'Almede.
• The letter was addressed to the Governor General of Batavia, Antonio van Diemen, from the City of the Name of God. The council served the Most Serene Majesty of King Joan the Fourth, their lord, whom they prayed God would make prosperous and protect.
• They needed to send certain advice as quickly as possible and asked that it be delivered to His Majesty's ambassador, who was believed to be in Holland without doubt, so it could be sent from there to Portugal.
• Captain Antonij Varelle brought a letter to this city. They hoped the Governor would be pleased to have it delivered to the ambassador.
• Another letter dated 9 November 1644 from Macao was signed by L=ao Mendijs Cordeiro, Ant:o dat=ta Benijchio, Francisco Botelho Preiva, and Fr: d:os Dalmeda.
• On 4 June, the Lord brought the writer safely to the city in good health with the rest of the friends. Although he found the kingdom divided in government from his predecessor, with his arrival everything was laid down to peace and quiet.
• The writer sent Don Joan Clandio and the rest of the Castilians, both married and unmarried who were in the country, with their households to Nanilha. He believed Don Joan Clandio should write to the Governor and thank him for the good deeds he received, but the writer feared that because they were Castilians, they would be ungrateful as that was their manner and nature.
• Upon his arrival, he immediately undertook to fortify this place, which was very necessary, so the Castilians would see how little he valued their threats. He told Don Joan Clandio to tell his Governor of Manillja about his desire to join hands with them, though he believed it would never go well for them.
• He understood from the Governor's people that peace would be planned between the Governor and the lord Vice King, something that would please him very much, as his mind would be relieved of concerns to be able to work out matters for the Governor and the Dutch, both here and in this place of his King where he was, and all other places where he would be at the Governor's service.
• Regarding what the Governor told him about Gaspar Vaes Cesseira, since captains general had no jurisdiction over married people except in war matters, he could not do anything in that case except refer it to the lord president Jan van Elserack, based on his Act of Authorization by the Honorable Governor General Anthonio van Diemen to the Vice King, a copy extract to the Netherlands dated 10 January.