Transcriptions » Recently created summaries of historical documents

• The document presents a historical record of land and population data from several regions in Central Java, likely during the mid-to-late 19th century.
• The total population recorded is 13,670,351, with specific numbers for different groups:
  • Hoofdnegorij: 775
  • Roeloe Zoeloong: 2,550
  • Andjowinan: 40,781
  • Other groups: 13,626,245
• Population data for specific years and regions are listed, including:
  • Altino (1655 to 1861)
  • Doemonollo, Bemoelak, Dijebeng, and Sarang
  • Soemonolo and Sonorogo
• The total number of houses recorded is 28,976, including:
  • 28,400 regular houses
  • 595 smaller structures (sy bouw)
  • 2 of these smaller structures were approved by a governor for a burial site.
• Comparisons are made between population counts from different dates:
  • September 12, 1867: 108,215
  • October 5, 1867: 119,515
  • September 10, 1866: (not fully specified)
• Land data is categorized by type and location, including:
  • Tegal (dry agricultural land)
  • Sawa (wet rice fields)
  • Legal or Sura (likely other land classifications)
• Land measurements are provided for various years (1863 to 1868), with totals for each type of land.
• Some land changes are noted:
  • Land added or removed from records due to administrative changes.
  • Land used for other purposes or lost.
• A Chinese tenant in Donorogo was authorized to develop land, as referenced in letters to the Resident of Albaclien.
• Financial figures are mentioned, including:
  • Total revenue or value: 39,500
  • Other amounts: 4,726, 6,005, 2,265, and 4,235

• The text names 32 districts or villages, including:
  • Hotla, Redjassa, Kralon Teboe, Tegal Taira, Rebongandi, Winongan, Pasoeroean, and Gondanglegi.
  • Some names, like Tengger, refer to a larger region, while others (e.g., Mat Genangoengan, Agantang) are likely smaller settlements.
• The numbers next to each name likely represent:
  • Populations (e.g., 20 families in one area, 323 people in another).
  • Land measurements (e.g., 5,000 roeden—an old Dutch unit roughly equal to 3.77 meters—of planted land).
  • Crops or taxes, such as:
    • Oebie Fara (possibly a type of tuber or yam).
    • Katjang (peanuts), Asina (likely salt), Djarak (a type of resin or candle nut), and Turra (unclear, possibly a local crop).
  • Some entries include totals, like 2,526 or 1,189, which may refer to tax revenues, harvested goods, or labor obligations.
• Notable details:
  • A section mentions 5000 roeden of land planted with crops.
  • The date 1612 appears twice, possibly marking the year of this record or a specific event.
  • Terms like "Couws" (likely "cows" or livestock) and "O. L." (possibly an abbreviation for a Dutch official title) are included.
  • Some numbers are followed by symbols (=), which may indicate subtotals or conversions.
• The document reflects the Dutch colonial administration’s detailed tracking of resources, populations, and agricultural output in the region during the early 1600s.

• The front shop, including its stock, tools, and accessories, was valued by Jacobus van den Bern and Anthonij Spiering, both pharmacists, at 800 guilders.
• A house and its land, located in Tuindwarsstraat (where the sign "the Crowned Screw" hangs), was valued by Arent Hartjens and Michiel Keeck, authorized by the city’s aldermen, at 3,500 guilders.
• A one-fourth share in a bond with a capital of 2,000 guilders, issued by the province of Holland and West Friesland on June 1, 1640, under the name of Gerrit Voogt. This share amounts to 500 guilders and represents five-sixths of the deceased’s two-thirds ownership in a house on Reguliers Ewersstraat. The entire house was valued at 975 guilders, making the five-sixths share worth 650 guilders and 10 stuivers.
• The fiducial goods (inherited property tied to specific conditions) from Ghijbertus Vanen, passed down from his ancestors, or their revenues, cannot be included in the estate. Vanen declares these are not beneficial since they are already used to pay off debts.
• Jewelry, including a pair of earrings, a diamond rose ring, and a ring with a diamond stone, was valued by jeweler Storm at 500 guilders.
• Outstanding debts, recorded in the ledger of the deceased (including unpaid bills for medicines and other items), were reviewed by Sr. van Aasijn. After deducting minor amounts owed to the estate, the net debt is estimated at 300 guilders.
• The estate includes:
  • A one-morgen share of land near Weer Achtersloot.
  • A one-sixth share in 22 morgen of land belonging to the estate of Abcouw near Antwec (likely a misspelling of Antwerp or a local name).
  • Some small plots or shares of land, though their exact size or value is currently unknown.
• Debts of the estate include 151 guilders and 5 stuivers owed to Johanna Panser, the deceased’s stepdaughter, as the remaining portion of her father’s inheritance, based on a division recorded by notary Cellerus on October 12.

This document describes a list of jewelry that belonged to a deceased woman, assessed by jewelers Pieter Deveer and Nicolaes Lemmers on December 2, 1712. The items were recorded in the presence of Pieter Ricotier and Jan Fontaire for the heirs of the late Mevrouw de Wede. de Heer Jan Balde. The jewelry included:

• A large diamond ring, with a stone named Nagusingh, weighing 5.5 a Pest (a unit of weight) and valued at 2,700 Caraet (carats).
• A double-strand necklace of 140 pearls, weighing 850 grams, valued at 250 florins.
• A necklace of 300 smaller pearls, weighing 100 grams, valued at 250 florins.
• Two pear-shaped pearls with gold settings, weighing 17 carats, valued at 500 florins including the pins.

The total inventory was completed and signed by the notary D. van der Groe on page 786 of the records.

Additionally, another list from December 11, 1712 includes:

• A thick-stone ring, with the stone estimated to be worth 2,700 florins.
• A double-strand necklace of pearls, weighing 139 carats, valued at 250 florins.
• A pear-shaped pearl with pins, valued at 4,300 florins.

• The estate included household goods, furniture, clothes (both linen and wool), which were detailed in an inventory. These items were valued by Catharina Schaack, a sworn appraiser, at 1707 for a total of 819 guilders and 16 stuivers.
• Gold, silver, and jewelry were listed in the inventory and appraised by:
  • Dirck Schelte Junior valued the jewelry at 570 guilders.
  • Jan Schuijl, a silversmith, valued the gold and silver items at 419 guilders and 18 stuivers.
  Combined, these were worth 989 guilders and 18 stuivers.
• Real estate was appraised by Adriaen de Jongen, Abraham van Dakenburgh, and Lambert van den Bergh, official appraisers, in a document dated May 26, 1707:
  • A house on the Delftse Bierkaai (at the northwest corner of Blaauw Lakenssteeg in Delft) valued at 5000 guilders.
  • A house on Vijselstraat (east side, between Keizersgracht and Kerkstraat) valued at 3200 guilders.
• Other assets included:
  • Tobacco, valued by the joint heirs at 163 guilders.
  • Outstanding debts worth 10 guilders and 10 stuivers.
• The total value of all listed assets was 10,193 guilders and 14 stuivers.
• Before dividing the estate, 602 guilders and 2 stuivers had to be deducted. This amount was owed to Gerrit Veelingh as the remaining balance from his late mother’s and sister’s inheritance, as documented in a notarial act dated March 6, 1702.
• The net remaining estate was 9,591 guilders and 12 stuivers.
• Willemina van der Hoeft was entitled to a share of this estate due to the community property rules, as part of the process to divide the estate.

• On 11 November of the previous year, Dirck Schelte Coopman, a jewelry merchant from the city, appeared before notary Michiel Bock at the request of the court (referred to as out vos maer).
• Coopman testified that a man named Isaacq had visited his home, asking him to meet at the Cingel (a canal) near the herberge de Wijnder (an inn called The Wine Merchant).
• Isaacq claimed his son was getting married and wanted to buy some jewelry as a wedding gift for his future bride.
• When Coopman arrived, he found Isaacq with two others: Everards and another man named Gulis Bursius, who said he was also from out vos maer.
• Bursius told Coopman that the groom needed a diamond ring to give to the bride as a "trust piece" (a traditional wedding gift) that same evening.
• Coopman showed them several rings, and they agreed on one after negotiating the price.

This document from 1673 describes the division of jewelry and other belongings of Jouffre Maria Warmont, who was the housewife of Hendrick Witte during her life. The items were divided between their children, Anna Witte and Hendrick Witte Jr.

• Anna Witte received the following items, with their values as assessed by Dirck Schelte:
  • A Dirksteen ring: ƒ180
  • 14 diamonds from a pair of earrings: ƒ143
  • A brooch with 31 diamonds: ƒ268
  • A double-strand necklace with 106 pearls, called "de graeff": ƒ500
  • 7 silver coins, each worth one Rijksdaalder: ƒ17.10
• Additionally, Anna Witte received various gold items, including:
  • 2 gold pins
  • 2 gold caps
  • 2 double gold strombringen (a type of bracelet)
  • A ring with a red stone
  • 2 half-moon shaped items
  • 7 small pieces shaped like hooks and eyes
  • 2 earrings without stones
  • 2 gold pins (called stiffjens)
  • 2 gold hooks
  The total value of these gold items was ƒ1100.10.

• The document lists valuable items transported, likely for appraisal or sale, with their weights and prices in 1719.
• Jewelry and accessories included:
  • A child’s belt with 1 pair of buckles, weighing 8 loot (a Dutch weight unit), priced at 22 stuivers (an old Dutch coin).
  • Two prayer books (karkboeken):
    • One with turtle shell and silver fittings, priced at 8 guilders and 16 stuivers.
    • One with two silver clasps, priced at 5 guilders.
  • A small prayer book with two silver knobs, priced at 22 guilders.
  • Two gold pendants (pandelotten):
    • One with 16 small diamonds, priced at 810 guilders.
    • A smaller one, also with 16 diamonds, priced at 80 guilders.
  • A thick gold chain with a small boat-shaped pendant and tiny diamonds, weighing 32.5 English units (likely troy ounces), priced at 67 guilders.
  • Two diamond gold rings, each with 9 diamonds, priced at 210 guilders and 1 stuiver.
  • A wedding ring with two hoops and a gold clasp, weighing 17.5 English units, priced at 2 guilders and 37 stuivers.
  • A coral necklace with its clasp, priced at 6 guilders and 10 stuivers.
  • A pair of gold curls (likely hair ornaments), priced at 8 guilders and 10 stuivers.
• The total transport value was 1605 guilders and 15 stuivers.
• Additional items:
  • Two women’s moss caps (Vrouwe Mossen), one with a silk veil and a "reegen" (likely rain or striped) dress, priced at 6 guilders.
• The total updated value was 1611 guilders and 15 stuivers.
• The appraisal was faithfully recorded by the undersigned sworn appraiser of the city, Catharina Schaak, in Amsterdam on June 8, 1719.

On December 3, 1759, a legal document was signed before a notary and witnesses in the city where Catharina van den Beng, the city's sworn appraiser, recorded the estate of a deceased man. The total value of the goods was appraised at 13,635 guilders and 5 stuivers, though many items had lost value due to use.

According to the marriage agreement, Catharina had brought the following jewelry into her marriage:

• A brooch with 11 diamonds, valued at 150 guilders.
• A necklace with 9 diamonds, valued at 90 guilders.
• A breastpin with 20 diamonds, valued at 200 guilders.
• An earring with 15 diamonds, valued at 28 guilders.
• A pair of earrings, each with 9 diamonds, valued at 330 guilders and 8 stuivers.
• A ring with 9 diamonds, valued at 230 guilders and 5 stuivers.
• A necklace with 17 diamonds, valued at 173 guilders and 9 stuivers.
• A ring with 7 diamonds, valued at 80 guilders and 37 stuivers.
• A cross with 21 diamonds, valued at 260 guilders.
• A ring with 20 diamonds, valued at 70 guilders.
• A ring with 9 diamonds, valued at 30 guilders.
• A hoop earring with 7 diamonds, valued at 50 guilders.

Some of these items had been sold by her late husband, and the money from those sales was no longer available. Additionally, Catharina had brought 11,400 guilders in cash into the marriage, which was still present in the estate after her husband’s death.

During her marriage, Catharina had also inherited money as a co-heir of Jan Gerritse Assink, according to his will dated May 24, 1752, which was recorded by notary Hendrik van Aken. By a division of Jan Gerritse Assink's estate on December 1, 1759, before notary Gerardus Wijthoff, she received an additional sum.

The document also noted that her late husband’s estate still owed debts to:

• Grave van den Halle
• Bijoet
• Laetje Brandt
• Jufvrouw ten Katen Pelt

This document lists valuable items, mostly jewelry, assessed in Amsterdam on 15 February 1755 by Maria Muilman, a sworn appraiser. The items belonged to or were connected to Catharina Isack de Matos and another unnamed party referred to as "den B." The total value of the items was estimated, and half was assigned to Catharina Isack de Matos. The list includes:

• Multiple rings with small diamonds, some with additional gemstones:
  • A ring with a large garnet.
  • A ring with 11 small diamonds.
  • A ring with 9 diamonds.
  • A ring with a colored stone and 8 small diamonds.
  • A ring with an emerald and a small diamond.
  • A ring with 7 small diamonds.
  • A ring with 4 "Buljants" (likely a type of gemstone).
  • A ring with a small carved head and 2 diamonds.
• Loose diamond stones weighing a total of 2 carats.
• Two buttons with 2 small pearls.
• Two pendants without their base settings.
• A set ("seruyt") with small diamonds.
• An old "sick chair" (possibly a type of upholstered or specialized chair) valued at 10 guilders and 2 stuivers.
• An iron plate related to the total value of the listed furniture and goods.

The appraiser, Maria Muilman, declared the total estimated value of the items to be 30 guilders and 10 stuivers based on her expertise. The document notes that the listed prices are detailed per item.

On 8 October 1642, around half past five in the evening, Augustin Fossa, a merchant in jewels as he claimed, living in Lachsweert on Calverstraat in Amsterdam, appeared before Jan Bosch, a public notary authorized by the court of Holland and residing in Amsterdam. The appearance was witnessed by Jan Rensz, a wine cooper and citizen of Amsterdam, who confirmed knowing Augustin Fossa well.

Augustin Fossa was in good health, both physically and mentally, with clear speech and understanding. Aware of the unpredictability of life and death, he made his last will and testament without any outside pressure or illness affecting his judgment.

• He appointed his current wife, Jannetje Lanckweere, as his sole heir to all his possessions after his death.
• If Jannetje was pregnant and gave birth to a child fathered by him, that child would inherit everything instead.
• If there were no such child, Jannetje would inherit all, but only if she had no other living heirs from their marriage.

On 23 August 1706, before the public notary Francois Meerkout, who was authorized by the Court of Holland and lived in Amsterdam, two men appeared as witnesses: Isaacq Croes, a jewel merchant living on Verwersgracht, and Lucas Cramp, a resident of Warmoesgracht in the same city.

The two men declared themselves and each other as joint guarantors (fully responsible together and individually) for the following people:

• Jan Augustinus Vereijcken
• Cornelis Vereijcken
• Jeronimus van Scharenborgh, acting as the guardian of Juffrouw Clara Maria Vereijcken
• Juffrouwen Anna Catharina Vereijcken and Magdalena Vereijcken, both unmarried adult daughters

These individuals were the children and heirs of the late Cornelis Vereijcken and Anna Maria de Wageneir. As heirs, they were also connected to the estate of the late Hans van Essen.

Isaacq Croes and Lucas Cramp promised to cover the costs of a legal counterclaim (reconventie) and any legal expenses that a court might order against Jan Augustinus Vereijcken and his associates. This guarantee was made in favor of Susanna Coppenol, the widow of Eruet Som.

If Jan Augustinus Vereijcken and his group failed to pay these costs themselves, Croes and Cramp agreed to pay Susanna Coppenol as if the debt were their own.

On 7 June 1694, in Amsterdam, several legal and financial agreements were recorded by the notary Henrick Outgers:

• A money exchange (a bill of exchange) for 900 gulden was accepted by Cosucht on behalf of Con Bar. The transaction involved Samuel Spengle, Gilles Pelgrom, and Janen Lansman, with witnesses Philippe De Maroller and Cornelis Cors present. The document was signed and sealed for a fee of 12 stuivers (a small coin).

• Four French refugees—Esaie Ploumnois (a jewel merchant), Daniel Flournas, Louis Jacobe de Naurois, and Jaques du Chemin—living in Amsterdam testified that Jaques Jourde, a merchant from Paris, had a good reputation. They promised to support him financially and vouch for his behavior while he stayed in the Dutch provinces, ensuring he would not harm the state. Witnesses Christiaen Roemer and Philippe De Marolles were present, and the document was sealed for 12 stuivers.

• On 8 June 1694, Francois Wijland (a merchant’s agent) and Philippe Poiville (a negotiator) confirmed they knew Christiaan Hoijer, a merchant from Amsterdam who had recently traveled away. They testified that on 14 May 1694, Hoijer had accepted a bill of exchange for £37 from Anthonij Southeij in London, payable to Samuel Clarke Jr.. The witnesses saw Jacob Craijesteijn hand over the bill to Hoijer, who agreed to record it the next day. The document was signed with witnesses Cornelis Worst and Philippe De Marolles and sealed for 12 stuivers.

• On the same day (8 June 1694), the shipowners of the vessel Apocalips Petrus, captained by Jacob Cornelisz Schoon, authorized Abraham van Oldenhoven, Egbert Tesing, and Eemghun Putrij to fully manage the ship. This included leasing it, planning voyages, buying goods for trade, and handling all financial matters. The authorized agents could also hire substitutes if needed. The agreement was made to benefit all shipowners equally.

• On 16 January 1552, in Amsterdam, a legal matter was recorded before the notary Niclaas Kruijs, admitted by the Court of Holland, with witnesses Johannes van Hel and Jacob Cloek present.
• Douwe Claes Cloek was questioned on behalf of Sir Willem Watzon (acting privately) and Johannes Berewouts and Joost van Born (as managers of the estate of the late Willem Bouwel, an Englishman).
• The issue involved a mill near the Amstel River, part of Bouwel's estate, scheduled for sale by auction the next day under Amsterdam's authority.
• The claimants (Watzon, Berewouts, and van Born) demanded to know:
  • By what authority Cloek was acting.
  • A copy of any authorization he had for selling the mill, so they could assess its validity.
• They warned that if Cloek proceeded without answering or providing the copy, they would formally protest his refusal. They also claimed the right to challenge the sale’s validity and seek compensation for any costs, damages, or lost profits resulting from it.
• Cloek responded that he would discuss the matter with the "commissioners of insolvent estates" before noon the next day and then provide an answer. He requested a copy of the claimants' statement for this purpose.
• In a separate case on the same day, Ferdinandus Schooff, a jeweler in Amsterdam, formally authorized Melchert Sijkert, a merchant in Copenhagen, to act on his behalf.
• Sijkert was empowered to:
  • Demand and collect 168 Rijksdaalders (a currency) from Albert Itsen, another merchant in Copenhagen.
  • The debt originated from jewels Schooff had sold to Lord Hambal, which Itsen had agreed to pay on Hambal's behalf.
  • Take legal action in Copenhagen or elsewhere if necessary, including filing lawsuits, defending against counterclaims, and following all legal procedures.
  • Swear oaths, receive payments, issue receipts, and handle all steps through final judgment and enforcement.
  • Appoint substitutes and guarantee coverage for any actions taken under this authority.

• On 10 July 1695, a legal agreement was made in Amsterdam involving Anne Salmon. She appointed guardians for her minor daughter, who was married to Seijnu but still underage. The guardians were:
  • Her husband, Daniel Du Peijrou, if he lived in the Netherlands. If he stayed in France, he would manage only the property there.
  • If Daniel Du Peijrou died, her uncles Jaques Du Peijron, Jean Du Peijron, and her cousin Jaques Du Peijron Le Geune would take over as guardians.
  • If one of the three guardians died, the remaining two would continue, but they had to appoint a new third guardian with approval from the Amsterdam Orphan Chamber.
• Anne Salmon did not want her daughter to be involved in managing the estate or her own assets while still a minor.
• The document was signed in Amsterdam by Anne Salmon, witnesses Philiptus de Marce and Jorel Garsin, and notary Henrick Outgersz on 16 August 1695.
• On the same date (16 August 1695), Catharina Cresse, a widow of Jean Pautrier (a jeweler from Paris), appeared before notary Henrick Outgersz in Amsterdam.
• She was ordered by the Amsterdam court (on 10 July 1695) to:
  • Provide an inventory of her late husband’s estate, based on an earlier inventory made in Paris on 31 October 1680 by notaries Anthoinie Pasquier and Hirosme Bellanger.
  • Give an account of the goods and assets she brought from France to the Netherlands and how she managed them.
  • Hand over certain books, papers, and documents to François Bauge, who was appointed guardian of her son, Anthonij Pautrier.
• Catharina Cresse declared that in 1680, she had brought jewels, trade goods, bills of exchange, and some cash from France but was forced to sell them to support herself and her family.
• She provided a list of remaining assets, valued by a sworn appraiser, including:
  • Household goods and furnishings: ƒ 13.
  • Three large and three small paintings: ƒ 5.
  • A mirror with a gilded frame: ƒ 12.
  • Twelve noteboom (walnut) chairs and an armchair: ƒ 68.

On 4 June 1721, officials discussed the situation in Timor. They noted that a local group refused to return goods (likely spices or sandalwood, called Suijvel) as agreed. The officials had previously requested a better-armed ship for two reasons:

• To pressure the stubborn group into returning what they owed by showing military strength.
• To block their trade routes with Makassar-based merchants by patrolling the area continuously.

Since the second strategy had little effect, the officials decided that if the group continued to resist, they would authorize a full-scale landing. The force would be strong enough to make the rebels feel the painful consequences of their defiance. The text compares this to a past event on the island of Roti, where 1,200 people from Landouw had shown more restraint in their actions.

This document is a historical list of enslaved individuals from a Dutch source, detailing their names, roles, and health conditions. Below is a summary of the information provided:

• Melle, a mixed-race individual, likely of Indigenous and African descent ("Cingels").
• A group of 16 enslaved people under Kaneelhartes, including:
  • J. Mans, a marshal (officer) assistant.
  • Polidor, a carpenter, with a gun.
  • Elias, a tailor, wearing leg irons (shackles for prisoners).
  • Iantje, a sawyer and planer (woodworker).
  • Fredrik, an older sawyer and planer.
  • Pompens, a sawyer and planer, suffering from gonorrhea and confined to the house.
  • Andries, a sawyer.
  • NieuwJaar, a sawyer with a hernia.
  • Spadeelje, a sawyer and planer.
  • Hendrik, a sawyer and planer with flat feet.
  • Geluk (meaning "Luck").
  • Geduld (meaning "Patience").
  • Hazard.
  • Landouw.
  • Allert, learning to plane and saw wood.
  • Chocolaad, working with the maids, with a broken leg.
  • Cop, working at the drag (possibly a type of labor involving pulling or hauling).
  • Ianvier, older, with joint pain, confined to the garden.
  • Winst (meaning "Profit"), with incurable sores, confined to the house.
• Guards and supervisors:
  • Roendam, an older guard at the workplace.
  • Apollo, an older food guard with a gun.
  • Hanover, a guard over the women.
• Enslaved women:
  • Margo, a housekeeper and laundress with "moerplaag" (possibly dysentery or another severe illness).
  • Annaatje, a charcoal maker, housekeeper, and bottle washer, pregnant.
  • Philippina, a mixed-race woman ("mulattin") with children, one of whom is shackled.
  • Chagrijn (meaning "Bad Mood"), a cook.
  • Amaranta, an older Creole ("Kriolen") woman, referred to as "Mama".
  • Betjes, her daughter, blind.

On 1 October 1666, the public notary Willem van Kittensteyn, authorized by the Court of Holland and residing in Haarlem, created an inventory of the belongings left by Sa Trijntie Theunis. She was a widow and the executor of the estate of her late husband, Frederick Backer the Elder. The inventory was made at the request of, and in the presence of, their children and heirs to help them manage the inheritance.

The inventory included the following items from the front room:

• A bed with a canopy, 8 pillows, and 2 blankets.
• A bedspread, 2 blue curtains with a valance, and a fireplace screen.
• 8 chair cushions and 5 chairs.
• 2 small shelves and an octagonal oak table.
• A striped tablecloth, a spittoon, a clothes brush, and 3 packs of yarn.
• A cap block (a tool for making hats), a box, and a portrait of Trijntie Theunis's deceased mother.
• Three other paintings.
• 4 plain earthenware plates for the fireplace and 2 plain earthenware cups on the cupboard.
• A bed frame.
• A chest containing:
  • 37 sheets.
  • A cradle.

• In the year 1630, prices were lower, and goods were traded at reduced rates. The equipment for voyages was typically prepared for two ships.
• Even if one ship belonged to Majoulle, it still sailed under the name of the King of Maccassar or the nobles of Maccassar. Together, they were estimated to send nearly 100 orxs (a type of currency) worth of capital to Manila, mostly in sorted fabrics.
• The kings themselves also equipped a ship, but their capital rarely exceeded 3,000 to 4,000 maas (another currency). They traded in Madurese, Bimase, and Zaleyerse white fabrics, as well as Oedjonpandan paintings and dyes, with some red dye on the aforementioned fabrics, called Sarassa Djonpandan.
• Their profits came from high freight charges paid by the Malay traders for shipping their goods. The entire city of Maccassar was involved in these voyages, as the profits were substantial, often exceeding 50 to 60 percent, sometimes even more. During the times of Patengalva and Crain Nuly, profits could reach 700 to 2,000 reals.
• Mapulle was tasked with continuing this trade and requested from Batavia in 1668 the following goods:
  • 500 packs of low-quality Guinese linen at 20 per pack
  • 20 packs of white Sarempoeris fabric
  • 20 packs of black baftas fabric
  • 20 packs of black cannakijns fabric
  • 20 packs of small chits fabric
  • 40 packs of chits fabric
  • 30 packs of 16-yard-long pothas from Bengal
  • 30 packs of Coromandel black fabrics
  • 20 pieces of Madaphol half-red, half-blue fabrics
  • 20 pieces of striped chelas fabric
  • 20 pieces of blue boelans or brandams fabric
  • 20 pieces of red and white striped Potapoelise Alegia fabric
  • 100 picols of Coromandel fabrics
  • 100 picols of Dutch iron
  • 10 chests of rosewater
  • 10 loads of tar
  • 5 kegs of Spanish wine
  • 30 to 40 catties of gold and silver false coins in the Spanish style, valued at 124 ijsen
• This request was largely fulfilled by the Dutch with the help of the yachts Hoogelande and Schelvrs. However, due to a revolution, most of these goods had to be left behind.
• If Mapulle had followed the advice to stay loyal to the Dutch East India Company (VOC), he could have continued the trade even during the war. He had received a license from the Spanish governor two years earlier to trade under his own name, which would have allowed him to continue his business.
• The return trade from Manila consisted of Spanish reals, both worked and unworked gold, large porcelain, Japanese copper, tobacco, and Loeboe (a subordinate region of Manila).
• The Malay traders also went to Manila annually but needed a pass from the King of Maccassar. They typically sent 2 to 3 small ships with a capital of 20 to 30 orxs, trading similar goods as those sent to Manila, but with more black fabrics and little iron, which was in high demand in Manila.
• The return from these trips also included Spanish money, gold, and occasionally tortoiseshell, the best silk available anywhere, powdered sugar (bought at low prices), and Chiun (likely a type of good).
• Chiun was also visited and traded with, but not as freely as before, especially not since the arrival and departure of the Nabab’s representative. The trade there was not very significant, with only sandalwood, raw sulfur, and caurijs (likely a type of spice or good) being sent, not for profit but mainly to obtain fabrics that sometimes arrived from Tanassari at low prices.
• Other goods occasionally traded included indigo, elephant tusks, and Japanese copper, but these were not very profitable. The same applied to trade with Cambodia.

• Van Biema van Muyden left Batavia and hasn’t been heard from since. His absence raises some concern, but he may have gone to Batavia or be delaying due to false reports. He was not reassigned to the chaloupes (small boats) mentioned earlier.
• His crew included 1 provisional mate, 8 sailors, and 1 boy, as listed in the records.
• There are 7 vessels currently under the castle’s command:
  • 3 tingans (small boats): one is mostly worn out, while the other two were recently repaired and are in good condition. They can unload ships and carry about 12 lasten (a unit of weight) to shore at once.
  • 1 large new steenbock (a type of crane) is being built from a sturdy Macassar vessel. It will be useful for loading/unloading and other tasks. It will be equipped with strong beams, a sufficient platform, a small tent, masts, and sails, and is expected to handle about 8 lasten.
  • The Macassar ship Victoria, acquired in Bouton, is beached north of the castle. It may not be useful for the Company unless repurposed for trade, sale, or as a gift to allies, with the Sultan of Palacca being the closest potential recipient.
  • The chaloupe Cayely is in such poor condition that repairing it isn’t worth the cost. It is already being dismantled.
  • The scheep chaloupe (ship’s boat) was inspected by the head carpenter and deemed only useful for firewood, as it is no longer practical for ship duties.
• The remaining ships (7 yachts, 1 small fleuijt [flyboat], 1 hoeker [small cargo ship], and the chaloupes) are not solely for guarding the castle or emergencies. They have various uses:
  • Hoogelande is on the front waters of Gresse to transport rice. It was also planned to sail to Batavia but hasn’t returned yet, so it can still make at least one more trip to Gresse.
  • Nieuwendam is in Biema’s waters until rice can be obtained there for the Company. It can still make another trip upon its return.
  • Waterhoen is expected to make another voyage as well.
  • A letter was sent to the leaders in Aros Bay, asking the Sabandar (harbor master) of Tengzooij in Gresse to send a gonting (small boat) there. If that fails, the ships should hurry to Gresse to avoid missing out on rice cargoes for Hoogelande or other Indiese (East Indies) ships.
• Huyden has his crew of 16 men for Nieuwendam and can manage with assistance from Telpendam’s crew. Waterhoen also contributes 10 men.
• Swapen van Arnenuijden was sent to leave for Macassar between 15–20 November with further updates after the writer’s departure for Batavia.
• The ships Jelpendam, Rambang, and the chaloupe Noorman remain anchored near Rotterdam (likely a local reference) to be deployed along the coast or inland if needed, as previously discussed regarding Loeboe and Bone.
• The Quiksteert, sent to Cayely for the King of Ternate in August, was expected back before the writer’s departure but hasn’t arrived. It should return soon (unless misfortune occurs) and can then assist the other three ships or be sent to Batavia with further updates for the King of Ternate.
• Muyden may still need to be summoned for his skills, meaning Telpendam or another ship might have to assist him.
• No ships or boats are left unused or without proper oversight, even though the listed number seems large. When there’s no rice to unload, crews focus on other tasks like bringing stones during good weather, with all hands working vigorously.
• All ships and vessels are well-equipped with rigging.

• The text discusses a group of people from Makassar (Sulawesi) and their financial and legal situation after the fall of the kingdom of Gowa in 1669.
• Many individuals, including Momma Bouan Saphan, Minna, and others, did not appear in person because they were either absent, sick, or too poor. Most were soldiers who lost everything during the war, especially in the burning of Sombopu (Samboujer).
• Some were Malay people found in the temple during the conquest of Sombopu, while others came over after the peace treaty. Many were scattered across Bugis villages or traveling to the Javanese coast.
• Jutchie Abdul was the only debtor of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) who stayed on the Dutch side during the war. He was arrested for suspicious correspondence with Raja Lella but later released to work as a clerk.
• On 15 October 1669, Cronron Tolcq (a clerk) was also mentioned. He was initially sold by Abdul for 360 rixdollars but later reinstated. His wife remained in the Bugis village of Vlaardingen, receiving 5 rixdollars per month for her upkeep.
• Abdul's debt of 700 rixdollars came from a loan to the kings of Makassar, which the VOC accepted on his behalf. He claimed the kings owed him money, and he had influence with them.
• Cronron owed Abdul 1,270 rixdollars:
  • 1,000 rixdollars for goods transported to Banten (which were later taken back).
  • 150 rixdollars for other goods (considered unjust by local standards since Cronron had not defected but stayed due to his debts).
  • 120 rixdollars for a young slave taken by Cronron.
• Abdul argued that without his debt, he would not have stayed with the Dutch. His credit was based on 1,200 rixdollars owed by the king of Makassar for three metal cannons.
• Background on individuals:
  • Jutchie Abdul: A 52-year-old from Makassar, son of a Manikaber (merchant) from Sumatra and a Bugis mother.
  • Deyen Malaba: Son of the king of Soping (a Makassar ally), married to a daughter of Maleyer Dato Tonan (who died in the war).
  • Jutchie Amad: From Makassar, father from Johor, mother from Malabar.

This text describes a group of individuals, mostly from Makassar, and their roles, family ties, and involvement in conflicts around 1670. Below is a structured summary:

• Jutchie Tenga, originally from Makassar, was married to the Malay daughter of Radja Soping, despite opposition. His father, Jutchie mamoed, was deceased, and his grandfather, Jutchie Sambas, died in war at age 150. His uncle, Jutchie Manieet, was the full brother of Dato Toean but was pressured by Radja Soping to allow the marriage against his advice.
• Jutchie Abedul, half-brother of Amad, was also from Makassar and strongly opposed the Dutch.
• Jutchie Amond (from Makassar) avoided involvement in the war, unlike three others who were fiercely pro-Makassar.
• Toan, of Moorish descent but born in Japara, was the brother-in-law of Radja Soping (married to his Malay wife’s sister). As a soldier, he stayed neutral in the conflict.
• Dato Gommo, from Makassar, had a Moorish father and served as an admiral for Radja Soping, though he was not highly regarded. His brother, Jutchie Saadij, married a granddaughter of Jutchie Assan, a fierce warrior.
• Jutchie Lawadin, a Manicaba (leader) from Sumatra, had lived in Makassar for a long time. He married a Bugis woman and was respected for his generosity, despite past financial struggles. He tried to mediate conflicts before the war but had little success.
• Jutchie Saffar, son of Jutchie Alawadijn, was among the key figures who took an oath to the Dutch. Most of these leaders were wealthy, except Jutchie Lancadijn, who followed Javanese customs.

The following individuals were of lesser status, often working as boat crew or soldiers:

• Jutchie Goemarang (from Sumatra), Jutchie Garang (from Priaman), Jutchie Lengang (nephew of someone from Priaman), Jutchie Leela (age 122), Jutchie Telle (from Makassar, with a Manicaba grandfather), Jutchie Byang (from Priaman), Jutchie Bougsoe (from Priaman), and Jutchie Djamiel (from Makassar, with a Manicaba father).
• Jutchie Caring (from Johor), Jutchie Magad (from Priaman), and Jutchie Ledij (brother of Dato Gomme), a former high-ranking naval officer who lived with Jutchie Abdul’s wife. He was once arrested but released after promising good behavior.
• Others included Sij Maleije (from Makassar), Jutchie Sijang (from Carmatta near Succadana), Jutchie Panaij (from Soemba), Jutchie Pacessa (from Johor), Lolo-alla (from Labacca in Makassar), Jutchie Galy (brother of Dato Gommo and Jutchie Lidij), Jutchie Abdul Tenkong (from Makassar, of Banten-Javanese descent), Jutchie Casseng (from Johor), Jutchie Syaslang (from Johor), Jutchie Rana (from Borneo), Sysandang (from Borneo), Jutchie Caya (a Manicaba), and Jutchie Palawang.

There was a plan to relocate houses from Vlaardingen (a neighborhood) to a new district near the planned Fort Rotterdam, but it was postponed due to disorganization and uncertainty about permanent housing permissions. The Dutch authorities reserved the right to change these arrangements later.

On 16 April 1830, the deaths of four individuals in Amsterdam were officially recorded by a city council member:

• Jannetje Meyer Overtegen, a 66-year-old street vendor, died on 15 April 1830 at noon. She lived at Rouenbloemdwarsstraat 14 and was born in Amsterdam. She was married to Jacob de Woot and left behind property and children. Witnesses were:
  • Pieter Viler, a 63-year-old teacher living nearby.
  • Hendrik Lammers van Krenedere, a 78-year-old rope maker from Langestraat.
• Rachel Mores Meyjer, a 72-year-old widow of David Levy Rys, died on 14 April 1830 at noon. She lived in the Jewish Almshouse and was born in Amsterdam. She left behind property. Witnesses were:
  • Benjamin Simon Tachsoni, a 27-year-old servant who worked for her.
  • Abraham Toesman Teedelshen, a 79-year-old sexton from Langehoutstraat 55.
• Salomon Sellegers, a 72-year-old married to Heyntje Joreph, died on 15 April 1830 at 4 AM. He was born in Germany and lived at Marken Liefdegangen 4. He left behind property and children. Witnesses were:
  • Mores Abraham Fransman, a 24-year-old neighbor from Koorstraat 5.
  • Morn Lena Tafelkruger, a 60-year-old town crier from Kattenburgstraat 36.
• Emmanuel David Kalker, a 1-year-old child of David Kalker Rocette and Israel Abrahams, died on 14 April 1830 at 3 AM. The family lived at Weesperstraat 131, and the child left behind property. Witnesses were:
  • Abraham Joeman Ardelshum, a 79-year-old sexton from Houtmankade 55.
  • Mozes Abraham Brander, a 45-year-old from Marken.

The records were signed by the witnesses and confirmed under laws from 14 February 1823 and 11 January 1828.

• On June 20, 1849, two marriages were recorded by a city official in Amsterdam.
• Salomon Zevie Emmerik, a 24-year-old trader, son of Abraham Emmerik and Naatje Levie, married Jaan van Levie Sacom Emmerik, a 23-year-old, daughter of Abraham Isaar Engelander and Betje Abraham Rood.
• The father of the bride gave permission for the marriage.
• The couple confirmed they accepted each other as spouses and promised to fulfill their duties.
• Witnesses included:
  • David Joseph Wyl, a 30-year-old merchant
  • Isaac Hartog Benjamens, a 33-year-old merchant
  • Hartog Jacob Groen, a 23-year-old shopkeeper
  • Mozie Abraham Brander, a 63-year-old with no listed occupation
• On the same day, Benjamin Fransman Schyvense, a 20-year-old shoemaker, son of Benjamin Moses Fransman and Mietje Abraham Jons, married Judith Baruch Henriques, a 22-year-old, daughter of Abraham Baruch Henriques (a shopkeeper) and Sara Fiza.
• Both sets of parents gave permission for the marriage.
• The couple confirmed they accepted each other as spouses and promised to fulfill their duties.
• Witnesses included:
  • Man Baruch Henriques, a 26-year-old (brother of the bride)
  • Jacob Avares Bedonde, a 44-year-old
  • Benjamin Herie Sloo, a shoemaker
  • Salamon Nohemias Goudsmit, a 67-year-old merchant

• On 1 July 1846, two marriages were recorded in Amsterdam by the city's civil registrar.
• First Marriage:
  • Johannes Bernardus Hagens, a 26-year-old "ipigelwaker" (a traditional job, possibly related to childcare), born and living in Amsterdam, son of the late Jan Barent Hagens and Elizabeth de Roode (a shopkeeper's widow, present at the wedding).
  • Jantje Starke, a 25-year-old seamstress, born and living in Amsterdam, daughter of the late Harm Geerti Starke and Hilgje Geerts Veldman (a laundress, present at the wedding).
  • The marriage banns (public announcements) were posted on 14 June and 21 June 1846 without objections.
  • Both confirmed they accepted each other as spouses and promised to fulfill marital duties under the law.
  • Witnesses:
    • Paulus Kredurk Waillema, 54, a retired soldier from Spijkenisse living in Amsterdam.
    • Jacobus Velder, 36, a carpenter.
    • Ferdrik Caril Klemman, 24, a "klevemaker" (a traditional clog maker).
    • Hilgje Geerts Veldman (mother of the bride) and Elizabeth de Roode (mother of the groom) were also present.
• Second Marriage:
  • Marius Jacob Grost (also recorded as Kruyer), a 37-year-old hairdresser, born and living in Amsterdam, son of the late Jacob Marcus Groyt and Sara Mozes Zander (living in Amsterdam).
  • Rachel Israel Buitekant, a 31-year-old seamstress, born and living in Amsterdam, daughter of the late Israel David Buitekant and Matje Machiels Yzerkoper (a fishmonger, living in Amsterdam).
  • The marriage banns were posted on 14 June and 21 June 1846 without objections.
  • Both confirmed they accepted each other as spouses and promised to fulfill marital duties under the law.
  • Witnesses:
    • Moss Benjamin Fransman, 30, a crier (public announcer) and shoemaker, friend of the groom.
    • Simon Levie Mok, 28, a house renter.
    • Isaac Swaab, 53, no profession listed.
    • Moses Isaac Hartog, 30, no profession listed.
• Both marriage certificates were signed by the couples, witnesses, and the registrar after being read aloud.