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The text explains discrepancies in financial accounts submitted by commissioners (functionaries responsible for certain duties).

The commissioners had incorrectly claimed 129 rijksdaalders for expenses that exceeded their income in their general account. However, they should have only calculated 114 rijksdaalders for this matter if they had paid attention to letters and orders that had been sent to them over time, which sometimes rejected parts of their submitted accounts.

Three specific amounts were rejected from the commissioners' earlier accounts:

These three rejected items totaled 15 rijksdaalders, which the commissioners should not have included in their account. If they had left these amounts out, their excess expenses would have been 114 rijksdaalders instead of 129 rijksdaalders, and they received 114 rijksdaalders back.

Regarding arak (a type of alcoholic drink), the commissioners' inconsistent reporting caused confusion. At the end of their general account, they claimed only 81 cans of excess arak used, but near the end of their summary report they stated 331 cans and requested reimbursement for that quantity. The decision about the used arak was made based on this report, though it would have been better to follow the amount listed in the account.

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A Dutch colonial official wrote a letter and thanked his superiors for approving certain expense write-offs mentioned in earlier letters dated 22 October 1776. That earlier letter had been sent to the capital city with a Chinese person named Tjoa Kimko (also called Matta Mirra), but it never arrived because the Chinese person did not make the journey. The official sent a duplicate copy of his secret letter from 27 May with the ship of a Chinese person named Ong Kolong. The original letter from 22 October 1776, which Tjoa Kimko had recently brought back, was being sent along with the ship West Friesland. The official responded to points from an earlier letter dated 14 December of the previous year. He thanked his superiors for the following approved write-offs: The official was pleased that his superiors approved of how he handled the long-lasting Tidorese removal expedition and the related expenses of 2,409 rijksdaalders and 14 stuivers. He was also happy they were satisfied with his attention to the spice plant removals. He promised to continue working hard to satisfy his superiors in this important matter and assured them that nothing would be written off unless it was actually used or spent to promote spice plant destruction. The official humbly asked his superiors not to judge him too harshly for mistakes in counting removed spice trees in the 6 districts of Maba, Weda, and Pattani. He explained that the commissioners' reports were often so confused and unclear that such counting errors were easy to make. He added that the error in reimbursement to commissioners Stephanus and colleagues of 114 rijksdaalders in cash and 331 cans of arak was mostly caused by these servants' lack of attention.
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The Sultan gave pardon to everyone according to a letter from 23 July, even though captured kuamans (officials) and returning mantries (officials) from Calangers made many accusations against Pangerang Mancoenagara. These accusations seemed credible, but it raised doubts because the Sultan normally did not overlook such serious crimes. Pangerang Mancoenagara insisted he had no part in the unrest at Gagattan and would remain quiet and not give offense as long as he was not wronged by the Mattaram Court. The Sultan had made his subjects, including the mantries, promise loyalty again, and it was hoped he would give up any further actions. The writer stated that if the Sultan's subjects who were also guilty fell into his hands, he would deal with them the same way as those from Java's east coast to discourage others in the future.

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F. E. van Stralen wrote a letter from Souracarta on 28 July 1717. He expressed doubt about the credibility of certain information regarding a prince, suggesting that the person reporting might add more accusations against the prince to save his own life. Van Stralen acknowledged that some circumstances seemed believable, but warned that experience had taught him that dishonest people were skilled at covering up their wrongdoing. He reminded his superior how he had recently been misled about the destruction of lands belonging to the tommon­gong of Wiers Rietp, which turned out to be completely different from what letters and reports had suggested, despite appearing credible. Van Stralen assured his superior that he would keep careful watch over everything and claimed to have such good contacts that neither the pangerang nor any of his main associates could make the smallest move without him being informed about it.

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Fredrik Christoffel van Stralendorf, captain and First Resident at Souracarta, wrote a letter to the governor and Director of Java's northeast coast on 20 July 1747.

He responded to a letter from 18 July by investigating information about Brodjo Mengollo, a former leader of the kalangs (a specific group of people). Van Stralendorf sent his findings in Javanese and concluded that there was little truth to what this returned fugitive had said.

According to Van Stralendorf's investigation:

Van Stralendorf stated he could never believe that Prince Mancoenagara had directly participated in the attack on Gagatan. However, he thought it was more likely that some of the prince's people were involved, and that the prince had looked the other way while pretending not to know about it.

Van Stralendorf felt such behavior would not be very blameworthy, especially because the sultan had always tried to cause trouble and harm to Mancoenagara and still did. The sultan was trying to get rid of the prince. Van Stralendorf's predecessor Beuman had already noted this in a separate letter from 23 May 1763, stating that the sultan absolutely sought to remove Prince Adipattij Mankoenagara from Java. Van Stralendorf believed this, because then the sultan would have free rein to deal with the emperor as he pleased.

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On the east coast of Java, a confrontation had taken place in the southern mountains, in which 6 to 7 people were killed. At first, people thought this was an action by Djoejocartan forces against the lands of pangerang Morcoenagara. However, after investigation it turned out that the inhabitants of one of the emperor's villages had split into two groups and fought each other. The emperor had the leader of the guilty group brought to Souracanta and executed him as an example to others. He issued strict new orders that when cromans or other troublemakers invaded his lands, the neighboring villages had to help each other, but only within his own territory and definitely not on the sultan's lands, to avoid disputes.

The letter was signed by I. B. v. der Burgh in Samarang on 31 July 1777.

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On 28 July, the leader of Soeracarta confirmed that the Sultan was trying to get the prince of Java in order to better play his role. The Sultan had become unwilling to hand over the local officials from Mancoenagara, and none of his ministers dared to suggest giving them to the Company. Recently, 2 of the 4 officials who had left Djocjocarta on 5 July and gone to Soeracarta had returned there. These officials had made many accusations against Mancoenagara. The Sultan appeared very angry and upset about this, but then quickly pardoned these officials and all the imprisoned soldiers and set them free. The writer found this suspicious because the Sultan was normally a very strict ruler who would not leave such serious crimes unpunished. The writer suspected (as he had already predicted on 2 June) that everything these people had said against prince Mancoenagara had been put into their mouths beforehand. It was certain that the Sultan was only seeking to work against Mancoenagara and trying to make him look bad to the Company. A copy of a letter from the head of Soeracarta, van Staalendouff, dated 28 July, confirmed this. The Sultan had inquired about the requested loan of 10,000 Spanish reals. The writer would now authorize the head van Rhijn, hoping for a good outcome, if everything appeared proper.
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A journey to the meeting place in Watoe Cadjang was scheduled to begin on the 22nd to 23rd of this month from the east coast of Java. In the highlands, trouble had been brewing for some time according to earlier reports from 2 June and 5 July, and this problem had not yet been completely eliminated. The sultan had stopped the investigation into the kra-mans and called back the people he had sent against them, but he continued to have his people train in weapons handling. A few days earlier, he had made all his chiefs, including the Mantries, promise their loyalty to him again. He showed that the response to his request to remove Pangerong Mancoenagara from Java did not satisfy him. For these reasons, the writer did not dare to send military forces, at least not until he knew what decision the high authorities would make regarding the sultan's request and how the sultan would accept that decision.
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Someone (name not specified) wrote from Java's east coast on 31 July 1717. He addressed his letter to His High Noble (a high-ranking official). He had received a shared letter dated 18 July and was very satisfied with it. In his letter, he thanked the officials for their favorable response to his request to be released from his position as governor of that coast and to be transferred to Batavia. He expressed his sincere thanks strongly. He stated he felt too much obligation to the Company to withdraw from its service, as long as his work satisfied His High Noble. He said he had too much duty to His High Noble not to strictly follow their will and wishes as his rule and guideline. He mentioned being particularly sensitive about the manner in which something was done (the sentence is incomplete).

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On 12 June 1777, a letter was written in Djocpocarta (also spelled Djokjakarta). In response to an earlier letter from 7 June, the writer assured the receiver that his reply concerning the petition of the merchant Marto Jude had been directed towards the ministers. The writer stated that he could only address the matter if there was any truth to it, but the ministers claimed to be satisfied with how the case was handled. The writer wanted to take proper measures in time. Regarding a second expedition led by someone called Judo under the sultan's command, the writer agreed to attach necessary orders and observers to monitor the situation. However, the observers had to be careful because they would need to travel through different territories - sometimes belonging to the Company, sometimes to the emperor, and sometimes to the sultan. This was necessary because the merchant Marto Judo had 12 children who were married and living not only in the sultan's territory but also in the Company's and emperor's territories, including near Gagatan Boenies.
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Van Iavas oostCust received separate letters written by and to the same person, dated Samarang 4 July 1777. The letters from 25, 27 and 28 June had been delivered, but he had not received the draft letter from the government official Sabra Diringrat that had been mentioned before. He approved of what had been discussed with the Sultan, according to the letter of 27 June, hoping that everything would be presented to the ruler in every way and pressed upon his heart, not according to the translated Javanese document that was being sent back, because it was less forceful in some places and worded differently. He especially approved of the response to the Sultan's request that Pangerang Mancoenagora be removed from Java. His answer to the Sultan regarding his letter with that request was based on the same principle.
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8 January 1717. The council at Souraboij (Surabaya) set out these rules:

Article 2: Whenever requested, the person had to appear in person at Samarang (Semarang) and even at Batavia to show respect to the Company, his supreme master, to whom he owed his entire well-being and advancement.

Article 3: He was not allowed to have contact or correspondence with regional rulers and leaders from the highlands or lowlands, nor with anyone else who did not work under the Company. Especially, he was forbidden to have any dealings with anyone, whether they were European, Company servants, citizens, or locals from outside the Java territory. He could not send or receive messengers without special permission and knowledge from the governor and director at Samarang or his representative at Sourabaija.

Article 4: He was not allowed to get involved with trade coming into the land of Lamongang beyond what the Company ordered and permitted. However, he had to faithfully and carefully prevent all smuggling.

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8 January 1717 from Java's East Coast: A person declared that they would faithfully fulfill the content of this document and the promises and obligations made in it, without any deviation. They stated they would maintain and enforce it without any objection. This contract was signed by hand and sealed, along with 2 other copies with the same content, and confirmed with an oath sworn on the Koran.

Samarang, 8 March 1777: The document was signed and sealed in the presence of:

8 January 1717 from Java's East Coast: Jngabij Crdmo wissoij declared that through the special goodness of the distinguished general Dutch chartered East India Company, he had been appointed as Regent of the Company's district Lamongang, in place of his late uncle, the second Regent of Japara, Tommongong Jaijo Santiko. He would hold the title and honorary name of Tommongong djoijd dirdje. He committed himself, together with all his officials both high and low without exception, to fulfill the following conditions and terms, which he promised to observe faithfully and have observed.

Article 1: He promised that he would be loyal and faithful to the distinguished Dutch Company, his supreme authority, in the administration of their district Lamongang entrusted to him. He would carry out the service to the Company and its subjects with all attentiveness, obedience and loyalty, and would follow the orders given to him from time to time, whether from the high Indian Government at Batavia itself, from the Governor and Director of this coast, or from the supreme head.

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Under a date of 8 January 1717, an agreement was made from Java's East Coast. The local leader called Bepattij Ingebij Djo would not be wronged or dismissed, and could only be removed from his position if there was misconduct and only with prior knowledge and approval of the Governor and Director of this coast. From that moment forward, the Bepattij would receive the following lands for his own maintenance and as compensation for his daily work: This was the same amount that the local leaders of Samarang had previously held and enjoyed. Article 18 stated that the subordinate leaders of the districts under his authority would also be included. These districts were:
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In January 1714, several agreements were made regarding the East Coast of Java. The regulations stated that areas should be maintained, empty spaces should be planted with young trees, and nobody except the Company was allowed to cut large timber there. Article 6 established rules about: Article 7 outlined work obligations for Company service: Article 8 contained a promise to do everything possible to ensure the Bazaar, recently established by the Company for the benefit of the Poorhouse, would grow. The person agreed to make sure their subjects brought various livestock, fish, vegetables, fruits and all kinds of edible goods that the land produced to the market daily for sale, which the inhabitants needed for consumption and use. Article 9 mentioned something about current possessions held from the Company, but the text ends incomplete.
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The narrator promised not to have any contact or correspondence with local leaders or anyone else not under the Company's authority, especially with Europeans, Company servants, citizens, or locals outside Java's territory, without special permission from the governor and Director in Samarang.

Article 4: The narrator would not interfere with trade conducted outside Samarang and in the districts under its control, except as ordered by the Company. He would faithfully and carefully watch out for and prevent all smuggling and anything that could harm the Company's trade or income. This included smuggling of opium, cloth, or other trade goods from across Java, Bali, and the islands further east, including Bavian, the island Lubok, Banco, or anywhere else. He would maintain the Company's customs posts in his regency according to old customs and try to improve them where possible, doing everything the Company required.

Article 5: As proof of his obligation for the trust placed in him, the narrator would annually pay the Company:

He would also ensure that the Samarang forests were properly cleared.

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Maas Djoijd Nagorne, a resident of Sourbaija, was appointed as Head Regent of Samarang and its associated districts and lands on 8 January 1717. He was nominated by the Governor and Director of Java's northeast coast, Iohannes Robbert van der Burgjh, and approved by the Governor General and the Council of the Indies in Batavia. He replaced his recently deceased uncle, Pangerang Adipattij Soero Dimongollo, and received the title and honorary name of Adipattij.

He solemnly promised in good faith to fulfill and enforce the following conditions during his administration:

  1. He promised to be loyal and faithful to the Dutch Company, his lawful supreme lord, in governing the regency of Samarang and all its subordinate districts and lands, including Goemoelak, Goenwelak, Tourbaija, Caligawa, Guogol, Tanjong, Lambarawa, and Oeroet Dalam. He would perform his duties for the Company's benefit and its subjects with complete attention, obedience, and dedication, following all orders given to him from time to time, whether from the High Indian Government in Batavia, the Governor and Director of this coast, or whoever might hold authority over Java in the future.
  2. He promised to appear personally in Batavia whenever required to pay homage and show respect to the Company, his supreme lord, to whom he owed his prosperity.
  3. The text breaks off mid-sentence regarding relations with inland regents.
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On 8 January 1777, from Java's East Coast, Tommongong Manco Coessoemo reported that the newly appointed first Regent of Togal, Radien Tommongong Tjacra Nagara, and the second Regent of Japara, Tommongong Tjitra Soema, had confirmed the acts of alliance that had been made by their predecessors on 12 July 1731 and 16 May 1741.

The widow of the second Japara Regent, who had died the previous autumn, was now present. She was one of the 2 daughters of Pangerang Maas-saik, also known as Aria Mancoenagara. The writer had accepted these daughters from their father with special approval from the High and Noble Lords, as mentioned in letters dated 20 January 1775 and 26 May 1775, and had married them to Regents of the Company. The widow had inherited nothing from herself and very little from her late husband, so she needed to be provided for with everything.

Her father, Pangerang Aria Mancoenagara, was not willing to take back this princess who had been accepted and married out on behalf of the Company. He also had not yet been persuaded to agree to the marriage with Ingebeij Cromo Widjoijd that had been proposed in a separate letter of 11 December 1776, now that this man had become Regent of Lamongang instead of Regent of Japara.

The writer therefore asked the High and Noble Lords for their decision regarding this princess. He respectfully suggested that if the father continued to refuse the mentioned marriage, another man should be proposed for his daughter, namely the current first Regent of Tagal, Radeen Tommongong Tjacka Nogarra, who was still young and unmarried. The writer believed the Pangerang would be more pleased with this match.

The letter was signed by van der Burgh in Samarang on 15 March 1777.

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On 8 January 1777, a report was sent from Java's East Coast to the high authorities. The Council of Justice of this government had informed the writer about a criminal case. The prosecutor, Nicolaas Alexander van Lelivele, had brought charges against four men who were prisoners.

The accused were:

The first three men were convicted of a serious sexual crime (referred to as Crimen Nefandum). The fourth man, Jacobus van Boven, was convicted of masturbation.

On 21 February of that year, the court had passed sentences. Willem Fester, Jan Oversteeg, and Fredrik Goedhard were sentenced to death. Jacobus van Boven was sentenced to public whipping until he bled and banishment.

The writer felt obligated to submit these documents to the high authorities for approval or possible change of the sentences. He did not believe the convicted men were punished too harshly according to their crimes. The prosecutor's demands were based on God's word, the laws and rights and customs of the fatherland and other civilized peoples, and the judge's ruling itself was also based on these principles.

However, the writer had concerns about carrying out the sentences publicly on Europeans in front of the native population. He hoped the high authorities, known for their humanity and compassion which always went beyond the strictness of the law, might reduce the death sentences for Jan Oversteeg and Fredrik Goedhard, as long as the wrong was prevented and justice was served.

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A document arrived from Java's East Coast on 8 January 1717. It listed the children of the late Tommongong Soero Dipour, who had been Regent of Lassum:
  1. Maas Djoijd Coessoemo, 47 years old, born from a legitimate wife
  2. Maas Tommongong Soero Dipouro, 34 years old, illegitimate, who was the current Regent of Cassum
  3. Maas Soemo widjoijo, 26 years old, illegitimate
  4. Maas winjo Dipoetoo, 20 years old, illegitimate
  5. Maas Djoijo Diwirjo, 17 years old, illegitimate
  6. Maas Bakat, 11 years old, illegitimate
  7. Maas karim, 9 years old, illegitimate
The document also listed the children of the late Tommongong Soero Diroj, who had been Regent of Damak:
  1. Maas Rongo, 32 years old, illegitimate
  2. Maas Soemo Dipoetro, 26 years old, illegitimate
  3. Maas Loemo wirdojo, 22 years old, illegitimate
The document was translated in Samarang on 6 January 1777 by C. P. Boltze, who worked as translator. The translation carried the seal of Pepattij Io Goedo. C. P. Boltze certified that the translation was accurate.
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On 6 January 1717, a list was made of the children, daughters, and nephews left behind by Pangerang Adivattij Soero Dimongolle after he died in Samarang. The list was provided by the First Deputy To. Iudo on 8 January 1717 from Java's East Coast. The deceased had 9 sons:
  1. Maas Soumengoreg Soemo Nogara, from Kanbal, 2 years old
  2. Rabeen Sommargang Soeme Dinip, from Danak, 31 years old
  3. Maas Anjo Adiradjo, 10 years old
  4. Maas Sakin, 16 years old
  5. Maas Sammir, 12 years old
  6. Maas Sarif, 11 years old
  7. Maas Agoes, 10 years old
  8. Maas Tamman, 9.5 years old
  9. Maas Adie, 1.5 years old
He also had 8 daughters:
  1. Maas Aojeng, 21 years old, married to Maars Tommongong Tommangong Djoijo Dirono, the second Regent of Sourabaija
  2. Radeen Aijoe Sumanap, 19.5 years old, married to the Regent of Sumanap
  3. Raden Aijde Paccalongong, 14.5 years old, married to the Regent of Paccalongang
  4. Maas Alijab, 11 years old, unmarried
  5. Maas Kadanijas, 8 years old
  6. Maas Kadi, 5 years old
  7. Maas Kaimab, 4 years old
All these children were born from concubines. The deceased's illegitimate brother was Maas Jngabij Wirat Madja, 64 years old, who had always lived quietly, never held any position of authority, and stayed among the priests. The sons of the deceased's earlier deceased brother Jngabij Soemo Joedo, who had been village head of Goemoelak, were:
  1. Maas Jngebij Djaijo Nagara, 49 years old, from a legitimate marriage, and was a village head of Torbaija
  2. Maas Manto Dipouro, 35 years old, illegitimate
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