Transcriptions » Recently created summaries of historical documents

• On 18 March 1704, a letter was written from Cheribon (now Cirebon) to Governor-General Willem van Outhoorn and the Council of the Dutch East Indies in Batavia (now Jakarta). The letter was received on 25 March 1704 via a Dutch ship called the Ombol Wirabatja.
• The letter described serious troubles caused by a rebel leader named Rading Pourwata in the inland regions. Survivors from Imbanagara and nearby areas arrived in Cheribon on 13 and 14 March 1704, reporting that their lands and people had been destroyed by Rading Pourwata and his followers.
• Many villagers had fled, leaving behind wives and children, who were often captured. Some people had even joined Rading Pourwata, who was causing the most harm. The survivors had no choice but to abandon their homes to escape the rebels.
• Rading Pourwata had gathered around 3,000 followers, mostly criminals, including leaders like Rossabang, Passouroangh, Rapamangala (from Lamotang), and Jandra Mangala Ombol (from Mannonjeija). They were attacking villages, burning homes, and forcing people to join them.
• The survivors urgently asked the Dutch for help, warning that if no action was taken, the entire Priang region would fall into chaos. They included a translated letter from Tomimongong Wiradadaha of Sukerpoera (dated 15 March 1704) to support their claims.
• A Dutch official in Tersijde reported that troublemakers from Talaga and Cawalie were working with Rading Pourwata. The official warned the local rulers of Cheribon to be cautious, and they promised to take action to prevent further problems.
• On the same day, a messenger named Craoangse Ombol Dragen Pas. Wira. 30 also arrived with more news.

• A planned road from Bandung to Cirebon would make the Bandung-Cilacap route less useful because the shorter distance from Bandung to Cirebon would often make the Bandung-Cilacap line unnecessary.
• The most important connection was considered to be between Bandung and Batavia (the center of trade and government). If a railway line from Bandung were built 40 miles from Cirebon in the northern plains, Batavia would be too far from Bandung, and little would be transported between them. Meanwhile, goods from Cirebon to Batavia could mostly travel by sea, leaving an unprofitable railway stretch from the midpoint to Batavia.
• Difficult terrain between Bandung and Cirebon also posed challenges. The railway line from Bandung to Yogyakarta (the "southern line")—without a branch to Cirebon—was seen as the only necessary and most productive route, unlike the "northern plains line."
• The southern line would create new trade opportunities without harming existing ones, as coastal shipping would still be sufficient.
• Document signed in Arnhem on 7 April 1671 by d'Mulnis.

This text describes the difficult journey of a Dutch ship in the early 1600s, including the struggles of a sailor named Jan van Spierdyck and the challenges faced by the crew.

• 167: Jan van Spierdyck suffered greatly and nearly died, but he eventually recovered. The ship prepared to leave after 27 days.
• Death continued to claim crew members, but they hoped God would spare them. Supplies like butter and vinegar were running low, and they drank only a small amount of Spanish wine each day.
• The crew received some livestock: 16 sheep, 55 oxen, 3 calves, and 5 goats. Food was scarce, and the quartermaster distributed what little remained.
• The crew was tired from long work and lack of sleep. They prayed for safety as they sailed through rough seas.
• April 12, 1615: When they returned to port, they learned that their usual supplies (bread, butter, and meat) were no longer fully provided.
• April 17: They spotted the island of Mauritius but struggled to approach it due to bad weather. They anchored near the island’s walls late at night.
• Soon after, they received terrible news: two ships had been lost in a storm, including the Banda and the Prouuntien, along with their crews and admiral. A third ship, the Gelderland, barely survived after losing its masts.
• The Delft managed to save some goods, but the losses were devastating for everyone.

• On 12 December, Jaecques Boussel, a partner in the Dutch East India Company (VOC), died aboard a ship near Bantam and was buried at sea.
• On the same day, the yacht den Witte Baer was ordered to sail from Chizer to Mauritius to pick up its cargo, then continue to the Dutch Republic.
• Also on 12 December, it was decided—with the approval of the council—that one of their ships would sail from Jacatra (now Jakarta). The ship Blissingen had already left for Amboina, and others were expected to gather there before heading to Banda and then Pulo Way (or Pulau Ai) to capture it by force.
• The late General Reynst had long planned this attack and intended to lead it personally, but his death prevented this.
• On 16 December, the senior council of the Dutch East India Company, along with merchants and ship captains, met to appoint a capable leader for the mission. They chose the writer of the text (name not given) to command the fleet.
• The plan was to first sail to Soluor (likely Solor) with the ship de Engel, remove the governor and his men, and destroy the fort there, as it was costly to maintain and of little use.
• From Solor, the fleet would quickly move to Amboina to prepare for the attack on Banda, then proceed to Pulo Way to conquer it by force.
• After securing victory, the fleet would sail to Ternate, then to Manila or the Philippines, taking advantage of the monsoon winds, to further the Dutch East India Company’s interests.
• The fleet would include the ships: t’ Loape van Amsterdam, Amsterdam (the ship that had carried the late General Reynst), de Engel, Groot Hoorn, and three other smaller ships waiting in the Molucas (Maluku Islands).
• The writer hoped to fulfill their duty to benefit the Dutch East India Company’s masters and asked for divine strength to carry out the mission.
• The death of General Reynst left much work undone, forcing the writer to end abruptly, trusting in the wisdom and discretion of the reader.

On October 19, 1614, a Dutch ship sailed westward with a southeasterly wind. The next day, the wind shifted to the southwest, and the crew measured the water depth at 2 degrees. On October 21, the wind was southern, and they tried to approach Annobon Island (spelled as Atnabon in the text) but stayed about two quarters (a nautical measure) away after spotting the island to the northwest.

By October 22, the island lay to their north, and they headed toward it. The southern tip was estimated to be around 60 miles from Cabo de Santa Clara (likely Cape Saint Clara). At midday, they anchored and sent a letter in Portuguese to the governor of Annobon Island, requesting peaceful trade. The governor replied warmly, promising supplies and sending pineapples, apples, and bananas to the ship. The crew also killed a shark near a cliff.

On October 23, a large boat with 8 musketeers was sent ashore to guard those collecting fruit. The quartermaster ordered no one to leave the boat, but the crew disobeyed, rushing onto the island. The officers were surprised the locals didn’t take them captive, knowing the Dutch had previously captured Portuguese prisoners. The boat returned at midday with around 2,000 pineapples. The crew was verbally reprimanded, and the quartermaster blamed the sailors for ignoring orders.

To prevent further disobedience, it was decided that Claes Petersz, the chief mate, would accompany the next trip ashore to keep the crew in line.

The noblemen Decoral and Engel Lonckegg from the plantation Meerzorg owed a debt to a man named Engeb & Wicke. The amount was 185 guilders and 5 stuivers in Dutch currency. This debt was linked to the wages earned by Hendrik Fasy, recorded on December 31, 1788. The total noted in the account was 18,893 guilders, 11 stuivers, and 6 pennies.

• Hendrik Fasy wrote a request for payment on 1 October 1788 from the plantation Blis Meersorg in Demerara.
• He asked a nobleman (referred to as "WelEdele Heer I S De Coras 49") to pay Willem Peyam Hopgenson a total of 530 guilders in current coins.
• The money was for a person described as an "En Neger" (enslaved individual) named Banger.
• Fasy claimed this amount was part of his earned "Gassie" (likely a share or commission) and described himself as the nobleman’s servant ("Zwoddienaar").

On 24 May 1802, Hosephues Ernert Bohi, assisted by the secretary of Demerara, appeared before two respected witnesses, including Hendrik Fasy, a local resident. During this meeting, Bohi formally authorized Vrael Loncke to act on his behalf with special powers.

• Loncke was given the authority to appear before the Honorable Lords Commissioners of the Court of Justice in Demerara.
• He was to receive a transfer document (a type of property deed) for a land grant located in front of the plantation called Werk en Rust, identified as number 58.
• Loncke was also authorized to transfer this same land grant to I.P. Muacker, ensuring that all financial obligations for the land were fully paid.

Bohi promised to approve all actions legally carried out by Loncke under this authorization. The document was officially recorded in Demerara on the date mentioned above, with Willem Mooij and E. Oink serving as witnesses. The record was certified by M. Hendrik Gadij Bonma, the acting secretary, and R. Onink.

• On January 18, 1682, the ship De Doede Hoope recorded expenses and goods transported, including:
• Food and supplies like 600 pounds of rice, 100 measures of vinegar, 2 boxes of soap, 320 measures of brandy, and various sugars (totaling 1,126 pounds).
• Other items: 9 measures of cranes, 6 pounds of wax, 9 pounds of hops, 5,500 "Cape stones" (likely ballast or building materials), 8 bundles of rattan, and 49 small drinking glasses.
• Materials from the Dutch East India Company (VOC) warehouses: 3 barrels of beer, 2 grain bins, and ropes.
• Labor and wages for January 1682 included payments to:
• 6 masons, 1 blacksmith, 1 cooper (barrel-maker), 1 brass-founder, and 18 sailors (9 people at 2 guilders each).
• Telletije Hartmans, a midwife, for her monthly wage (24 guilders).
• An animal keeper for caring for two young stallions (6 guilders).
• Martinus van Banchem, a shopkeeper, for distributing subsidies (300 rixdollars or 900 guilders).
• The widow of Pieter Visagye, a free citizen, for delivering 25 bushels of barley to the VOC (112 guilders, 10 stivers).
• Animal keepers at De Kuilen for shooting a lion and a wolf (28 guilders).
• Citizen Arnoldus Willemse for a prize for shooting a wolf (33 guilders).
• Woodcutters for extra work (2,292 guilders, 14 stivers).
• Total expenses for January 1682 in Castle De Tot de Hoope amounted to 10,898 guilders, 10 stivers, and 13 pennies.
• The remaining balance from February 1 was 8,605 guilders, 16 stivers, and 13 pennies.
• After adding transport costs, the total became 10,378 guilders, 18 stivers, and 13 pennies, with a credit note of 1,089 guilders, 4 stivers.

• In January 1682, the financial records of Castle of Good Hope in Cape Town included:
  • Income from transported goods:
    • 400 pounds of iron at 17 guilders per 100 pounds.
    • 218 pounds of Birijmise tobacco, 2 sickles at 2 guilders each.
    • Pipes: 6 gros of fine pipes at 3 guilders 1 duit, and 19 gros of common pipes at 1.5 guilders.
    • 1 barrel of brandy at 4 guilders.
  • Total income from goods: 46 guilders.
  • Expenses paid by De Coster from the Company’s cash for:
    • Burial fees for citizens Pieter Visage and Jochem Marquaert in the churchyard: 4 rijksdaalders.
    • Use of burial clothes and 8 rijksdaalders for making two coffins: 15 guilders 4 duits.
  • Total expenses: 370 guilders 12 duits 4 penningen.
  • Net total: 10,898 guilders 10 duits 1 penning.
• New arrivals via transport:
  • Workers and officials (1 person each unless noted):
    • Andries Bayer, wagon maker foreman.
    • Dirck Predorius, stablemaster.
    • Jacobus van Name, assistant surgeon.
    • Casper Carpentier.
    • Jan Dirxe, locksmith.
    • Frans Beem, consul.
    • Joris Christiaense, mason’s assistant.
    • Jan Wessels, butcher foreman.
    • Jacobus Buttendorp, garrison clerk.
  • 10 unnamed people at 3 realen each: 30 realen total.
  • Other workers (1 person each unless noted):
    • Christiaen van Wollen, slave overseer.
    • Jan Hendrixe, foreman of the round forest.
    • Lucas Fredrixe, hospital cook.
    • Harmen Reman, copper beater.
    • Hendricq Govertse, dike worker.
    • Harmen Colenus, sick attendant.
  • 6 unnamed people at 2 realen each: 12 realen total.
• Skilled workers and their wages:
  • 1 hat maker, 1 cooper at the grain barn, 1 ship loader, 1 gilder, 1 gardener, 1 stone baker, carpenters, 5 masons, 6 blacksmiths, 2 coopers, 1 wagon maker, 2 quartermasters, 1 consul’s servant, 1 sailmaker.
  • 15 corporals at 1 rijksdaalder each: 19 guilders 19 duits.
  • 19 unnamed people at 1 reael each: 208 guilders.
  • 208 common soldiers and sailors at 9 reael each: 156 guilders.
• Additional expenses:
  • 470.5 realen at 48 stuivers each: 1,129 guilders 4 duits.
  • 2 masons at 3 guilders each: 6 guilders.
  • 1 local cooper at 1 reael.
  • 32 unnamed people at 1.5 reael each: 48 realen.
• Total expenses from the Hobi Cash: 68 guilders 4 duits.
• Remaining balance: 6,378 guilders 18 duits and 205.5 realen.
• Recorded in January 1682, entry number 38, page 4.

• In February 1682, a financial record was kept at Castle de Goede Hoope (Cape of Good Hope) detailing sales and expenses.
• The record lists goods sold from the Dutch East India Company (VOC) warehouse, including:
  • 2150 pounds of rice at 1 stuiver (a small coin) per pound.
  • 83 mengen (units) of whale oil at 6 stuivers each.
  • 2 barrels of handcrafted beer at 120 guldens per barrel.
  • 1 pot of "mom" (a type of spice) and 1 pound of cinnamon.
  • 388 mengen of brandy, mostly at 70 guldens per tancker (large container).
  • 78 mengen of olive oil at 25 stuivers per mengel.
  • 127.5 mengen of Spanish wine at 600 guldens per legg (measure).
  • Various sugars: 3750 pounds of Caripasenamse sugar at 3 stuivers per pound, 88 pounds of white sugar at 7.5 stuivers, and 96 pounds of candy sugar at 12 stuivers.
  • 207 pounds of hops at 1 guilder per pound.
  • 5 books of paper at 15 stuivers each.
  • 28 mengen of tar at 6 stuivers each.
  • Tobacco: 900 pounds of Vergins tobacco at 34 stuivers per pound and 75 pounds of pressed tobacco at 1 guilder per pound.
  • Other items: silk thread, glasses, stiffel (a type of fabric), sunflower seeds, plowshares, rattan canes, 6500 roof tiles, reeds, iron, and more.
• Additional goods transported in January 1682 included:
  • Local meat, pepper, spices, pipes, bacon, ochre, and pickled onions.
• Total sales from January 1682 amounted to 8605 guldens, 16 stuivers, and 8 pennings (smallest coin unit).
• Free cost allowances ("vrije Costgelden") were paid to the garrison personnel, including:
  • Simon van der Stell (Commander) – 100 guldens.
  • Johannes Overnij (Preacher) – 25 guldens.
  • Jeronimus Creuse (Lieutenant and Fiscal) – 150 guldens.
  • Tobias Vlasvath (Preacher’s widow) – 240 guldens.
  • Andries d’Man (Assistant Merchant and Cashier) – 80 guldens, 10 stuivers.
  • Martinus van Banchem – 8 guldens, 8 stuivers.
  • Philip Theodor Welcker (Garrison Bookkeeper) – 228 guldens.
  • Willem ten Damme (Surgeon) – 30 guldens.
  • Olof Bergh (Standard-Bearer) – 15 guldens.
  • Jacob van de Voorde (Ensign) – 5 guldens.
  • Johannes Smiths (Sick Visitor) – 5 guldens.
  • 8 unnamed individuals at 8 reales (Spanish coins) each.
  • 25 unnamed individuals at 4 reales each.
• Other named personnel receiving smaller allowances included:
  • Wilhelmus Adrianus van der Stell (Dispenser), Cornelis Linnes (Trade Bookkeeper), Jan Hendrick Blom (Pay Transfer Officer), and others like Godfried Meyhuijse, Harmen Jackert (Bottler), Douwe Gerbrandse (Messenger), and Arnoldus Steur (Apothecary).
• The total expenses for these allowances in January 1682 were 11830 guldens, 11 stuivers, and 5 pennings.

On 7 May 1694, a report from Amboina discussed the remaining goods and records. The following details were noted:

• Around 825 large bundles of cloves were still stored in the warehouses near the castle. Of these, 600 bundles were in a separate storage house, left from a shipment that arrived 2 years earlier on the ship Cronenburg and another chartered vessel.
• About 220 bundles (each weighing roughly 550 pounds) were set to be transported away on the yacht De Herderin.
• The business and supplementary records of the local government were prepared to be sent with this report. Additional details would follow in later letters, as was customary.
• Military and confidential documents were also included, with a request for the recipient to review the referenced attachments, even if they were not physically included this time.

Updates were received about two ships:

• The Hendricka Maurits and Civerka had traveled freely between Banda islands.
• A letter from the council in Macassar, dated 27 March 1694 and received on 25 April, reported the death of President François Prins.

• On 27 June 1850, a lesson in pharmacology covered medicinal roots, focusing on those from two plant groups: monocotyledons (plants with one seed leaf) and dicotyledons (plants with two seed leaves).
• The lesson listed and described six key roots used in medicine, including:
• Roots from orchid species like Salep and Cappoyryrum (a type of grass).
• Radix Plaminis (likely a root used for soothing effects).
• The outer bark of Sassafras root (used for its aromatic properties).
• Bulbus Scillae (from the squill plant, related to lilies).
• Radix Helenii (from Inula helenium, also called elecampane).
• Radix Ipecacuanhae (from Carapichea ipecacuanha, used to induce vomiting).
• Radix Bryoniae (from Bryonia dioica, a climbing plant).
• Radix Gentianae (from Gentiana lutea, known as yellow gentian).
• Radix Valerianae (from Valeriana officinalis, called valerian, used for calming).
• Radix Liquiritiae (from Glycyrrhiza glabra, known as licorice root).
• Radix Calami (from Acorus calamus, called sweet flag), which was compared to a false version called Radix Calami Pseudacorus.
• Radix Cascarillae (from the cascarilla tree, used for tonics).
• The lesson also mentioned that tea root was sometimes made from a different root, though the exact type was not specified.

On 22 October 1728, a family from Tankoe (now part of Indonesia) arrived in Macassar (modern Makassar). They showed serious interest in settling in the Bugis community. Many people testified that the area had never been as safe for Christians as it was at that time, partly due to respect—or even fear—of the Dutch East India Company (known as the VOC) and its weapons. Officials hoped this fear would last, as it helped maintain order.

The VOC had previously dealt with disputes involving the kingdom of Boni (modern Bone). On 28 June, 9 August, and 17 September of that year, they discussed claims made by the Boni royal court regarding certain VOC subjects from Tankoe. The King of Boni demanded the return of a woman named Caretoena, along with her relatives and slaves—totaling 33 people. The king argued that Caretoena had once been a slave of his mother back in 1699 and provided other reasons to support his claim. He even offered to swear an oath and asked the VOC to overlook past arrogance from his subjects if it would help his case.

However, the VOC refused the request. They believed giving in would encourage more disputes and unsettle their peaceful subjects in Tankoe. The VOC also pointed out that the kingdoms of Boni and Goa were bringing up very old, questionable claims. If they allowed such cases, legal battles would never end. A similar dispute had already been raised—and rejected—in 1699 by a man named Crain Ballawaija from Goa. The VOC hoped their decision would align with the intentions of their superiors.

The envoy Johan Egid van Egmont van der Nyenburg sent reports from Naples to the Dutch government in February 1742:

• The Duke of Montemar was assigned by the government of Florence to manage military march routes and any issues that arose along them.
• On 8 February, an earthquake struck Livorno. Earlier quakes had caused over 1 million guilders in damage.
• The Duke of Modena reportedly claimed rights to the duchies of Herrara and Comacchio, while expressing respect to the Dutch authorities.
• The queen of Naples was in good health and planned her first public appearance after childbirth, visiting the cathedral of St. Januarius the following week. Van Egmont hoped to receive his farewell audience soon, as most of his luggage had already been sent to Holland.
• Newspapers reported a rumored 28-month neutrality pact between the King of France and the Republic of Genoa (dated 27 February – 19 March 1742).
• Spanish troops from Orbetello and Neapolitan troops from Abruzzo were still in the Papal States.
• The Duke of Montemar stayed in Pesaro with the Marquis Paolucci. Rumors suggested Sardinian troops had entered Milan, but the Sardinian Ambassador denied this.
• Van Egmont requested 2,000 guilders for his return trip, as approved in 23 August 1738, and asked for an advance payment order.
• Two royal warships and ammunition transports left Messina for the Adriatic on 13 February.
• A Spanish and Neapolitan general reportedly met in Modena under a truce.

The letter was signed in Naples on 27 February 1742.

On 22 October 1728, a report was sent from Macassar regarding the actions of the ruler’s subjects on the lands of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in Tankoeroe and other places. The report discussed the ongoing issue of kidnappings and murders of Europeans, including a specific incident at the Basaar Boegis market on 20 August 1726.

The ruler was urged to hand over the main troublemakers to the VOC for punishment, to set an example. The ruler responded with sadness, explaining that it was impossible to hand over any suspects because many of his own people had died in the conflict. He also mentioned that he and the queen had been in danger themselves.

When asked if his subjects’ extreme violence and the killing of unarmed Europeans demanded justice, the ruler admitted it did. He acknowledged that such murders—even of Christians—were unacceptable. The VOC governor assured him that the Company always punished wrongdoing fairly, without favoritism.

The ruler thanked the governor and promised to ensure no more Europeans would be killed by his people. He had already issued orders in Bontualac and Bonij that anyone who harmed a Dutch person would face severe punishment, including execution. Additionally, if neighbors failed to stop or report such crimes, they and their families—even children and grandchildren—would be enslaved alongside the murderer’s family.

The report confirmed that these orders had been publicly announced upon the arrival of the leaders from Bonij.

On 22 October 1728, officials in Macassar continued discussions with representatives from the kingdom of Boni. The Boni court (royal advisors) asked whether the Dutch agreed that their refusal to grant Bontam (a region) to King Daing Massezee was justified and reasonable. The Dutch responded that not all kings shared the same opinion and that the current king should not be blamed for past wrongdoings by his ancestors. Despite this, the Boni court insisted on their request for control over Bontam's resources.

The Dutch officials stated they were following their original instructions and were not authorized to make a final decision. They asked if the Governor-General (or his representative in Batavia) had previously decided to keep Bontam under Dutch control and whether this had been reported back to the Boni court.

The discussion also touched on the issue of Tain Massezee (a noble from Boni) and the demand for justice regarding the killing of Europeans. The Governor-General's representative replied that their current mission was limited to negotiating only about Bontam and Daing.

Later, the Governor reminded King Daing Massezee that the Dutch had already responded to his requests, as recorded in meetings on 15 June, 18 June, and 28 June 1728. The king had repeatedly and earnestly asked for control over Bontam.

Additionally, Governor van Arrewijne had previously warned King Aroukajoe (another Boni ruler) about his incorrect assumptions and support for acts of violence.

On 22 October 1728, officials in Macassar reported to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) about their dealings with local rulers.

• The allies had been notified on 17 September about a meeting, and important leaders from Pompo, Tambora, Pekat, Sangar, and Sumbawa were also invited.
• A letter from the VOC, dated 18 March 1727, was formally shared with the rulers of Boni and Goa on 15 June. The rulers found the mention of Bontain unclear and asked the governor for further explanation.
• They also questioned why Daing Massezee, a messenger from Batavia, was involved, as mentioned in a letter from 12 March.
• The rulers claimed the VOC's letter was not confusing when read in their own language. However, they still disagreed with the VOC's decision to stop them from using Bontain's resources.
• They argued that past rulers like Arou Palacca and Madrangang had misused these resources, causing harm to the VOC despite warnings.

The rulers insisted their request about Bontain was being ignored, not the letter itself.

On 22 October 1728, a letter was sent from Macassar to Governor-General Mattheus De Haan and the Council of the Dutch East Indies in Batavia.

• The letter mentioned a previous shipment of patchiallang (cassowary) feathers sent on 17 September with two sets of payroll records.
• A duplicate was sent via an inland vessel to Samarang, with hopes it would arrive safely.
• The ship Wassenaer was expected in Batavia with a cargo of 3,000 piculs (a weight measure) of sapanwood from Sumbawa.
• The resident (local Dutch official) D'Harder had reported on 13 September that the shipment was ready, and the response was recorded on 8 October.
• The actual load of sapanwood was estimated to be at least 3,500 to 3,600 piculs, as past experience showed ships of the same size could carry up to 4,000 piculs.
• Former Bima resident Abraham Walburg had explained that sapanwood was often cut unevenly, making it harder to stack efficiently, which could reduce the total load by 300 to 400 piculs per shipment.
• The letter requested 2 ship holds for direct transport to Bima to collect the remaining 2,852.5 piculs of sapanwood, expected to be ready by January or February 1729.
• The writers also mentioned they had previously informed the king and nobles of Bima about the request.

• On 22 October 1728, a report from Macassar detailed political changes in the region:
  • Bain Masse's father was removed from his position in August due to his "shameful life" and corruption involving opium. His father, Massezee, was reinstated as leader instead.
  • Massezee was considered more suitable for the role, as he was next in line. However, he claimed he was too old and declined the position, though officials suspected this was a strategy.
  • The leadership of Arou Tanette had previously been granted to Bain Masse's father, but after his exile, it passed to Massezee due to Bain Masse's misconduct.
  • Daing Massezee (also called Crain Tamalallang) had ties to the Goanese court through marriage and returned to Tanette without complaining about the loss of his property and slaves.
  • The Bonijse court (from Boni) and the Goanese were in conflict over Massezee's assets, with the Bonijse still claiming rights to his remaining wealth, though the Goanese strongly resisted.
  • Officials feared this dispute could cause tension between the two courts.
• The King of Mandar, Radja Ballanipa, and his officials were summoned by the Bonijse court:
  • The Bonijse attempted to remove Radja Ballanipa and replace him with another king, but the loyalty of Mandar's local leaders prevented this.
  • As punishment, the Bonijse demanded a fine and 40 young slaves (aged 10–12) from Mandar.
  • The Mandarese protested, arguing they had done nothing wrong and had only come to Macassar to attend the meeting, not to accept punishment.
  • They threatened to seek protection from the Dutch East India Company (VOC) or return home immediately if forced to comply.

On 22 October 1748, a report from Macassar noted ongoing disputes with local rulers, particularly involving the King of Goa and the King of Tello. The main issues included:

• The King of Goa repeatedly demanded the return of children from Macassar, claiming they were wrongfully held. Specifically, 5 children of a man named Bappa Bouan (a Macassares born in Goa but later moved to Tello and then Kampong Malajoe) were at the center of the dispute. The King of Goa insisted they were not slaves but freeborn, yet still demanded their return or their father’s deportation to Goa.
• The Dutch Governor had previously ruled in favor of the children’s freedom on 14 June after an investigation, but the King of Goa continued pressing the issue, even after being told the children were free to choose their own path.
• The King of Goa also complained about a man named Pain Matara, who was denied entry to Dutch-controlled lands in Labackan without prior notice. The Dutch had warned the king that permission was required before acting on their territory.
• Another conflict involved the people of Pollangbangkeng, who accused the King of Tello’s subjects of invading their lands. The Dutch proposed waiting until after the rice harvest to investigate the boundary disputes.
• The King of Goa had also promised a written statement to reclaim 203 unspecified items, but this had not yet been provided.

The Dutch officials found the persistent demands from both kings unreasonable, noting their aggressive and relentless requests without proper justification.

• On 23 October 1738, a report from Macassar listed missing, loaned, or damaged items from a Dutch East India Company (VOC) inventory.
• Weapons and equipment shortages:
  • 2 pairs of bastert (mixed-quality) pistols missing:
    • 1 pair loaned to coachman Simonvase.
    • 1 pair loaned to mandor (supervisor) Jan Frederik Kool.
  • 1 partizan (long spear) loaned to the civil militia (borgerij).
  • 152 snaphaunce (flintlock) muskets loaned out:
    • 20 to the estate of a deceased rijksbestierder (governor).
    • 20 to the Young King (local ruler).
    • 20 to Glarrang of Molucco.
    • 16 to Arae Tanette.
    • 22 stored in the pagger (warehouse) as reserves.
    • 28 to the civil militia.
    • 26 to the Equipage Master (quartermaster), of which 7 were lost or damaged during a march to Maros.
  • 72 cartridge pouches:
    • 20 loaned to the Young King.
    • 2 to Glarrang of Molucco.
    • 28 to the Equipage Master, with 11 missing or damaged.
    • 22 to the civil militia.
• Enslaved individuals under the Sergeant of the Tronc (prison):
  • 1 Mangarij man, who died of smallpox in the Company’s hospital on 7 December.
  • 1 Salassa man from Macassar, who died in the Company’s garden on 17 August.
• Medical tools under the Head Surgeon of the Castle:
  • 6 fire irons (for cauterizing).
  • 10 branding irons.
  • 1 pair of tongs.
  • 1 bullet screw (for removing bullets).
  • 1 small chisel (unusable).
  • 2 small chisels.
  • 1 raspatory (surgical scraper).
  • 1 small saw.
  • 3 trepans (drills for skull surgery) with three crowns.
  • 2 thin beakers.
  • 2 hidden beakers.
  • 1 thomaal (surgical knife) with a 6–6 measurement.
• Other missing or damaged tools:
  • 1 axe.
  • 6 woodcarvers’ adzes (unusable).
  • 6 hanging straps.
  • 6 small rings.

On June 30, 1695, officials in Macassar sent a report summarizing key events since their last update in May 20, 1695. They referenced earlier letters, including one from May 21 and its follow-up on May 28, which had been carried by a sloop from the Chinese captain in Macassar. The report focused on recent developments, particularly the conflict involving Raja Tambora and the kingdoms of Bima, Dompo, and Sumbawa.

The officials noted that Raja Tambora had devastated much of Bima and Dompo, including the important village of Wawona, where Bima's people had stored their main cannon and ammunition. Raja Tambora claimed he was acting on orders from the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and threatened Raja Cam (likely a local ruler). Rumors also suggested he planned to exploit grain shortages on Java's east coast to attack Batavia.

Due to a lack of ships, the officials struggled to send updates to Batavia. However, on July 17, 1695, they allowed Gerrit Jansz. Box, a Batavia citizen, to continue his journey to Batavia in his sloop. Box had arrived from Ambon 12 days earlier and was inspected by the fiscal and two members of the Council of Justice before requesting permission to sail. The officials approved his departure, hoping it would meet with approval from their superiors.

The report also confirmed earlier advice about Raja Tambora's aggression, emphasizing the destruction he had caused in Bima and Dompo, where resistance had collapsed.

On 5 May 1695, in Amboina, Mattheus Schenkenbergh wrote a formal letter to the Governor-General Willem van Outhoorn and the Council of the Dutch East Indies in Batavia. He expressed frustration over ongoing accusations and disrespect he faced, particularly from Pieter Roselaer, which weakened his authority and reputation. Despite his four years of experience, he felt forced to repeatedly defend himself, harming his ability to lead effectively. He hoped the Council would accept his explanations and not hold him responsible for issues beyond his control.

The letter included several attached documents to support his case:

• A list of documents sent on 30 April 1694, including records from the trading office in Amboina.
• A memo from Abraham Pietersz, dated 11 June 1694, about cloves stored in the Castle Victoria warehouse.
• A statement from Pieter van der Poort.
• An extract from a letter by Pieter Roselaer, dated 9 October 1694.
• A request regarding 1,000 ducats stolen by Volckert Adensz van Staden, a "sweeper," from the Dutch East India Company’s cash reserve in Amboina.
• An inventory of goods and cash found in Van Staden’s home on 13 June 1694.
• Confessions from Van Staden, dated 25, 26, and 28 June 1694.
• A court appointment from Amboina’s Council of Justice against Van Staden, dated 28 June 1694.
• A sales list of Van Staden’s publicly auctioned goods on 14 July 1694.
• A sentence against Van Staden by the Council of Justice, issued on 3 August 1694.

Another note, dated 8 May 1695, mentioned a transaction involving Pieter Koselaer and the Company’s assets in Macassar. The letter was signed by Schenkenbergh from Castle Rotterdam in Macassar.

• On 17 May 1686, a letter was delivered to officials in Macassar (now Makassar), confirming that a man named Jntje had to cancel his planned trip due to bad weather. The letter was signed by Willem Hartsinck, Willem de Ruijter, Francois Prins, Isaacq Clarisse, Harmen Hansen, and J.S. Cox at Rotterdam Castle, Macassar, on 25 May 1686.
• Additionally, a woman named Engeltje Bijstervelt deposited a sum of 220 rijksdaalders (Dutch currency) into the Dutch East India Company’s cash register in Macassar on 23 May 1680. This money was meant to be received again by the junior merchant Adriaan van Taren in Batavia (now Jakarta).
• A translated letter from the Raja of Bone and the princess Daijn Talille was received by Governor-General Joannes Camphuys and the Council of the Indies on 7 June 1686. The letter, sent via a Chinese junk ship captained by Ongwarko, expressed:
  • Gratitude and loyalty to the Dutch East India Company.
  • Shock and sorrow over the death of the Dutch ambassador Tak, killed by Javanese forces.
  • Their readiness to support the Company militarily, with ships prepared and awaiting orders.
  • Requests for guidance from the Company’s President in Macassar, as they trusted his knowledge of the Company’s intentions.
  • Gifts sent to the Governor-General: the Raja of Bone sent 2 spears (one gold-trimmed, one plain) with quivers and 2 boys; the princess sent 4 girls. Paduca Sirij Capathoe sent 2 boys, asking that the focus be on the people sending the gifts rather than the gifts themselves.
• Another translated letter, from Sultan Facharroedijn Abdul Djalie, the Raja of Goa, and other nobles, was also received on 7 June 1686. It included:
  • Warm greetings and praise for Governor-General Joannes Camphuys and the Council of the Indies, acknowledging their power and justice.
  • Confirmation that they had received and read a letter from Batavia with great respect, though its beautiful words brought sorrow (likely referring to the ambassador’s death).
  • Hopes for the Company’s continued favor and guidance.