Transcriptions » Recently created summaries of historical documents

• On 26 May 1679, a trading record from Macassar listed sales and returns of various goods, totaling Rx 4967 (likely rijksdaalders, a currency). Key items included:
  • Textiles: 359 pieces of staffachelas (fabric), 96 pieces of niquanias, 1 piece of Rouwe bethilles, and others like cambaarseh, Roode moeris, and perpetuaan.
  • Sold to Pangeran (a local ruler or noble) at fixed rates, e.g., 100 pieces of tapesarassa at 17 corgie (another term for currency or weight).
  • Other goods: 3032 pieces of Saleijerse cleeden (clothing), 97 pieces of dragam maleije (likely a type of fabric or garment), and 20 pieces of cusi taffachelas.
• The return goods (to offset the total) included:
  • 224 pieces and 483 cattij (a weight unit) of wax at 15 rijksdaalders per piece.
  • 250 bundles of passirse bintrottangh (likely a type of rope or fiber) at 12½ per hundredweight.
  • 10 picols (a weight unit) of harpuijs (likely a type of resin or gum).
  • An outstanding debt owed by Pangeran, valued at Rx 1564.
• Additional goods listed separately included:
  • 78 pieces of Guinees lijnwaat (linen) at 5½ stivers (a small currency unit) per piece.
  • 293 pieces of kannekijns (likely a type of cloth) at 11 rijksdaalders per corgie.
  • Smaller quantities of other fabrics like Sarassa chiauw, blauw bethilles, and grauw laeken (gray cloth).
• A note from 26 May 1639 (likely a scribal error for 1679) mentioned an outstanding debt tied to unsold goods in Macassar, including:
  • 36 corgie of Saleijerse cleeden (clothing), 100 pieces of tapesarasses, and 173 pieces of dragam maleije.
  • The local king (Conincq) promised to repay half in gold and half in wax by April at standard market prices, as confirmed in his letter.
• Regarding Hoover Soelon (likely a person or group) and his followers:
  • Pangeran claimed no control over Poeloehout (an island or region), as it fell under Banjermassingh's jurisdiction.
  • Pedro Wangsa, Pangeran's envoy, suggested Soelon was under Pangeran's influence, supported by the fact that Soelon had never attacked ships under passir (likely Pasisir, a coastal region) authority.
  • A ship from Macassar heading to Batavia had hired a passir steersman (navigator), indicating ongoing trade connections.

On 26 May 1639, a report from Macassar described a meeting between a Dutch representative and Pangeran Maes, a local ruler acting on behalf of the king.

• Pangeran Maes received a letter from the Dutch and had it read aloud to a crowd of hundreds. He acknowledged the Dutch request to trade but warned that:
• The amount of goods brought was too large to sell entirely in Macassar.
• He could provide a pilot for traveling north, as requested, but advised against it due to unrest in the northern regions.
• Rebellions near Coetij had disrupted trade, ruined villages, and made travel dangerous.
• Despite the risks, Pangeran Maes left the decision to the Dutch, offering:
• A pilot if they still wished to go north.
• Permission to trade locally in the meantime.
• A temporary house for the Dutch merchants to stay and store goods.

The Dutch representative then gathered information from locals and other traders about:

• Prices of goods in the market.
• Potential for better trade opportunities further north.

However, the reports confirmed Pangeran Maes's warnings:

• Little hope for profitable trade in the north due to ongoing conflicts.
• Travel risks, especially around December and January, when heavy rains made rivers impassable for large vessels.

Because of these challenges, the Dutch decided to:

• Stay in Macassar and sell as many goods as possible locally.
• Inform the king, who approved of the plan.
• Begin trading immediately, exchanging cloth for wax, gold, or cowrie shells (Schiepatshoorn).
• The wax was priced at 15 sx (a weight unit) and 8 picols (a smaller weight unit) per unit.

On 26 May 1679, a report from Macassar described rising tensions between Dutch officials and local leaders. The Dutch suspected that the locals were preparing to flee, likely due to unrest. To prevent conflict, the Dutch asked Raja (the local ruler) to meet at the castle to peacefully resolve misunderstandings. The Raja delayed his response, requesting patience and postponing the meeting until the following Friday (which had already passed by the time of the report). The Dutch agreed but noted that around 40 armed men—some with painted socks, others with firearms—were seen at the Raja’s residence, along with a known sorcerer named Jaga. The Raja’s forces, including about 300 armed men from a nearby mountainous region beyond Goa, appeared ready for confrontation. The Dutch also observed that the Raja and his men were armed, raising further concerns.

The Dutch commissioners, having completed their task, left by boat in the evening and returned to their ship near Sadrebonij (likely a misspelling of Banten or another location) around midnight. The report was formally submitted at Castle Rotterdam in Macassar on 3 November 1678 by Paulus de Docq and Nicolaes Pleun.

A separate report by Francoijs Prins, a junior merchant, detailed his mission to Passir (on the east coast of Borneo). He departed on 25 August (year not specified but likely 1678 or 1679) and, after some delays, reached the Passir River on 6 September. The next day, 7 September, he formally announced his arrival to the local king or leader, referred to as the Panghan.

On 26 May 1639, a ship left Macassar (modern Makassar) after saying goodbye to the king of Bima. The journey continued overnight with land winds, and the next morning, they met the small ship De Spieringh, which had come from Banda to get rice and horses in Bima. Nothing else notable happened until they arrived at Macassar on 13 October 1678 near Castle Rotterdam. The report was signed by Adriaen van Daelen and handed over by merchant Paulus d’ Bock and Captain Jacob Nicolaes Pleun to the governor of Amboina (modern Ambon).

Following orders, d’ Bock and Pleun traveled to Sadrebonij (modern Sulawesi) on 1 November (year not specified but likely 1678 or 1679). They arrived around midnight and found Crain Mandelique and Crain Mangallie with their followers, who had come to demand the crown and royal ornaments of Radja Goa (a local ruler). These two had imprisoned two local leaders (paggers) in the village. The next day, they sent an interpreter, Jan Japon, to announce their arrival to Radja of Macassar.

Radja replied that they could come ashore whenever they wished. When they arrived, they were greeted by Crain Mangallij, Mandelique, and the royal children, who were waiting in a house outside the fortress. After exchanging polite greetings, they explained they were sent by authorities from Oudjongh Pandang (modern Ujung Pandang) to discuss important matters with Radja.

Radja agreed to listen and called his advisors, including Radja Tello, Crain Bontesongo, and others like Crain Popo and Crain Bontetengo (the current ruler of Sadrebonij). Once everyone was gathered, the envoys delivered their message: they had noticed and seen the growing distance between Radja and the royal family because he had taken the crown and royal ornaments of Macassar—which were entrusted to him—and gone to Sadrebonij. Rumors about this had been spreading.

In a letter from Macassar dated 26 May 1679, concerns were raised about the ruler of Bima and his ability to control the island of Sumbawa. The writer believed that the ruler’s limited forces would struggle to fully subdue the region, especially after recent conflicts that had likely emboldened the Sumbanese people and weakened his own followers. Without assistance from the Dutch East India Company (VOC), the writer doubted that trade goals would be achieved in Bima. The ruler of Bima was focused on building a fortress and had requested help from the VOC for materials, which was partially granted by replacing the resident Eijckmans with Johannis Steur, who received goods worth 844.5 rixdollars for trade.

A troublemaker named Balnisoro (formerly in charge of Calonkon) was causing unrest in the kingdoms of Dompo and Tambora. Despite repeated warnings to leave and settle in Bima, he refused, even when offered a chance to defend himself in Batavia or Macassar. The VOC then banned him from Tambora and authorized the local rulers to remove him by force if necessary. Balnisoro sought protection from a subordinate leader in Sangar (under Dompo) by marrying his daughter there. The VOC urged the rulers of Bima and Dompo to act against Balnisoro if he caused further trouble, as he was considered deceitful. Any harm he suffered would be seen as self-inflicted, and his remaining goods in Calonkon could be confiscated with the approval of Tambora’s ruler.

In a letter from Macassar dated 20 May 1679, a debt of 3,194 1/8 tx (a currency unit) was still owed, plus an additional 500 sx (another currency unit) from Singerswarongh, as noted in an agreement from 8 August 1658. The writer had previously reported how the king of Sumbawa had acted dishonestly, as detailed in letters sent on 22 July and 19 August.

• The king of Sumbawa promised to pay 800 sx but had not yet done so.
• He also avoided paying for 15,000 pieces of sappanwood (a type of dyewood), claiming the debt was conditional on Captain Jan Franck controlling Salamparangh (now ruled by the Baliers).
• The writer bought 142 coyangs (a unit of measure) of rice from the kings of Binia, Dompo, and Tambora at 24 sx each, bringing 77 coyangs back but leaving 61 with the king of Binia, who delayed delivery, claiming the rice would spoil.
• Payments were made in goods and 800 Spanish reales (coins), except for 300 rx (another currency) owed to the king of Dompo at his request, to be collected in Macassar or Batavia.
• An extra 225½ tx was paid for a debt from the previous year, linked to envoys (Lebe Adoe and Lebe Camboe) who were killed by inhabitants of Madura after their ships wrecked.
• Dain Tololo (a local leader) had left Sumbawa secretly, possibly heading to Crai or Jerenka, and was expected to return soon. He had married the mother of the king of Sumbawa.
• 300 pounds of gunpowder, a gift from Batavia to the king of Tambora, were delivered and well-received.
• The situation in Snuba remained unresolved, with envoys from Bima leaving empty-handed last year. The king of Bima planned to try again with force next year.

In a letter dated 26 May 1679, officials in Macassar reported to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) that their people had been brutally murdered. The local king promised to capture the killers and hand them over to the VOC once they were caught. If the VOC wanted to transport the prisoners, they should be secured in irons and brought to the sender’s location. The king’s envoys had earlier requested help in the form of firearms and gunpowder to forcibly arrest the murderers, but the VOC was advised not to get involved unless absolutely necessary.

The letter, signed by Paulus de Boeq at Fort Rotterdam in Macassar on 9 October 1688, also included a report by merchant Adriaen van Daalen to Jacob Cops, the acting governor of Amboina and surrounding islands, currently stationed in Macassar. The report summarized events during his mission to Bima, Dompo, and Sumbawa.

• The ruler of Codja Toeboe paid a debt of 2,400 pieces of sapanwood (a valuable timber) in July 1679, loaded onto the ship Buuren bound for Batavia.
• The king of Bima also paid part of his debt—only 860 pieces of sapanwood—on the ship Gooijlant. He had earlier promised to pay 5,000 rixdollars (a currency) but refused to honor the full agreement, claiming his envoys lacked authority. His debt stemmed from an old contract requiring 1 rixdollar per picol (a unit of measure).
• A debt of 500 taels (another currency) owed by a deceased ruler named Singerewarongh remained unpaid. Codja Derwits took responsibility for this debt, but the VOC was still shortchanged.
• The VOC had been misled into believing large quantities of sapanwood were available, but the ships Hasenbergh and Gooijlant could only load a total of 2,063 pieces, worth 18,058 taels at the rate of 1/8 rixdollar per piece.
• Despite payments, the VOC was still owed 5,000 rixdollars from debts in Batavia and Japara.

The letter ended with general advice to stay alert, maintain discipline among crews, and lead by example, as the VOC’s reputation across India depended on it.

On 26 May 1679, a letter from Macassar was sent regarding a trade agreement. The key points were:

• Toeriliagampo had borrowed 4 small boats (scomp) from Captain Jan Francen years ago, which now needed to be returned.
• The letter included Assistant Philip Castel, who could be employed as needed, along with a small cargo of fabrics valued at 800 Dutch guilders (RD), including:
  • 100 red moeris (fabrics) at 2.5 stivers each
  • 80 red salempoeris at 3 rijksdaalders each
  • 40 decorated blankets at 3 stivers each
  • 200 suratse chiauw (fabrics) at 5 rijksdaalders each
  • 20 gingans salpicados (fabrics) at 4.5 rijksdaalders each
• If the goods couldn’t be sold, they were to be left with a trusted person under a receipt, and the sender expected a quick return.

A separate note instructed Cornelis Múts, captain of the ship ’t Casteel Rotterdam, to sail to Caijelij (likely Kaili, near Macassar) to collect 4,500 jars of coconut oil. Key details included:

• The king of Palo had already agreed to the deal, and a partial payment of 45 stivers per jar (totaling 100 rijksdaalders) had been received.
• Pieter Tomeij, a helmsman familiar with the route, was sent to assist.
• The ship carried empty containers: 20 large jars, 1 small half-barrel, and 12 small barrels.
• Additional goods were provided for trade:
  • 150 small black jugs (exchange rate: 25 jars of oil per jug)
  • 10 red moekis (fabrics, exchange rate: 125 jars of oil per piece)
• Claas Hansz van Slooten, a Macassar resident traveling with the ship, was to help negotiate, as he had prior experience in Caijelij.

The following is a summary of a 26 May 1679 letter from Macassar regarding trade and political issues in the region:

• The rulers of Salemparang were fined but refused to pay, claiming their agreement was conditional. They argued that their promise depended on Captain Cain Tololo staying away from Salemparang, which he did not. However, officials believed this excuse was made up to avoid payment, as earlier records showed no such condition. The rulers had even admitted their debt in past discussions.
• Crain Jerchnika was expected to be found on Sumbawa and could provide more details about the situation. His failure to return to Macassar as promised was surprising and disappointing, as he had given his word. Officials hoped he had not been forced to stay away and urged him to keep his promises to maintain trust.
• While on Sumbawa, efforts were to be made to gather enough sappanwood (a valuable dyewood) to fully load the ships waiting in Codja. These ships, coming from Banda and Timor, should not leave empty, as this would harm both the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and the reputation of local traders.
• A specific order was given to collect 400 piculs (61,440 kg) of sappanwood owed by the King of Tambora. This debt was for goods received in November 1678, including:
  • 40 pieces of fine Dutch linen, valued at 220 real (a currency unit).
  • 27 pieces of white salempouri cloth, valued at 81 real.
  • 99 real in cash.
  The total debt amounted to 400 real.
• On the return journey, the writer was instructed to stop at Dompo to pick up kamboe (likely a type of resin or trade good) if time allowed. They were also to sail near Bima or Gunung Api to safely navigate the Postiljon Islands.
• In Bima, the writer was to report their findings to the local Resident (a VOC official) so that he could assist the arriving ships with fishing supplies if needed.
• The conflict between the King of Tambora and Boeni Soro was also a concern. If Boeni Soro had not yet been defeated, the kings of Bima and Dompo were to be urged to take stronger action against him. Boeni Soro was seen as a troublemaker who could destabilize the region, including Kalou Kong and Tambora.
• If Boeni Soro was found in Bima, the writer was advised to bring him to Macassar to answer for his actions.

On 20 May 1679, officials in Macassar sent a report about two letters they had received on 31 October of the previous year via a Dutch ship called the Annagloda (nicknamed Jintje Solongh). These letters were addressed to the Governor-General and the Director-General of the Dutch East India Company (VOC). Along with the letters, the ship carried a gift of four horses: two chestnut and two brown. The ship had originally intended to sail to Batavia but was delayed by the monsoon winds and instead arrived in Macassar.

The ship also transported several passengers at the request of local leaders:

• Three nobles from Crain Bonij's people (sent at his request to Crain Bissij).
• Four subjects of Dani Malewva (also called Crain Geissons' wife).
• Eight prisoners with their chains.

The report was signed by Jacob Cops, Paulus de Boeg, Claes Dloen, Adriaen van Daelen, Frans Prins, Adriaen van Haeren, and Herman Hansen, with C. F. Cox present as a witness in Fort Rotterdam, Macassar, on 28 May 1679.

A separate memo instructed Adriaen van Daelen, a VOC employee, on his tasks in Bima and Sumbawa. On 26 March, the ship Janskercken had arrived in Macassar with orders to unload quickly and then sail to Sumbawa to load sappanwood (a type of dyewood) before heading to Batavia. The officials decided to send Van Daelen to Sumbawa to:

• Oversee the loading of 3,694.75 pikuls (a weight unit) of sappanwood onto the ship, priced at 8 reals per picul, as agreed in a contract from 8 August 1678. This was to repay a debt, including interest, owed to the VOC.
• Ensure an additional 500 taels (a currency unit) worth of sappanwood was provided for Singerawarongh, as previously promised to Salr Hartouwer.
• Demand 800 pikuls of sappanwood from the deposed king of Sumbawa to cover a debt of 800 reals borrowed from Captain Jan Francen.
• Collect another 15,000 pikuls of sappanwood, for which the same king had acted as guarantor.

The officials urged Van Daelen to push the locals to fulfill these obligations quickly, as they had been slow in the past.

On 26 May 1679, officials in Macassar (modern Makassar) reported several matters to the Dutch East India Company (VOC):

• A man had publicly mourned the death of his still-living wife, which was widely known in Macassar. The officials assured the VOC they would address the issue with local leaders, including Arouw Tjeballe and Elik Topan, who would provide further details.
• The VOC had requested clarity on financial records related to the Macassar trade. The merchant and assistant Paulus de Bocq was tasked with responding about a Malay letter and its translation concerning Sara, the daughter of Crain Bontesonge. Local leaders (the Marosse chiefs) were consulted but provided disappointing information.
• A reimbursement of 74 tahils (currency) was made to ship captain Jan van der Wal. This sum had been paid in April 1670 by the free burgher Pieter Jansz van der Burgh for a sugar shipment. The cargo included:
  • 100 baskets of black sugar,
  • 200 baskets of white sugar, and
  • 80 baskets of rock sugar.
  The total cost was 348 stivers (another currency). The sugar and jatij wood were sold to the VOC, but 173 baskets of white sugar and 80 baskets of rock sugar remained unsold. The 74 tahils would be deducted from local accounts.
• The officials mentioned a large quantity of lead buried near Goa, discovered with the help of Radjabonij. They excavated 262 pieces weighing 11,739 pounds in total. They awaited the VOC’s instructions on how much credit the Goa government should receive for it.
• Additional metal items were found, including:
  • A 6-pound brass basin, and
  • Three other metal basins weighing 2,263 pounds total.
  These had been transferred to the VOC during the last war but were not yet credited. The 6-pound basin was kept in Macassar, while the rest were sent on the ship Sint Janskercke for better use elsewhere, including:
  • 468 pounds of metal shot, and
  • 1,317 pounds of other metal items.

In a letter dated 26 May 1679 from Macassar, officials reported several key events:

• A local leader called the galarang had earlier taken hostages from Biera due to a conflict. After the King of Biera returned and resolved the issue, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) removed the galarang from his position. He was banned from Biera under threat of death and forced to live near the VOC castle in Ternate. He claimed he didn’t know Biera was fully under VOC control.
• Due to a weak garrison and peace in Saleijer, VOC troops were moved to Boelecomba. Only a small force remained in Saleijer: 1 sergeant, 1 corporal, 1 junior surgeon, 1 marksman, and 6 soldiers. This was considered enough for peacetime.
• The regions of Maros, Siang, Segeri, and Labaccan had delivered 461,806 bundles of rice the previous year, worth about 210 last (a unit of weight). Including rice from Boelecomba, the VOC’s total rice tithe (tax) for the year was nearly 255 last, mostly stored in VOC warehouses.
• The current year’s rice harvest looked promising, though rats were a threat. To reduce VOC labor, the people of Maros were ordered to pay their tithe in processed rice (not raw rice), as they had previously done for the King of Macassar.
• A letter addressed to the VOC president was opened, revealing a personal letter from the wife of Claes Bollaert (a junior merchant) to Raphel Speckman, who had arrived in November 1678. The letter was confiscated until Bollaert (stationed in Saleijer) could confirm its authenticity. Speckman questioned whether Bollaert’s wife was still alive, but the president believed she was.
• Bollaert had married the daughter of Abraham Pittavin about 3 years earlier. His wife had a 5-year-old daughter from a previous marriage to a deceased bookkeeper, Livinus van Harpen. Bollaert had behaved respectably during his time in the region.

On 26 May 1679, a report from Macassar described ongoing tensions involving the Dutch East India Company (VOC), local rulers, and the Bugis people. The report highlighted several key issues:

• The Bugis were frequently involved in theft, selling stolen goods to traders in Malay and other regions. This was so common that it was barely noticed or reported.
• A letter from the ruler of Boni and another from Tadja Boni to Tadja Loubou were intercepted. This led to Radja Loubou and his wife arriving at the VOC fort in Macassar with a slave and goods as a fine.
• The VOC assured Radja Loubou of their goodwill, noting he was highly regarded by Radja Boni.
• Rumors suggested Boni was preparing 30 ships with around 1,500–1,600 people, possibly planning to bypass the VOC fort rather than confront it directly.
• A sergeant in Boelecomba reported that a messenger from Arou Sawalaba (the current ruler of Boni) ordered local leaders—including Toabo, Crain Cantarangh, Crain Palioij, and Crain Talla—to prepare their people to sail to Java with the Bugis that month.
• The VOC ordered the sergeant to prevent any departures without their permission, reminding the locals they were subjects of the Company, not allies of the Bugis.
• The VOC also planned to station a sergeant, a corporal, and 6 soldiers in a Macassar house to monitor activities and protect nearby regions like Biera and Tiera.
• The influence of Boni had grown so strong that they intended to declare Galarangh as king, forcing the king of Biera to flee to Salehjer.

• On 26 May 1639, a group of pirates from Macassar, led by Corabbi and Touira, raided the village of Malawa. They kidnapped 9 people (4 men, 5 women) and 5 buffaloes after burning down a church and 4 houses.
• The pirates claimed they were ordered by Arouw Sawalaba, a ruler under the Dutch authority in Chindrana. The people of Malawa took the pirates to Arouw Sawalaba, who denied giving such orders.
• The pirates were then taken to Chindrana, where they confessed to Topali (a high official) and Radja Bonij. They returned 7 people and all the buffaloes, but 2 people remained missing. One was reportedly sold in Chindrana, but their whereabouts were unknown.
• Radja Bonij negotiated and sent 2 girls and a letter from Arouw Sawalaba as compensation, along with a fine of 56 pieces of gold. The Dutch kept the girls and the messenger until Arouw Malawa could receive them.
• On 26 May 1679, Crain Tallas and three envoys from Labouaija complained that a pirate named Touassingh and others under Arouw Tanetiliga had stolen a slave named Balibi.
• The slave was taken to Chieluba, where Radja Labouaija and 40 of his people tried to recover him. The people of Chieluba refused, saying they feared Radja Bonij more than Radja Labouaija.
• The Dutch summoned the people of Chieluba (under Dutch East India Company rule) and ordered them to return the slave or pay compensation.
• On 19 May (same year), Boutonsh Orangkaija Panglima Besie, an envoy from the King of Bouton, reported that he was sent to Sulidrana in Bonij to find 6 escaped slaves.
• He recovered 6 men in Chindrana, but they escaped again. When he asked Arouw Sawalaba for help, he was refused.

On 26 May 1679, a report from Macassar discussed political tensions and alliances involving several local leaders and the Dutch.

• Crouron, a figure of high status due to his noble lineage, had returned to Tello after leaving. Though initially expected to seek support or protection from the Dutch, he instead acted against their interests. The Dutch decided it was best to avoid conflict with him, given his influence and ties to Radja Bonij (also called Raja Bone).
• Crouron's son, Crain Cabeloucan, had planned to follow his father to Mandar after Crouron's departure. The Dutch, upon learning this, brought the son to their fort for safekeeping until his father returned. He was then housed in the new camp near the castle.
• The Dutch admitted that, despite their efforts, they could not have stopped Crouron from fleeing by sea, even if they tried. They believed it was wiser to handle such leaders with discretion rather than constant opposition.
• The Dutch also mentioned the request from the King of Bina to keep an elderly man named Crainpopo with them. They saw no harm in this, as Crainpopo was peaceful and caused no trouble. He was also a friend of Crouron, and his son, Crain Bontemlompo, had even asked for Dutch protection.
• Arouw Tieballe, a representative of Radja Bonij, was sent to Bontoale with a message for the leaders of Bone. He delivered the message and returned on 20 May, reporting that Radja Bonij was ready to come to the Dutch castle with his people and ships, as ordered, before heading to Batavia. However, Radja Bonij asked if other kings from Mandar, such as Tadja Mamoehje, Parampawan, Madjeme, and Biewangh, should also be summoned. When told this was not in the letter, Arouw Tieballe refused to pass on the request.
• After Arouw Tieballe's departure, envoys sent by the Dutch to Chindrana complained about the usual representatives of Radja Bonij, including Arouw Poutjonkaja, Tovengangh, and Torabbi.

On 26 May 1639, a report from Macassar noted several key points:

• Dutch-style fine linen ("Guinees lijnwaet") was unavailable, but English and Delhi-style linen was plentiful. This linen was brought in large quantities each year by the Malay Annaghoda Pesani.
• It was unclear whether this linen was suitable for local use, and since the monsoon season for traveling there had passed, no further orders could be given to Bollaart at that time.
• Inspectors, including Bollaart, had left on 29 March (after a 7-day delay due to waiting for assistance) to inspect nutmeg trees on the islands of Toekab, Caronij, and Coellipoeso. Their mission's outcome would be reported later.
• The people of Goa were described as completely impoverished. The King of Ternate could no longer rely on them for support.
• The Sultan of Tello struggled to pay the annual tribute of 1,400 tx (currency) owed by the Saleijkese people. The land was barren, and crops failed, forcing them to import rice from Boelecomba. They also reported a poor cotton harvest, which local women and children used to make clothes. Finding another way to settle this debt would greatly benefit these people, who remained respectful and loyal toward the Dutch.
• A letter from Macassar, dated 26 May 1679, arrived with the ship Prins Rotterdam. It mentioned that during a visit by the Radja of Tamparang (for the construction of a large Mancassaers house bought from the Radja of Saderbonij for 50 Rx), a feast was held. The Dutch hosted the Radja of Tamparang, his officials, the Radja of Tello (with his wife, daughter of Crain Cronron), and other nobles, including children of the King of Goa and Galarans under Dutch protection.
• The Dutch provided food: 2 black buffalo, 1 sheep, 400 pounds of rice, and additional supplies prepared by the widow of Prins Calematte and wives of Crain Lincques, Vandain Maleuwa, and Crain Geissen.
• During the feast on 15 May, the Radja of Tamparang requested to dance on a large Persian carpet. He then pledged his loyalty to the Dutch East India Company (VOC), offering his sword (Crits) and dagger (canjer) as symbols of his commitment to serve by land and sea whenever needed.

On 26 May 1679, a ship from Makassar arrived unexpectedly in good weather, carrying only 19 lasten (about 38 metric tons) and 45 maeten (small units of measurement). The ship left without proper paperwork or a cargo list, abandoning the bookkeeper and 7 men who had been sent to receive the rice shipment. This forced the crew to quickly prepare the longboat Greminghn to retrieve the stranded men. The ship later returned with a cargo of 23 lasten.

The settlement was running out of wood, including beams and planks. To solve this, the ship De Perel was sent to Amboina to request help from Governor Robbert de Vicq and his council. They asked for as many baije (a type of wood) and affuijt (finished) planks as could be spared. Once these arrived, the ship De Pelzel would sail to Buton to bring back a load of cajaten (teak) wood.

On 3 March, the junior merchant Claes Bollaert was sent on the ship Rotterdam with a letter to the king and leaders of Buton, along with gifts for the local officials (goegoegoe). His instructions were included in the secretary’s documents. After receiving a letter on 10 March (delivered on 27 March) confirming that the fluyt ship Buuren would be sent to Buton at the start of the monsoon to load wood, another longboat, Japara, was sent on 5 April with supplies and money.

On 6 May, Bollaert reported in a letter that he had arrived in Buton on 12 March. The king and officials had accepted the gifts and agreed on wood prices:

• For logs 3 to 8 vadem (about 5.5 to 14.6 meters) long and 10 to 18 vadem (about 1.8 to 3.3 meters) thick: 3 tx: (a currency unit) per log.
• No more than 3 or 4 logs of 6, 7, or 8 vadem could be delivered.
• For logs 2 vadem long and 7 to 8 duim (about 17.5 to 20 cm) thick: ¼ tx: each.
• For logs 4 to 6 vadem long of the same thickness: 2 tx: each.

The prices were considered high. Additionally, 16,000 marosse (bundles) of rice, which usually sold for ¾ to 1 Rx: (another currency unit) per thousand, were traded for wood at 1¼ tx: per thousand. Copper was offered at 8 stx: for 1100 lb, but the quality was so poor that an extra 3 tx: had to be paid. The iron offered was also rejected.

The planks from De Pelzel, arriving from Amboina, would be loaded onto Rotterdam and a longboat, then sent back as quickly as possible. However, cutting the wood in Buton was progressing slowly.

On 26 May 1679, a report from Macassar discussed several key events involving Dutch traders (referred to as vandaalen):

• Ships arriving in Bima to load sappanwood (a valuable red dye wood) were allowed to leave without delay.
• The fort Bonij Sorg in Calonkon was under siege by the King of Tambora, who had support from around 110 people from Bima and Dompo. However, the people of Bima and Dompo did not seem fully committed to the fight, so the Dutch did not expect this conflict to cause them any trouble. Because of the war, the King of Tambora had not yet delivered the 400 piculs (about 24,000 kg) of sappanwood he had promised the Dutch in exchange for 400 taels (a type of currency) paid the previous year. Despite the conflict, Bima itself remained peaceful.
• Toerilia Gampo had requested permission the previous year to keep 4 small metal cannons (weighing 217 pounds or about 173.4 Dutch pounds) to pay for sappanwood. The Dutch official Coerelia Gampo supported this request, as he considered Toerilia Gampo an honest man.
• Crain Jerinika had promised the Dutch in Bima that he would sail to them soon with around 30 ships and his gathered people. The Dutch, however, were cautious, as they suspected he and others like him were more like pirates than honest envoys. They planned to be careful about giving such groups official permissions in the future.
• A report from Telolo mentioned that Sumbawa Najawa had crossed over and was staying with Crain Geisson at Capper.
• The King of Bima had asked the Dutch to allow an old man named Ciain Popo (who had been called there at the request of the king’s wife, raised by Crain Popo) to stay a little longer. The Dutch agreed, as they saw no issue with it.
• Upon the Dutch official’s departure from Bima, they left behind a shipment of cloth worth ƒ2,448:19:3 (Dutch guilders) with assistant Willem Eijckmans, plus an additional ƒ1,261:15:6 still owed, totaling ƒ3,710:4:9. This amount was meant to cover the newly purchased sappanwood and daily expenses.
• On 21 January of that year, the Dutch had sent the ship De Perel to Amboina. The ship had initially arrived in Macassar with a load of rice from Bima but had sprung a leak. After repairs, it was sent to Boele Comba to load around 45 lasten (about 90,000 kg) of rice, which was Boele Comba's share of the harvest for that year. However, the ship’s captain, Frans van Eijs, was known for acting on his own rather than following orders.

The letter, written in Makassar on 26 May 1679, discusses military and trade matters involving the Dutch.

• The writer notes that 18 cannons (received from the ship St. Janskercken of the Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC)) would be useful for defense, especially near the land gate, where they could deter attacks and cover the entire area.
• Trade in Sumba is described as risky due to:
  • Ongoing conflicts against the King of Bima.
  • Unsafe waters near Krap (likely a port or region).
  • The violent nature of the local people.
• Adriaen van Daalen, a merchant and fiscal officer, returned from Sumbawa via Bima on the St. Janskercken and reported:
  • He secured only 403 piculs (a weight unit) of sapanwood (a valuable dyewood) from a Moor named Codja Derwits, who still owes a large debt.
  • The rulers of Sumbawa promised to strictly monitor rice harvests to ensure the VOC receives payment the following year.
  • Codja Derwits claims interest is owed by the Sumbawans, but the VOC will address this only after recovering the principal debt.
  • Van Daalen also bought 931 piculs of sapanwood in Bima for 500 pesos in cash and the rest in cloth, which arrived on the St. Janskercken.
  • No more sapanwood is expected from the region this year.
• The deposed King of Sumbawa was in Salemparang for the funeral of the late queen of Bima, so Van Daalen couldn’t discuss the outstanding debt of 800 reals and 15,000 piculs of sapanwood owed by the king and local leaders. The king left orders for officials to urge payment upon his return.

The VOC plans to keep pressing for repayment of these debts.

• On 26 May 1679, a trade report from Macassar detailed profits of ƒ6,542.6 from sales, though some goods like wax and sandalwood sold below expected prices (only 50 tx for wax and Rix 16 for sandalwood).
• The highest profits came from Saldiek fabrics, sold at 36 tx per unit, mostly to local traders (corante) and leased partnerships. Many fabrics remained unsold in warehouses, risking further losses.
• To avoid losses, on 16 November, Claas Bollaert (a junior merchant) was sent to Saldiek with a ship, the Nagelboom, carrying fabrics worth tx 1,954 (or ƒ5,862) to sell.
• A prior deal with Saleijer included 1,997 fabrics to be delivered by April–May, with 700 already received. Another 468 were promised from earlier debts owed by de Rijs.
• Plans were made to exchange remaining fabrics for wax, sandalwood, or other goods in Caijeli or Passir before the eastern monsoon.
• Trade with Schiepatshoorn (northern islands) was unreliable, with small shipments causing delays. Direct deals with the Panglima Maas (king of Passir) were preferred over multiple small traders to avoid bad debts.
• Local Malay ships from Malacca supplied enough coarse fabrics, reducing the need for the Dutch East India Company (VOC) to bring them.
• A May 1678 letter noted difficulties in obtaining long iron cannons for Fort Rotterdam in Macassar. The fort’s chest-high walls (originally 6 feet thick) were weakened by cannon fire, so they were reduced to 3 feet where guns were placed, keeping the rest at 6 feet.

In a letter from Makassar, dated 26 May 1679, officials reported the following:

• The ship Rotterdam had arrived the previous year with a cargo of 8,190 cans, worth ƒ633:16:—.

Regarding the murder of two Dutch citizens, Jan Bernardus and Christiaen Huijbertse, on Cailij:

• The King of Palo claimed to help the Dutch East India Company (VOC) by sending two men, Abdul and Cammaulou (subjects of the King of Tabahelij), as the supposed killers.
• After questioning by the fiscal officer and committee, the two men denied guilt, stating the King of Palo had framed them for calling him a "thief" over unpaid debts.
• Their claims were supported by translated letters from the King of Palo, their own statements, and testimony from ship captain Cornelis Muts.
• The Council of Makassar decided to release the men, suspecting the King of Palo had sent innocent men to cover up his involvement.

Regarding trade:

• A small cargo shipment worth ƒ17,161:2:8 (based on Makassar prices) was sent to Passir on 25 August 1678 via the chaloupe Gremlingen, under Under-Merchant S:r Prins.
• Unsold goods returned, reducing the total purchase value to ƒ8,358:14, with a net profit of ƒ14,901.
• Outstanding payments included:
  • 36 corgie (720 pieces) of Saletijers cloth sold to Pangeran Maas at Rx: 36 per corgie.
  • 100 pieces of tape sarassa and 70 pieces of dragam maleije fabric.
  • 70 pieces of inquanias at 32 stx: per corgie.
• Pangeran Maas promised to pay in April or May with sandalwood at an agreed rate.
• The remaining goods included:
  • 27,559 lb of wax (worth ƒ10,101:15).
  • 250 bundles of bintrottingh (bought for Rx: 12½, totaling ƒ93:15).
  • 10 pieces (1,270 lb) of harpuijs (costing ƒ13:10).
• The returned goods totaled ƒ10,209, with outstanding payments of ƒ4,692, bringing the total to ƒ14,901.
• The initial cargo investment was ƒ8,358:14.

The letter from Makassar, dated 26 May 1639, reports the following:

• The ruler Trokajaja had regained power and was near Kadirij, while Crain Geisson remained in Capper without having made any agreement with the Dutch East India Company (VOC).
• The noble admiral Hurdt had left for Batavia aboard the Saint Martin, leaving command to major Poleman.
• Due to constant opposition and high waters, the VOC could not take action, delaying progress in the region.
• The ship Nagtegael, which left with a response letter on 24 January, had not yet arrived, nor had the ships Calkoen or Mangusboom.
• The people of Bantam were closely watching the war in East Java and adjusting their actions based on their interests, particularly regarding the presence of Ladja Palacca.
• The coconut oil from Cayeli was of poor quality, but since it was widely used, its price had dropped. A small container (about 1 liter) cost no more than 1.5 stuivers (Dutch coins).
• The oil often leaked during transport, and when used for cooking, it spoiled quickly. It was mainly traded for cloth, but negotiations were difficult because traders had to wait for the locals to prepare the oil, which took a long time.
• The trade was not profitable enough to cover the costs of VOC operations, but since Cayeli was under VOC supervision, a ship would be sent yearly or every two years to check on the situation.
• A possible contract with Cayeli could ensure better-quality cooked coconut oil, similar to what locals used for frying fish. Even if it cost 12 times more than the current price, it might still be worthwhile.
• The ship Sint Janskercken had unloaded 14 barrels, 8 meat barrels, 4 fat barrels, and 30 half-barrels of Cayeli coconut oil.

On 26 May 1679, a list of documents was prepared in Makassar to be sent to Governor-General Rijcklof van Goens and the Council of India aboard the ship Jans Kercken. The documents included:

• An original letter from President Jacob Cops and the Council of Makassar, dated 26 May 1679.
• A copy of a letter from and to the Council, dated 15 May 1679.
• A report from merchant Adriaen Vandaelen about his activities in and around Bima and Sumbawa, dated 14 May 1679.
• Copies of outgoing papers for Batavia from 6 October 1678 to 20 May 1679.
• Copies of incoming papers for Batavia from 13 October 1678 to 14 May 1679.
• Two letters in Malay from the King of Tambora, one addressed to Governor-General Rijcklof van Goens and the other to Director-General Cornelis Speelman, received on 31 October via a local leader named Jutchie Souloungh.
• An invoice for the cargo loaded onto the ship Jans Kercken.
• A receipt for the same cargo.