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No date given From Palembang, a request was respectfully presented to the high authorities. The merchant Leonard Verspijk could not be promoted to the position of upper merchant as he had requested. Instead, it was proposed that he be transferred from his current location to Poelo Aij. At the same time, the authorities were asked to graciously grant the position of fiscal officer to the under-merchant Cornelis Bernard. Bernard's residency in the southwest region could then be taken over by one of the most capable bookkeepers, who would serve as under-merchant in title only. The letter was signed by submissive servants who expressed their loyalty and respect to the high authorities.
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A text from Banda discussed how landowners had lost their important means of survival through a sad event. This loss of productive trees was also very concerning for the company. According to what had already been explained, no solutions could be thought of, suggested, or carried out to restore Banda - whether for the ruined landowner, the powerless authorities, or all other unfortunate residents - without turning to that same company. The company was exposed to burdens and losses at this difficult time that had no equal examples in the archives of past and present centuries. The writer was not against bringing up a concern for consideration: whether it would be better if the landowners, instead of immediately receiving instructions about the prompt time for receiving rewards, were left uncertain about everything. It was undeniable that among them were many who cared little about the company's interests and were careless about Banda's cultivation. Therefore, the negligent ones should be pushed to work harder through decreasing support, but the diligent ones should be encouraged to double their efforts through increasing help. On this basis, it would become clear after the first 5-year period whether the advantage of the 17,276 nut-bearing trees mentioned in number 8 could bring about a reduction in the additional costly measures in the following two periods. The writer asked for kind forgiveness if his limited understanding did not agree with their much wiser views, since even the wisest and most experienced rulers could easily make mistakes in thinking up truly effective solutions. This was especially true for presenting both compensation and complete restoration after such a general and terrible destruction in a way that was clearly understandable - so clearly that only God's blessing was needed so that future times might deliver as many advantages as the present costs and losses brought. The text ended by mentioning written petitions that were included with the general papers.
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In the past, plantation owners in Banda lost an important way to make money due to a sad event. This loss of trees was very serious for the company. Since the problems began in Banda, no solutions could be found to help the plantation owner, the powerless councils, or the other unfortunate residents without asking for help from the same company. This company now faced costs and losses that had no equal examples in the records of past and present centuries.

The writer was not against considering whether it would be better if the plantation owners were kept uncertain about everything instead of being given immediate information about when they would receive their payments. Some plantation owners did not care about the company's interests and were careless.

In Banda, there had been a 5-year pause on paying interest on borrowed money. The total borrowed capital was 264,000 guilders, which meant a very significant saving of 59,900 guilders in interest. Despite this, the plantation owners still received 164,708 guilders and 42 stuivers from other regular local income for their general living expenses. They also received payment for nutmegs delivered over the following 5 years, which was 3,294 guilders and 37 stuivers per year, according to two lists numbered 3 and 4, besides the writer's separate letter of 19 August 1772.

There was very great difficulty in Batavia regarding the Banda survey obtained in 1693. Because of the terrible eruption of the volcano at that time, there were 80,196 fewer productive fruit-bearing trees than had been counted in 1686. At that time there still remained:

When 39,894 trees were subtracted according to the count from July 1778, there was a considerable negative difference of 540,093 trees in total. This could be used as a very urgent supporting argument for the writer's third proposal in his separate letter from May of this year.

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The administrator reported that plantation owners in Banda had lost their main source of income due to a disaster. This loss of trees was very concerning for the Dutch East India Company. No solutions could be found to help the plantation owners, the weak colleges, or other unfortunate residents without asking the Company for help. The Company itself was facing heavy burdens and losses that had no equal in past or present records.

The administrator wondered if it might be better not to immediately inform the plantation owners about when they would receive their compensation payments, but instead to keep them uncertain. He argued that some plantation owners had become indifferent to the Company's interests and careless about Banda's welfare.

Despite these problems, the plantation owners had received:

The administrator also referred to the serious difficulties in Batavia regarding a Banda survey from 1693. Due to volcanic activity at that time, there were 80,196 fewer fruit-bearing trees than had been counted in 1686. However, in 1693 there were still:

After subtracting 39,894 trees reported in the count of July 1778, there was a considerable negative difference of 540,093 trees in total. This could serve as strong supporting evidence for his third proposal from his separate letter from May of that year.

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Van Bande reported about the fruit-bearing trees from April 1 to mid-August, which had not produced any fruit. Because many branches were damaged, the total amount of nutmeg and mace that could be collected in 1780 could only be calculated the following year. With good harvests and no setbacks, only very small amounts of spices could be obtained from such a limited number of trees.

Regarding the young growing trees, the resident reported that their growth period should be calculated as taking between 3 and 24 months at most. The commissioners from Neira determined the period as being from 3 to 5 years. This meant the first trees would need about 13 years and the last ones would need 10 to 12 years before they could produce worthwhile harvests.

Regarding the seeds planted in the ground, even more time was required. In his opinion, the set period of 15 years showed no mistakes that could be criticized.

To support this negative assessment, several points should be remembered:

At that time there remained:

After subtracting 39,894 trees reported in the count of July 1778, there would be a considerable negative difference of 540,093 trees of various types. This could serve as a very pressing supporting argument for his third proposal in his separate letter from May of that year.

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In 1763, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) decided to charge the annual remittance of 7,000 to the capital account of unknown orphans in Batavia. The document discusses calculations about spice trade profits from Banda. The initial calculation covered a 20-year period and totaled 403,957 rixdollars and 9 stuivers (equivalent to 35,614,972 guilders and 7 stuivers in Indies money, or 29,382,352 guilders and 3 stuivers in Netherlands money). However, this calculation was considered too generous. Since nutmeg trees could produce a significant harvest by their 15th year, the calculation was reduced from 20 to 15 years. This reduction resulted in a considerable decrease of 3,476,368 rixdollars and 7 stuivers, broken down as follows: The total over 15 years was 1,135,027 rixdollars and 41 stuivers (22,047,355 guilders, 2 stuivers and 8 penningen in Netherlands money, or 26,734,066 guilders and 17 stuivers in Indies money). Following the example from 1763, when the high authorities charged the annual remittance of 7,000 to the capital account, 105,000 rixdollars could be deducted from the reduced first item. This still left a shocking remaining balance of 11,030,027 rixdollars and 4 stuivers. This shortfall was so important and significant that the writer strongly urged investigation into temporarily seizing and managing similar hidden plantations under Company control in the Moluccas. Despite the costs involved, this could immediately help continue the valuable trade in nutmeg and mace, and partially recover what had been lost over roughly 15 years. According to the annexed report, the latest inspection found:
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A Dutch official discussed the situation in Banda following reports from July, which were more pleasant than the sad news from April. Although the administrators of these ruined lands had to keep working tirelessly to replace dead plants and rotten seeds until new plantations would turn into fruit-bearing forests, this did not reduce his worries about calculating the damages and benefits. The concerns included: He referred back to his earlier advice in the Banda resolutions of 16 April 1778 under number 21, and presented the following financial details:
  1. The assistance to keep plantation owners and make required payments to colleges amounted to 161,396 rixdollars (see first section of appendix A number 1)
  2. For the disruption of taxes, interest payments and spice tithes, a capital sum of 228,175 rixdollars and 39 smaller units had to be set aside (see appendix number 1, second section)
  3. According to Banda's official description from 1735
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In 13, van Bander wrote about problems on Banda. Only 8,945 fruit-bearing nutmeg trees remained. New nutmeg plantations grew fruit very slowly. This led to certain proposals being made in letters, with the hope that these would not cause displeasure, since in similar situations extreme measures had often been taken before to repair damage. After the ships departed and van Bander had more time, he personally inspected the ruins. He thought more carefully about the situation and noted that new difficulties appeared daily. These included: All these problems and obstacles together meant it would take a long time before the former prosperity could be restored. Although efforts were not lacking and the plantation owners worked hard, and although ordinary roads were being cleared and flat areas were being replanted with young shoots and seeds, and although the plantations were being carefully maintained, recovery would be slow.
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A person described the state of nutmeg plantations in Banda. Despite efforts to obtain sufficient resources to cultivate the lands that had been distributed under favorable conditions for more than 1.5 centuries, there were many setbacks. Various difficulties, enormous damages, and heavy losses had occurred during this person's long administration. The concerns and problems had increased significantly because almost everything in the densely grown aromatic forests had been completely destroyed. Furthermore, the many workers present could not gather or pick any significant amounts of produce. The person concluded that the more carefully one examined Banda's current troubled condition, and the deeper one looked into it, the greater the overall destruction of the nutmeg plantations appeared. It was undeniable that the people would need a very long series of years to restore the plantations to their former state. The person mentioned very important concerns regarding this situation.
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A. A. 's Gravesande and C. P. S. Ellersius wrote from Banda Neira on 27 April 1778. They hoped they had met the required intentions and signed off as obedient servants. In a separate letter from Banda, officials wrote to high-ranking authorities. Because of the general reduction of spice trees in this province, it did not seem likely that smuggling activities could be carried out like those mentioned in an earlier letter from 11 December 1717. They referred to their previous respectful letter from May of the year before. They explained that at the time when the Company's authority was first established in this important province, one of the most significant concerns had been to ensure there would always be enough people available for the proper management of the nutmeg plantations.
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A report was submitted about land taxes and prices on May 5, 1778 in Neira. I. Pelters wrote to Jacob Petters, who was an extraordinary council member of the Dutch Indies and also served as governor and director of the province. Pelters explained that these lands should not be allowed to rise in price again, as he had clearly shown on another occasion that the many additions for paying the lord's contingent had been done improperly for many years. To address this problem, such payment should once and for all be left as a burden on the seller. A price list was then provided showing spice lands for sale or transfer: The total purchase price for 54 plots was 300,676 rixdollars, plus an additional 8,945 rixdollars.
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The text discussed several measures for the Company (the Dutch East India Company). In the fifth place, all former obligations of the Company regarding the perkenier (plantation owner) should stop and be cancelled. No further requests should be made to increase the price of foeli. Only the requirement to supply the needed goods at 40 rijksdaalders per last (a unit of measure) should remain. In the sixth place, perkeniers should make lasting use of the toll-free shipping route to Ware, southwest Ceram, Goram, and other surrounding islands to collect slaves, adappen, and other household necessities. This privilege should not be extended to people from Ambon, Ternate, Makassar, Java, and Batavia. The writer believed this distinction was necessary in these critical times to force indifferent perkeniers to promote land cultivation instead of leaving it to the slaves. Additionally, this would prevent the best servants from being transported from Banda, sold, and secretly staying elsewhere for years. In the seventh place, once new plantations showed increasing harvests after a certain number of years to be determined by the high authorities, a start should be made with stopping half of the money payments for those whose lands were mortgaged higher than the established 2 thirds, so they could pay off the remaining part with their own capital. In the eighth place, when the term expired, the fixed lord's rights (according to old custom) should be calculated at half the amount of the last purchase price. The surplus would be calculated for the slaves and plantation equipment without taxation.
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A Dutch official reported on efforts to restore nutmeg plantations after disaster struck. Many discouraged planters agreed to begin the difficult work of clearing roads and forests of fallen and piled-up trees, based on promises of future benefits and government sympathy for their suffering. The official warned this cleanup would likely take a year to complete. After the cleanup, two things needed to be determined: The planters promised to continue clearing and immediately plant young trees in suitable cleared areas. The official noted it would take at least 25 years before any significant harvest could be expected. The official raised a third concern: whether some nutmeg plantation under Ambon or Moluccan control could be used instead of being destroyed, to reduce the Company's losses of millions of guilders from the loss of Banda's spice production. He noted that in 1692, the destruction of 80,196 fruit-bearing trees by volcanic eruptions from Gunung Api had so alarmed the authorities that ministers were ordered to establish a new plantation on Rozengain, even though the plantations still had 579,987 trees remaining according to a survey from 1751. In his fourth point, the official respectfully asked whether the current crisis was not infinitely greater and nearly impossible to overcome.
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The Dutch East India Company (the Company) wanted to keep control over the Banda islands, even though the spice trade there had become unprofitable. The Company believed that Banda would eventually become an important support for its overall existence again. The certainty of this depended on having enough help from the location, work, and ambition. Through these efforts, previously empty places had been turned into valuable plantations. It seemed that natural disasters had sometimes worked together to completely destroy Banda. However, God had provided the means for recovery in all catastrophic events. The Company hoped that the desperate conditions that made the land and people suffer more than ever would be completely restored over time through divine blessings alone. They expected to experience as much satisfaction and prosperity as there was currently misery and daily suffering. Such recovery depended on the desired growth of a plantation. The Company had to promote its extensive development by adding necessary qualities, without taking any regard to other considerations.
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On 25 July 1777, the council members discussed problems with the King of Batchian regarding an extirpation expedition (a mission to destroy spice trees). People who had recently returned from Batchian reported that the king himself had said he would not provide any men for the extirpation unless he received 700 rijksdaalders (a type of currency). The king had stated that if he did not get this money, he would not supply anyone for the expedition, and that the governor and council could come and carry out the extirpation themselves if they wanted. From these reports and the king's own letter, it was clear that any further efforts to convince the king to undertake this work would be pointless. The council also noted that the help they usually received from the Batchian side was very limited anyway. The king typically provided only about 20 men at most, and among these were always 5 or 6 so-called chiefs who did not work themselves and often delayed progress with their unreasonable commands. This meant that the Dutch forces were really only helped by about 14 or 15 Batchian workers at most. Furthermore, the council felt they could do without these Batchian people, because some of those loyal to the king tended to hide the spice plantations rather than point them out to the Dutch. The council believed they could rely much better on the Christian Laboureesen (people from Labores) who had to accompany the Dutch extirpators, as these people were faithful and hardworking, and knew the hidden locations just as well as the king's subjects. Taking all these considerations into account, the council members decided to proceed with the Batchian and Oubise expedition directly after the departure of the ship West Friesland, and without help from the King of Batchian. To make up for the loss of the 15 Batchian workers, they decided to hire 15 Ternate citizens who had often attended this work and were experienced in it. These men would be hired before the departure for the usual monthly wages and food allowance. The council also decided to appoint, in addition to the usual number of European soldiers, the military ensign Jacob Andries Rokzien as commissioner for this expedition. Rokzien had served several times on Batchian forest expeditions and was very knowledgeable in this work. A bookkeeper would be assigned to him as second commissioner and scribe.
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In July 1777, officials decided to place foot traps around a fort. They arrested a Postmaster to encourage this action, believing that such a ditch around the walls would provide much better security for the fort and its garrison than the current ditch beside the fortification. Resident Hemmekam informed the Council through a short letter dated 14 June that the ring wall of the fortress at Kemase had been built to a height of 13.5 feet and a thickness of 3.5 feet. The two corner points were 15.5 feet high, which was considered a reasonably good proportion. These decisions were made at Ternate in Castle Orange, in the regular Council Chamber of Police on the aforementioned date. The document was signed by:
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Between July 1777 and around that time, the council discussed a request from the king of Ternate. The king wanted to be provided with supplies and guides from the settlement of Manado. The supplies and guides would serve 2 purposes: The council found these 2 requests not only very reasonable but also viewed them as very necessary precautions. The council unanimously agreed to grant the requests. They ordered Resident Hemmekam to provide the Ternatans with the necessary native food supplies and 2 to 3 capable guides when they departed for the Sangir Islands. Hemmekam was also told to urge these natives immediately upon receiving the letters to undertake the journey to the Sangir Islands as soon as possible. The council expected that the Ternatans were still on Manado and had not yet undertaken their previously planned journey along the coast of Celebes. For this purpose, the Chinese man Tjoa Habi, who was ready to sail to Manado, would be instructed to depart as quickly as possible and to deliver the Company's papers to the Resident without delay upon arrival at Manado. The council also decided to inform the king of Ciauw about this matter, without explaining in detail the reasons that had prevented the council from sending a patrol with Company vessels and servants to the Sangir Islands. Next, the council examined the plan recently sent by Hemmekam of the fort at Kema. The fort had been rebuilt through Hemmekam's careful efforts and brought into a state of defense. The council members had nothing special to say about it except that the moat south of the fort, marked with the letter M in the plan, in their judgment could contribute very little to the defense or fortification of the fort. This was because the enemy would not need to wade through this so-called moat or ditch to approach the walls of the fort. The council decided to point out this observation to Resident Hemmekam and to send the plan among the secret documents to Their High Mightinesses. After this, the council members began to discuss by way of conversation that the post holder Holliger had begun to build the fort at Kima so beautifully and strongly against surprise attacks, according to the testimony of all who had seen this construction, as if a professional fortress builder had designed it. Furthermore, this person had told the Governor that he intended to persuade the people of Kema to dig a proper outer moat all around the fort, and then to equip the outer embankment with bamboo caltrops.
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The Council of Moluccos met on 15 July 1777 at 9 o'clock in the morning. Present were Governor and Director Paulus Jacob Valckenaer, upper merchant and second-in-command Godfried Carel Meurs, Johan Georg van Raesweld (merchant and fiscal officer), Gerardus Willem van Renesse, outgoing secretary Alexander de Kampagnet, Bartholomeus van de Walle, Htoene Roenis, and a secretary. Governor Valckenaer opened the meeting by explaining that he had heard a few days earlier that the King of Tidor had returned from the other shore where he had been staying for some time. The Governor had immediately begun writing instructions for the commissioners. The Council had decided on 20 May to send these commissioners to the royal court in Tidor. Their task was to follow orders from their High Authorities dated 24 February and to make formal complaints about hostile actions. These hostile acts had been committed by the Papuans in various districts of Ambon during the previous year, as reported in separate letters from the Governor of Ambon dated 15 June, 25 May, and 24 September of the previous year. The Governor explained that during the meeting of 20 May, the Council had discussed in detail the received orders from their High Authorities and other matters related to this mission. He now reported that on 24 June he had sent junior merchants van de Walle and Gavanon as commissioners to Tidor with proper instructions. Upon their return, they had given him a report about their experiences and conversation with the King of Tidor. Because this report contained certain expressions about the Moluccan kings, it needed to be handled and made known discreetly to avoid gossip. The Council members agreed to include this report in the minutes. The report was addressed to Governor Paulus Jacob Valckenaer and the Council of the Moluccos, stating that immediately after receiving the written instructions for their mission to the court of Tidor, they had departed by sailing boat.
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On 11 July 1757, a council meeting was held with several Dutch officials present, including Governor and Director Paulus Jacob Valckenaer, merchant and second-in-command Godfried Carel Meurs, merchant and fiscal officer Johan Georg van Raesveld, merchants Gerardus Willem van Renesse, clerks Alexander de Champagnet and Bartholomeus van de Walle, and Secretary Koene Koenes. At the start of the meeting, a secret letter dated 7 July from Resident Hemmekam was read. The letter had arrived the previous day by boat from citizen Johannes Christoffel from Manado. The letter reported that the Sangir islands were being threatened by Magindanao pirates with 35 ships. The pirates had set up tents or huts on Sawan, a place located between Taboekan and Tarian. Resident Hemmekam suspected that the pirates intended to take possession of the island of Great Sangir. Hemmekam had urged all the Sangir kings to bravely resist the enemy. He asked the council what should be done in these circumstances. This news about the Magindanao pirates arriving in Sangir waters was further confirmed by 2 recently received Malay letters: one from the King of Ciauw, Ismael Jacobs, dated 23 June, and another from the provisional post holder of Taboekan, Matthijs Hilbert, dated 15 June. Besides this news, the King of Ciauw told the council that he feared the Magindanao pirates would devastate the entire Sangir region. He requested that the council send a patrol fleet as soon as possible to protect the Sangir islands from the violence and hostile actions of the Magindanao pirates. After discussing this news and considering whether there were ways to prevent the feared actions of the pirates against the Sangir islands, it was immediately noted that there were no ships available because most of the boats had been taken away or lost.
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The Dutch authorities in Ternate received information that sea raiders planned to attack after the Northern Monsoon broke. According to declarations, these pirates intended to destroy all residencies and posts on the north coast of Celebes, and then visit Ternate and Tidor. The authorities reported about the shopkeeper Houque's debt situation. Instead of withholding half of his monthly wages and half of his income, his entire salary would now be held back to pay his debts. Although payment would be slower this way, they remained hopeful because: As of the date of writing, Houque's debts in the Ternate books amounted to 1,256 rijksdaalders and 10 stuivers, as shown in the enclosed current account. However, there was a disputed amount of 190 gold reals (equal to 1,900 rijksdaalders) that should be credited to Houque. Without this credit, the remaining debt would be higher. A dispute arose in the castle Orange about this amount of 190 gold reals delivered by former resident de Wolf. It was unclear whether Houque or his replacement de Walle had written off the linen fabrics for this purchased gold in the Gorontalo books. De Walle claimed the 1,900 rijksdaalders should be credited to him, not to Houque. Houque was asked to provide clarification about this matter. The letter was written in castle Orange in Ternate on 26 October 1776 by Paulus Jacob Valckenaer. The copy was certified by Anbroenes Corels on 31 July 1777.
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Ajo Tjanko, a Chinese engineer, wrote a letter to Paulus Gothofredus van der Voort, who was Governor and Director.

On 26 July, he received a letter via Amboina from 30 November 1775. From this letter, he learned that no English ships or vessels had been seen near Maccassar or in the Bouton strait for some time. This year, nothing special had been heard about the English or other European foreigners either.

However, the northwest coast of Celebes, especially the area of Manado, had been seriously troubled this year by pirates from Magindanau. In May, these pirates attacked these coasts with no less than 40 heavily armed pirate ships. According to rumors, some of these ships had crews of 300 men. Because of this large force, the pirates captured the post at Kema and the Company's ships Sara Maria and het Haasje.

This forced them to send an equally strong fleet against these criminals. The fleet included:

Together, these ships had crews of more than 600 men. Unfortunately, this fleet did not find the pirates, as they had fled shortly before. However, according to rumors and some statements that came in, the letter continued but was incomplete, dated 31 July 1776, from Macassar via Amboina.

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