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On 26 August 1684, a letter was sent from Malacca discussing trade negotiations. Thomas Dias, acting on behalf of Dato Bandara from Ratapan, requested a trade pass from the governor, Cornelis van Quaelbergh. Dias was granted permission to trade with the Dutch company’s goods and was sent back to Malacca with a trader named Nachoda Bangsoe. Dato Bandara asked the governor to assist Bangsoe with his needs and mentioned his own small land and lack of firearms, which Dias and Bangsoe could explain further. A small gift of tin was included as a token of goodwill.

Another letter, dated 11 March 1684, was from leaders in Aijer Tieris, Moarasala, Macotta, Barsinang, and Cahup, addressed to Cornelis van Quaelbergh. They confirmed that only Thomas Dias could effectively negotiate with them because he understood their language and customs. They requested continued friendship and promised to support Dias in his trade efforts for the Dutch company. No gift was sent this time, as they had already met Dias in Patapan.

A third letter, from Paduka Radja of Riou to Cornelis van Quaelbergh, mentioned sending Sirij Lella Radja to Aatchiis to collect outstanding debts and take a small amount of capital. Additionally, 2 to 3 days after his departure, a ship called goerap would be sent under Sirij Lella Radja's command to retrieve two nobles, Orangkaija Sirij Sittia and Ton Radja Diradja, whose ships had been wrecked near Aatchin due to a storm. The writer expressed happiness that a dispute involving Andiappa and Jan Beeck had been resolved. He also confirmed that Cornelis van Quaelbergh planned to send an ambassador to their king once a ship from Batavia arrived. The writer requested that this ambassador be a wise man who understood the Malay language and customs to maintain strong relations.

• On 26 August 1684, a group from Malacca arrived frightened, flying white flags and requesting peace. Their request was granted to create an impression of respect for their weak power and possibly deter the Dutch East India Company (VOC).
• Sometimes, their plans failed due to unexpected events, like when a Malay man tried to betray one of the envoys of Paducca Raja (a local ruler). The traitor was caught, beaten nearly to death, and imprisoned but later released after intervention by the Bandara (a local official).
• The writer refused to pay tolls demanded by the Sabandar (harbor master) at Abaar, arguing:
  • The area no longer belonged to the local ruler, as the Sultan of Ceylon had gifted it to the VOC.
  • Paying the toll could harm the VOC's reputation, making it seem weak against Paducca Raja.
• The envoys, fearing conflict, paid a small toll of 10 rijksdaalders on behalf of their group to avoid trouble.
• The writer describes the region under the Sultan of Ceylon:
  • Covers eastern Sumatra's interior, divided by mountains, with over 100 local rulers under his command.
  • Borders:
    • South: Padan, Vriaman, and Sillida.
    • East: Lampon, Toelang Bawan, and Valemban.
    • North: Jambi, Andragiri, Kampar, and Siava.
    • West: The Batos people (inland inhabitants of western Sumatra).
  • The climate is milder than expected, and the land is rich in gold.
  • Inhabitants are skilled with blowpipes but lack proper military training.
  • The VOC could gain significant trade benefits, especially in textiles, if they established a strong presence in Labaor.

• On 26 August 1684, in Malacca, a local ruler (referred to as the King of Pagger Oeijan) promised to arrive with a tiap (a type of official document or seal) within 1.5 months.
• The king refused gifts, stating his visit was not for personal gain. He asked if the Dutch East India Company (EComp) approved of the actions of Paducca Radja, who had broken a peace treaty by killing his own son, Radja Itam.
• The writer (a Dutch representative) replied that the EComp had no prior knowledge of this event. The king then urged the EComp to take notice and suggested keeping a ship at Sabaar to ensure security and deter Paducca Radja’s schemes.
• The next day, the king’s secretary delivered documents granting the writer control over the region from Pulo Gonting to Patapan, including the power to issue travel permits. The writer accepted to avoid offending the king.
• The following day, the writer thanked the king for his favors before his departure. The king gifted the writer a straw hat—a simple but highly symbolic honor, as only royal descendants were allowed to wear it.
• Around this time, Sir Roonhuijsen arrived in Malacca with a ship, Orangie, but the crew (many of whom were sick) had drifted toward Bencalis, making trade difficult.
• Locals from Patapan warned that Paducca Radja was seeking military help from nearby rulers (Paducca Sirij Nara of Sala, Maradja Besaar of De Qua, Paducca Tuan of Arbirit, and Serima Radja Lela of Wiquinam) to attack Malacca.
• The writer traveled to these regions, using only the king’s straw hat as a symbol of authority, and successfully undermined Paducca Radja’s influence.
• After securing trade agreements in Cobon and nearby areas, the writer avoided meeting three kings and their 70 men who arrived with the promised tiap, fearing a trick by Paducca Radja.
• The writer noted that Paducca Radja had consistently opposed Dutch efforts, even claiming in a letter that he had come to Malacca with warships, causing fear among the locals.

• A letter dated 26 August 1684 was sent from Malacca to Governor Cornelis van Gualbergh and the Dutch East India Company (VOC). It described a mission to secure trade agreements with local rulers in the Pepper Coast (west coast of Sumatra).
• The writer left Malacca on 15 April 1684 and arrived near Sabang after 10 days. Despite being ill, they traveled upstream to Patapan, arriving after 20 days.
• Upon arrival, they delivered 3 letters and 6 pieces of coarse Chinese silk to local officials. The gifts were accepted with ceremonies, including cannon fire and music. The local rulers granted permission to sell the VOC's textiles.
• A representative of the King of Pagarruyung (called Orang Kaya Sri Maradja) visited, stating that the king, Sultan Sailan, wished to meet in person after their fasting period. The writer agreed and gifted some cloth to honor the king.
• Soon after, Songo Toalam arrived with 8 letters from the king, including one for Malacca. The king requested forgiveness for Songo Toalam’s past crimes, as he was now serving the king, and asked the VOC to spare his life. The king also offered the island of Pulo Gonting to Malacca as a gift.
• Most of the VOC’s textiles were sold, except for white salempore and blue guinea cloth, as the offered prices (1¾ and 4 taels respectively) were too low. These goods were sent back to Malacca with the king’s letter.
• After the fasting period, the king arrived to meet the writer in person, despite his advisors’ warnings that speaking to a Dutch or Portuguese person would bring death. The king ignored these fears, secretly arranging the meeting.
• During the meeting, the king expressed joy at the historic encounter and asked what the VOC desired. The writer requested:
  • A permanent trade agreement with the VOC.
  • Assurance that the king would not send troops to support Bantam (a rival of the VOC).
• The king replied:
  • He had already refused Bantam’s request for troops and threatened to punish anyone who joined them, even extending punishment to their families.
  • He fully approved trade with the VOC and promised to remove any obstacles.
  • He would also help close the rivers of Indragiri and Kampar to rival traders if requested.
• The writer asked the king to confirm these promises with his official seal (tiap), as verbal agreements alone were not sufficient.

On 24 August 1684, a letter was received in Malacca from Nakhoda Pansur, who had arrived from Patapan. The letter reported a successful meeting, allowing authorities to decide their next steps. The results were better than expected, and further details could be heard from the messengers who arrived together.

The letter, signed by Thomas Dias on 10 January 1684 and agreed upon in Malacca on 24 August 1684, also included a translated message from Governor Cornelis van Gualbergh. He informed that Paduka Raja (a local ruler) had sent a letter to the coastal areas, questioning why the Dutch were allowed to trade there. Paduka Raja warned that the Dutch might take control under the guise of trade, just as they had in Macassar, Bantham, Tiku, and Priaman.

Van Gualbergh replied that the locals should ensure Paduka Raja did not deceive them. In response, the locals agreed to test trading with the Dutch for 3 to 4 years to see how it would work. Additionally, a local official named Bandara planned to send a ship with slaves to Acheh for sale, led by one of his sons.

In 1682, several documents were received by Dutch officials in the East Indies:

• The ship Buuren from Bantam and the ship Tagie from Banham (near Tanara) were handed over to the Governor-General by the English Council.
• A letter from the ship Egelenburg, dated 11 July 1682, was sent by the commanders of the yachts Naaltwijcke and Couwerven from off the coast of Canara.
• Letters from skipper Cornelis Meppel, aboard the yacht Alexander near the island of Hoorn, were sent to Secretary Joan van Hoorn on 17 July and 24 July 1682.
• Three translated Chinese letters were delivered by the sabandaer (interpreter) Sacradana to the Chinese.
• A register of papers and a letter from Major St. Martin and the Council in Bantam were sent on 2 August 1682.
• Two letters from the commanders of the ships Couwerven and Naaltwijck, stationed off the Tanara River, were sent on 17 July and 24 July 1682.
• A translated English document was submitted by English council members Edward Barwel, Nicolaes Waite, and Charles Sweting, along with Mr. Mich—, on 1/12 August 1682.
• A ship called Sagie d' Smith was noted on 4 August.
• A report by a Chinese man named Djuincko about Curtiassa was recorded on 31 August.
• A gonting (small vessel) from Bantam brought a pass issued in Salamat, Macassar, dated 29 July 1682, along with a related report on 13 August.

• The text discusses a series of financial, military, and administrative decisions made by the States General (the governing body of the Dutch provinces) in October 1576:
• Financial and Legal Matters:
  • The States decided that certain debts (like those of Breine and Johan Jabis) would be paid in installments, with Johan Jabis required to pay 20 pounds upfront.
  • A request by Jehen van Crayvncke, a master of a guild in Leende, was approved for payment of 7 pounds for wages and expenses, confirmed on 27 October 1576.
  • The clerk of the States of Brabant was ordered to ensure payments were made to other clerks and officials.
  • Discussions included unresolved payments for soldiers from Zierikzee and Lier, with some soldiers causing unrest by refusing to leave Lier until paid.
  • Soldiers from Cambrai were also demanding back pay, and the pensionary of Lier was involved in negotiations.
  • A dispute over wages for soldiers from Valenciennes was noted, with the Duke of Aarschot and others tasked to address it.
• Military and Logistical Issues:
  • The States ordered that no weapons, gunpowder, or Spanish troops should be transported to Maastricht or other key locations without permission.
  • Colonel Jehen der Elle was involved in discussions about military supplies, including gunpowder and lead, which were to be delivered as ordered by the States.
  • There were concerns about false certificates being used to claim payments, particularly from Valenciennes, and the States planned to investigate.
  • The pensionary of Louvain and others were accused of misconduct in Maastricht, involving letters of marque (permissions for private military actions).
  • A request from Conrad de Her regarding gunpowder was approved, with the States ordering its delivery.
• Political and Diplomatic Decisions:
  • The States discussed accepting the Lord of Manderscheid as a colonel, but this was debated and not immediately resolved.
  • A payment of 1,000 dalers was approved for the Lord of Schoten, Count Henry of Bossu, and others.
  • The Prince of Orange's advisor was involved in negotiations, and there were concerns about the loyalty and actions of certain military leaders.
  • Deputies were assigned to examine the conduct of Monsieur d'Ypres regarding the surrender of towns like Oudenaarde and Geraardsbergen.
• Dates and Locations:
  • Key meetings and decisions took place on 27 October 1576 and 28 October 1576.
  • Locations mentioned include Brussels, Maastricht, Lier, Zierikzee, Cambrai, Valenciennes, Louvain, Oudenaarde, and Geraardsbergen.

• On 1 March 1741, at Fort Nassau in Berbice, the leaders owed Cassa (the cash fund) ƒ28 for supplies. This amount was paid by Frederick Coenraed Bosse for sending 4 reams of writing paper and 12 bundles of pens to Suriname.
• On 24 March 1741, ƒ49 was paid from Cassa to tailors for making uniforms (montius) for the following soldiers at ƒ3.10 each:
  • Jacob van Ovren
  • Harmen Natrop
  • Thomas Abraham Kok
  • Gerard Lodewijk Edman
  • Christian Modeman
  • Daniel Carsten Gabriet
  • Hendrik Gahren
  • Jan Cornelis van Schulpen
  • Jurrian Rook
  • Wernerus Gelles
  • Godschalk Spiermeijer
  • Jan Menz
  • Anthonij Presto (paid ƒ3.110, slightly more)
  • Martin Smit
• On 27 March 1741, at Fort Nassau, ƒ317.2 was paid from Cassa to the following individuals via their assigned funds:
  • Fredrik Ditloff Hilbrand: ƒ11.6
  • Justus Weishaupt: ƒ33.12
  • Joseph Mertenz: ƒ4.15
  • Johannes Corlemand: ƒ9
  • Pierre Bontour: ƒ41.11
  • Christoffel Hendrik Proppingh: ƒ2
  • Lodewijk Zundermeyer: ƒ18.13.8
  • Diderich Kok: ƒ40
  • Jan Peter Bartholma: ƒ18.13
  • Jan Roeland Joem: ƒ40
  • Frans Jurgen Boles: ƒ20
  • Jan Cornelis van Schulpen: ƒ40
  • Johan Fredrik Dost: ƒ23
  • Fredrik Ditloff Hilbrand (second entry): ƒ7.2
• On the same day, Cassa recorded receiving ƒ121 from Jacob and Jan de Putter for an enslaved person sold on 18 February 1741 during a public auction (vendutie).
• On 28 March 1741, ƒ75.8 was paid from Cassa for uniforms and their production:
  • Johan Herman Meinunger: ƒ16.4.4 for uniform fabric and tailoring.
  • Christoffel Hendrik Proppingh: ƒ9.8
  • Frans de Lange: ƒ9.8
  • Jan Pieter Strous: ƒ9.8
  • Justus Weishaupt: ƒ9.8
  • Christian Zeverniek: ƒ8.9
  • Theunis Hompers: ƒ8

In 1770, officials discussed two main issues:

• A ship arriving from a healthy area near the Eems River was suspected of carrying contaminated hides, possibly from Hamburg or nearby areas in East Friesland (Oostvriesland). Though the crew and horses appeared healthy, authorities decided the ship should be quarantined until further orders from higher officials were received. The Provincial Deputies of Holland and West Friesland agreed to review the matter further.
• Cornelis Segbroek, a 79-year-old secretary for the districts of Haaren, Berkel, Emschot, and Huyelom (part of the Quarter of Oosterwijk and Lordship of ’s Bosch), requested to be replaced. Due to his advanced age and hearing loss, he struggled to perform his duties accurately, fearing mistakes could cause confusion. He proposed Jan Roeland van Hasselt as his successor, with support from the local preacher and officials.

This document discusses two cases involving Dutch officials and their pensions or salaries from the 17th century:

• Hendrik Jan Roeland, born on 1 December 1638, was granted a provisional pension of ₿3,150 (three thousand one hundred fifty guilders) per year by a government decision on 1 November 1684. However, he had not received any payments while abroad, and his active service salary in the Dutch East Indies continued until 31 October 1684. The Department of Colonial Affairs confirmed this pension.
• H. J. Roeland (likely the same person) was also mentioned in a certificate dated 28 January 1685 in Nijmegen, Gelderland, regarding unpaid wages.
• P. Sterken, a civil engineer, was owed ₿1,000 (one thousand guilders) per month by the government for his work in the Dutch East Indies until 1687. A certificate from 2 February 1685 confirmed his right to back pay while he was in the Netherlands.
• H. J. Roeland (referred to here as a second-class engineer for Public Works in the Dutch East Indies) was permitted by government decision on 2 October 1684 to receive his salary from the colonial treasury while staying in Nijmegen, Gelderland, due to health reasons.

• On 22 January 1777, Jan Emanuel Kranth sent a request to Commander Paulus van Schuijlenburch and the Honorable Council of Civil and Criminal Justice in the river and lower districts of Demerara. He explained that he had lived in New York for about 3 years, where he had become highly skilled in the English language—so much so that he could translate it into Dutch.
• Kranth respectfully asked to be appointed as a sworn translator for the High Court. The Council, after considering his request and his 3-year stay in North America, approved his appointment on 22 January 1779. The document was signed by Jan Bastianse (fiscal officer), Mr. van Axfisent, and Jan Een Wilvoele, with Commander Paulus van Schuijlenburch and the Council confirming the decision.
• On 19 January 1777, G. C. Rodemaller informed the same Council that he had been appointed as a bailiff in late 1777. Due to ongoing illness and declining physical strength, he could no longer perform his duties. He respectfully requested to be relieved of his position so he could travel to Europe (by the end of March or beginning of April 1779) to recover his health and settle personal matters.
• The Council granted his request on 28 January 1779, allowing him to resign. The decision was recorded by J. C. C. van Baerle, the secretary of the colony.

This document is a financial record from a paybook covering the period from 1 April 1742 to 31 March 1743. On 23 May 1742, the following payments were noted:

• Philippus van den Broek paid Jan Valk an amount of 22 guilders, 52 stuivers, and 14 pennies.
• Jan Roeland paid Jurriaan Hennings 35 guilders and 21 stuivers.
• Pasques Nicolaes Vitrij paid Jan Pierre Thoman 30 guilders, 4 stuivers, and 14 pennies.
• Johannes Roeland paid Simon Marot 25 guilders and 18 stuivers.
• Pieter Bonekamp paid Lodewijk Abbenzetz 30 guilders and 28 stuivers.
• Jan Willem Mackeroth paid F. D. Hilbrand 21 guilders and 19 stuivers.
• Wilhelm Eilebragt paid Lodewijk Abbenzetz 20 guilders and 30 stuivers.
• Bernhard Christian paid Jan Pierre Thoman 60 guilders and 3 stuivers.
• Jan Fredrik Dost paid Jan Valk 20 guilders and 21 stuivers.
• Abraham Wijs paid Lodewijk Abbenzetz 55 stuivers.
• Leonard van der Lijpen paid Johann Daniel Knapp 93 guilders and 15 stuivers, and Jan Reinhard Rymers 1 guilder, 100 stuivers, and 21 pennies.
• Abraham Wijs paid Captain Swerus Kerekdorp 88 guilders.
• Jan Braun paid Jan Valk 10 guilders and 20 stuivers.
• Coert Hendrik Crückmeijer paid an unnamed person 6 guilders and 70 stuivers.
• Joost Hendrik Zeugh paid Lodewijk Abbenzetz 25 guilders, 34 stuivers, and 4 pennies.
• Jan Heroldt paid Jan Valk 16 guilders, 4 stuivers, and 20 pennies.
• Joseph Mertens paid Jan Frederik Menke 225 guilders.
• Johann Christian Frauendorff paid Jan Valk 66 guilders, 21 stuivers, and 6 pennies.
• Lambernus Lambregtz paid Lodewijk Abbenzetz 8 guilders and 5 stuivers.
• Joseph Dietscholt paid M. V. Harlingon 54 guilders.
• Philippus van den Broek paid Jan Valk 62 guilders, 17 stuivers, and 18 pennies.
• Erhard Athingh paid an unnamed person 18 guilders and 25 stuivers.
• Frederik Philip Kaloule paid Johann Daniel Knapp 1000 guilders and 6 stuivers.
• Hans Jacob Haugh paid G. Nijbaud 26 guilders, 10 stuivers, and 28 pennies.
• Abraham Rousset paid Andre Grin 30 guilders and 28 stuivers, and Jurriaan Hennings 30 guilders.
• Christiaan Hendrik Proppings paid Lodewijk Abbenzetz 28 guilders, 24 stuivers, and 4 pennies.

The total amount recorded in this entry was 2912 guilders, 8 stuivers, and some pennies.

The following events were described in a historical Dutch legal record:

• Several witnesses—Michiel Idesen, David Gijsen, Jan Bastiaensz, and Christiaen Fredricksz—were questioned about the transport of bales of cinnamon.
• The witnesses confirmed that:
  • A ship, possibly a chialoup (small vessel) from Vlissingen, was involved.
  • The cinnamon was not unloaded at Porto Novo but remained anchored offshore.
  • The bales were not transferred to a Portuguese ship or any other vessel belonging to a Polack (likely a Polish trader).
  • The cinnamon was weighed and moved by the ship’s crew, including the boatswain and helmsman, using their own boat.
  • The unloading did not happen at night, and the witnesses stayed near the ship all day.
• David Gijsen stated that the quartermaster claimed the cinnamon was loaded under orders from Governor Laurens Pit, but Jan Bastiaensz said he did not know this.
• The witnesses agreed that:
  • The cinnamon was later taken to Sadraspatnam (modern Sadras, India).
  • No manilhas (a type of ship) was present at the anchorage during this time.
  • The total number of bales was uncertain, but Michiel Besen recorded figures in an account, including numbers like 20, 8, 4, 9, and monetary values such as ƒ 21 and ƒ 12.

On 30 April 1792, a Monday evening between 7:00 PM and 8:00 PM, Gerrit Roeland, a respected resident of Haarlem, appeared before the notary Gerrit Kok Junior and witnesses. Knowing that death is certain but its timing unknown, he declared his last wishes regarding his belongings. Gerrit Roeland first canceled all his previous wills and final requests. He then left a one-time gift of 25 guilders each to:

• Maria Roeland
• Gerrit Kok
• Gerrit Bruyning
• Catharina Van Looy

Additionally, he left his weaving looms and tools to Lucas Roiland. For the rest of his belongings, Gerrit Roeland named his only heirs as his two brothers and one sister:

• Jan Roeland
• Dirk Roeland
• Agniesje Kortand

They would inherit equal shares. If one or more of them died before him, their share would be divided among the surviving heirs.

On 3 November 1774, officials from the Dutch Republic reviewed a report by Lord van Randwyk and other representatives of Her Highness regarding the management of the Schoes estate. They examined records and decisions linked to a resolution from 13 July 1774, following instructions from the States General and the Council of State.

During the meeting, a petition was read from several local secretaries (clerks) representing villages across the Meierij van 's-Hertogenbosch (a historical region in the Netherlands). The petitioners included:

• Ludolf Ribbius (secretary for Lieshout, Aarle, Rixtel, Stiphout)
• David van Dijk (secretary for Heeze, Leende, Soerendonk)
• Jacobus Loosclaat (secretary for Asten, Lierop, in the Peelland district)
• J.M. Brox (assistant secretary for Veldhoven, Diessen, Baarle)
• Johan Smits (assistant secretary for Eersel, Duizel, Hoogeloon, Casteren, Bladel, Hapert, Vessels, Reusel, Heeze)
• Jacob Gerard de Haas (assistant secretary for Bergeijk, Riethoven, Westerhoven, Borkel en Schaft)
• J.C. Dagevos (secretary for Waalre, Valkenswaard, in the Kempeland district)
• Sijverd Ruperda (secretary for Oosterwijk, Udenhout)
• Herman van Voorst (secretary for Helvoirt, Esch)
• Jan Roeland van Hasseld (secretary for Haren, Enschot, Heukelom, Berkel)
• J. van Heusden (secretary for Hoge Mierde, Lage Mierde, Hulsel)
• J. Oudemans (secretary for Boxtel, Liempde)
• Joannes van der Burg (secretary for Hilvarenbeek, Diessen, Baarschot, Esbeek, Haghorst, in the Oosterwijk district)
• Jurriaan Gustaaf Lindenberg (secretary for Heesch, Berlicum, Nistelrode, in the Maasland district)