Transcriptions » Recently created summaries of historical documents

On 28 February 1727, a Dutch ship near Malacca was in serious trouble. The crew had already tried to save it by adjusting the sails, but the helmsmen told the captain there was no hope of saving the ship or returning to Siam. They sailed with reduced sails until the morning of 3 January, when the back of the ship hit shallow water near a small island called Toulo Gadje, close to the mainland and directly across from Pulo Timaon. The crew dropped an anchor to keep the ship steady, fearing it would break apart from the waves crashing against the island.

The crew tried to lower the lifeboat and load it with guns and supplies, but before they could finish, water flooded the deck, leaving almost no safe spot on the ship. Everyone scrambled to save themselves in the lifeboat and a smaller boat, fearing the ship would sink—which it did shortly after they left. With these two small boats, most of the crew, except for the chief mate, his wife, the ship’s carpenter, and 18 others, reached Pulo Gadja that evening. Unfortunately, as they neared the shore, the boat hit the land and was destroyed, leaving them stranded without any way to escape.

The next day, the chief mate, his wife, the carpenter, and 4 other men were taken from the shore by locals in small boats. The rest of the crew, who had spent the night clinging to the wrecked ship, were also rescued over the next 4 or 5 days and brought to the same island. The only one who did not survive was the provost, an elderly man who drowned during the disaster.

On 28 February 1727, a report was submitted in Malacca by two sailors: under-steersman Jan Schoone from Amsterdam and sailor’s mate Anne de Haan from Harlingen. They described the misfortune of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) ship Risdam and their subsequent journey.

• The Risdam and another ship, the Coning Carel, left the Siamese roads (anchorages) on 8 December 1726, heading toward Malacca and then Batavia.
• The Risdam was already leaking but could be managed with one or two pumps near Pulo Obi (an island).
• Heavy waves and rolling seas caused the ship to sway violently, likely opening more leaks. Despite pumping, water levels kept rising.
• Captain Hendrik Schoone signaled distress to the Coning Carel, whose crew saw the danger but could not assist due to the rough seas.
• The Coning Carel stayed nearby, adjusting its course twice (first by 2 points, then by 4 points toward the shore) on 1 December around midnight.
• By then, the boatswain reported 6 feet of water in the hold, and the situation worsened.

The report was signed in Malacca's fortress on 28 February 1727 by officials including H.V. Suchtelen, J. Bruijn, I. Cottiere, I. Kuijpers, C’s van Kiel, Dk. Nolthenius, and I. Onneke.

On 12 February 1727, officials in Malacca received reports about the shipwreck of the Dutch ship Risdam near Pulo Gadia. The account was given by Under-Steersman Jan Schoon and Seaman Anne de Haan, who survived the disaster.

• On 13 February 1727, the authorities in Malacca sent a letter to the ship’s captain, Hendrik, about the stranded Risdam.
• They also sent a letter to Daijeeng Marewa, a local leader in Riouw (present-day Riau), on the same day.
• On 14 February 1727, a decision was made to exempt Portuguese Captain Anthonio de Mekando from paying anchoring fees for one day.
• On 21 February 1727, another letter was sent to Riouw, likely related to the shipwreck.
• On 25 February 1727, Daijeeng Marewa, now titled Clana Djaja Poetra, sent a reply to the governor of Such (likely Siak), offering excuses (likely for delays or inaction).
• On 14 March 1727, Governor Harmanus van Sugtelen and the council of Malacca wrote to Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies in Batavia, updating them on these events.
• On 7 April 1727, a Chinese man named Tsimtsonko was mentioned in a received letter from Governor Harmanus van Sugtelen to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) leadership in Batavia.

The documents were officially recorded in a register in Malacca between 12 February and 28 February 1727.

On 7 April 1727, officials in Batavia (modern-day Jakarta) received a package from Malacca via a Chinese ship. The documents included:

• A letter from Governor Harmanus van Sugtelen and the council of Malacca to Governor-General and the council of the Dutch East Indies in Batavia, dated 28 February 1727.
• A report by Under-Steersman (Mate) Jan Schoon and Seaman Anne de Haan, survivors of the shipwreck of the fluyt (cargo ship) Risdam near Gadia, dated 12 February 1727.
• A copy of a resolution by the Council of Police in Malacca from 12 February 1727.
• A copy of a short letter from Dutch ministers in Malacca to Daijeeng Marewa in Riouw (modern Riau), dated 13 February 1727.
• A copy of another short letter from the same ministers to Hendrik Schoon, captain of the wrecked Risdam, also sent to Riouw, dated 12 February 1727.

Another package from Malacca, received the same day, contained:

• A copy of a resolution by the Council of Malacca from 14 February 1727, exempting the Portuguese captain Anthonio de Mekando from paying anchoring fees.
• A short letter from Governor van Sugtelen and the council of Malacca to the Dutch East Indies government in Batavia, dated 14 March 1727, likely explaining financial matters.
• A copy of a letter from Daijeeng Marewa, titled Clana Djaja Poetra, to Governor van Sugtelen in Malacca, dated 1727.

On 29 November 1726, a report was sent from Siam (modern-day Thailand) by Ede, a junior merchant, detailing a trading voyage. The document included:

• A statement from Hendrik Schoon, captain of the fluyt ship Risdam, dated 25 November 1726.
• A bill of lading (cargo receipt) for goods loaded onto the Risdam.
• An expense report for the ship’s costs, totaling 126 units (likely guilders or another currency).

The report was signed in Judja (a Dutch trading post in Ayutthaya, Siam) by Smel Christaan Cock and sent to:

• Mattheus de Haan, Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies in Batavia (modern-day Jakarta).
• The Council of Dutch India (the Dutch East India Company, or VOC).

The letter acknowledged receipt of earlier correspondence from 4 August, 19 May, 19 June, and 11 August 1726, delivered via the small boat Ligoor. It confirmed that:

• Three ships—the Risdam (4 September), the Koning Karel (28 September), and the Vesserhooft (5 October)—had arrived in Batavia from Ligoor (a trading post in Siam).
• Goods for the trading posts in Siam and Ligoor were delivered as listed in the invoices.
• The former chief merchant of Siam, P. Cock, had been replaced by Isaack Kleeman, a junior merchant from Ligoor, who arrived on 5 October with his family.
• A formal handover report (marked as document No. 5) and a copy of a memo on trade affairs (marked as No. 6) were included.

On 30 July 1726, a shipment record was signed by Matthij de Haan in Batavia Castle (Jakarta). The document listed goods received and excuses for missing or delayed items:

• Received items:
  • 100 empty glass jars (clear and dark).
  • 40 earthenware pots.
  • 30 bundles of bamboo atoliar (likely a type of building material).
  • Unspecified amounts of red pinang chalk (betel lime), common honey, and yellow gum (likely gum gutta).
  • 100 pounds of yellow gum and 1,000 doses of hartshoorn (hartshorn, a type of ammonium carbonate).
  • 50 copper and metal molds (no longer usable).
  • Additional hartshoorn (243 doses) and yellow gum (100 pounds) delivered by the ship Prins Engenius.
  • 50 doses of honey and 40 pots of adjaar (possibly a type of container or preserved food) delivered with risk (likely at the sender's expense).
  • 35 enslaved people (31 men and 4 women) from Malabar (Southwest India), delivered by the ships Loenderveen and Chialoup Cornelia on 21 July 1726 and 26 December 1726.
  • 10 pounds of high-quality snuff tobacco (best berikje variety) in 250 glass bottles, delivered by the Chialoup Cornelia.
• Excuses for missing items:
  • No cardamom was harvested or received due to disrupted trade in Persia (modern-day Iran).
  • Rice and pinang chalk remained unfulfilled without explanation.
  • Only 2 enslaved people were delivered in response to a prior request, despite a new demand for:
    • 175 enslaved men (ages 16–24).
    • 75 enslaved women (ages 14–18).
    • 250 enslaved people in total (including 4 girls) for the Dutch East India Company (VOC)'s craft quarters.
  • The document suggests no effort was made to fulfill earlier requests for these enslaved individuals.

On 28 November 1725, a report was sent from Siam regarding two Dutch ships, the Risdam and the Hoogermeer, which were prepared for a voyage. The ships were loaded with goods and assigned specific cargo:

• The Risdam carried:
  • 460,350 pounds of sappan wood (a type of dyewood)
  • 77,644 pounds of tin in 1,276 bars
  • 3,799 Ligor (Ligor was a region, likely referring to local goods) baskets
  • 121 elephant tusks, weighing 15,404 pounds
  • 9,200 portions of old tin
  • 7,200 pounds of shellac on sticks in 40 chests
  • 100 empty pots and 40 pots of atchiar bamboo
  The total value of the cargo was 49,378 guilders, 19 stuivers. The ship had also incurred unavoidable repair costs of 1,351 guilders, 7 stuivers during its stay and preparations.
• The Hoogermeer carried:
  • 396,025 pounds of sappan wood
  • 77,644 pounds of tin in 1,276 bars
  • 412.5 Ligor baskets
  • 120 elephant tusks, weighing 12,066 pounds
  • 15 jars of candied ginger and 160 pots with contents including shellac on sticks
  • 5,400 pounds of shellac in 30 chests
  • 100 pounds of yellow gutta-gum (a type of gum/resin) in one chest
  • 50 pots of honey and 30 pots of red pinang chalk (betel lime)
  The total value of the cargo was 46,539 guilders, 5 stuivers. The ship had also incurred unavoidable repair costs of 1,104 guilders, 1 and ⅛ stuivers.

The report was signed by G:s M:k Prageman and R:s van Alderweerelt, who respectfully requested approval for the expenses. Additionally, it was noted that a translator, Matthias Rodrigues, arrived with a list of the King of Siam's royal chamber servants, who were to be transported on the Risdam to the east coast of Java. The report asked for instructions on how much money should be allocated for their expenses.

An earlier meeting on 22 October 1725 was also documented, attended by:

• Gregorius Hendrik Prageman (merchant and head official)
• Rugier van Alderwerelt (under-merchant)
• Gerrit Schrijver and Willem De Ghij (bookkeepers)

During this meeting, it was reported that the company's ship, the Tinnegie, was near Beinkok (likely Bangkok) on 19 October 1725.

In a letter from 1732, it was reported that a message in the Malay language had arrived on March 10 via a Chinese ship led by a captain named Tan Pynko. The letter was written by Dajeeng Maresva, who now held the title of Kalana Djaja Poetra and served as the powerful ruler under the King of Johor in Riouw.

The letter served as a notice with the following key points:

• On January 3, the ship Risdam had safely delivered 21 people to the trading post Bassoura near Batoe Int. Among them were the ship’s captain and accountant, with no reported issues.
• A private English ship called Batoe Gadja, also known as the Elephants Ship, had sunk near Poulo Babij.
• On February 4, by Dajeeng Maresva's order, 57 survivors from the sunken ship were transported by local vessels, arranged by the regent of Marsang, to Riouw.
• Dajeeng Maresva provided the survivors with necessary aid. Out of these survivors, 9 were sent back (likely to their home or another destination).
• Later, 21 of the survivors, including the captain of the sunken ship, were sent onward via the same Chinese vessel that carried the letter.

The Dutch East India Company (VOC) received reports from Siam (modern-day Thailand) regarding the actions of its officials there.

• The former VOC leader in Siam, merchant Gregorius Hendrik Prageman, had officially transferred the company’s assets and records to a junior merchant before leaving on October 31, 1725.
• Prageman also provided a written explanation about a dispute with the second-in-command, Rogier van Alderwereld, dating back to 1725.
• Additional financial records and copies of documents from India were referenced for further details.
• All related papers were properly filed, and further information could be found in the mentioned letters and attached copies.

In 1725, a small ship called a chialoup (or kits), owned by a Dutch official named Jacob Philipsz, was lost near Cochim China (Quanzhou, China). The ship’s cargo was stolen by locals, and the crew was left in extreme poverty.

Jacob Philipsz, acting as a Dutch official, traveled from Cochim China to Judja (Ayutthaya, Thailand) by local boat. In 1726, he then sailed from Judja to Japan on a ship called a jonk, which belonged to a crown prince (likely a high-ranking Asian noble). This ship, named The White Elephant, carried a small cargo and was heading toward Manila (Philippines).

Another ship, the Coning Carel, arrived at this main trading post (likely Batavia, now Jakarta) with records from Siam (Thailand). These records confirmed that The White Elephant had left Judja for Manila in 1726 with little cargo. However, it was unclear whether the ship safely reached Nagasaki (Japan), as later Japanese documents mentioned its arrival, but Siamese records did not confirm its safe journey.

The Dutch officials at this post had earlier received a request from Siamese officials to provide transport letters for a ship heading to Decima (Dejima, a Dutch trading post in Japan). Though the Dutch agreed, they had no further updates on whether the ship arrived safely.

In 1623, a Portuguese ship arrived from Manila, carrying 400 picols (a weight measurement) of Philippine caviari. An English ship, the Bretange, captained by Captain Schinnor, also arrived from Madras with painted fabrics and other goods. These goods were valued by Swors, the local trade agents, at 18 pagodas (a currency) or 600 cattis (another weight measurement) of Siamese silver coins, equal to 36 ørd:s (a currency unit).

The English had to accept payment in 18 debhaer (a weight unit) of 354 lb of Thai tin and elephant tusks due to a lack of better options. This trade was seen as profitable, encouraging more English ships to sail to India in the future, which would benefit the Dutch East India Company (VOC).

Additionally, 9 ships were sent to India, Ligor, and Junkceylon (Songkhla)—8 from China and 1 from Batavia. The Chinese ships carried various Chinese goods, while the ship from Batavia transported other unspecified items.

In 1726, a financial report from the Dutch East India Company (VOC) offices in Siam (modern-day Thailand) showed that expenses had exceeded profits at two key trading posts: Judja (likely Ayutthaya) and its subordinate office in Ligor (modern Nakhon Si Thammarat). The total loss for that year was 19,050 guilders and 18 stuivers, which was 2,581 guilders and 18 stuivers worse than the previous year’s loss of 16,168 guilders and 6 stuivers.

• The main reason for the increased loss was a drop in profits by 5,949 guilders and 10 stuivers. This happened because the VOC employees in Siam had not received enough clothing and fabrics to trade in 1726, unlike in previous years. Poor planning was blamed for this shortage.
• Despite the losses, overall operating costs were actually 990 guilders and 12 stuivers lower than the year before, when expenses had totaled 29,569 guilders and 8 stuivers.
• The report also mentioned that foreign ships (non-VOC) had been active in Siam during 1726, which may have affected trade.

In October 1726, records showed that a high-ranking official owed the Dutch East India Company (VOC) a large debt. This debt included cash, tin, and sapwood, totaling 467 catties, 15 taels, 159 mas (or ƒ67,363.20). The debt had grown over time due to new deliveries and other transactions, with some payments reducing it. Officials promised to provide an updated report when the previous leader left.

By October 1726, there was a stockpile of 2,100 piculs of sapwood in Judja (likely a location in Asia), which the VOC planned to transport using 3 large ships in 1727. Earlier, on August 11, 1726, officials had requested help to reduce the debt by transferring sapwood debts to cash or tin accounts. Since the VOC already had a large stockpile of 2,103,362 pounds of sapwood in Judja as of October 1726, they asked permission to ship out 3 large loads that year for practical and financial reasons.

The text discusses a trade issue involving the Dutch East India Company (E: Comp:) in 1726.

• The company's employees rejected a shipment of Bengali fabrics (zanen bengaals) because they were coarser, shorter, and narrower than the agreed samples from previous years.
• Other fabrics and clothes (lijwaten en Cleden) were accepted at the usual contract prices.
• The employees believed the rejected Bengali fabrics might still be accepted by the local ruler’s (‘s vorsten) agents.
• A person named Berquelang was responsible for comparing the accounts and reporting to the ruler’s officials by the end of August 1726.

In 1726, a report detailed the loss from minting silver coins. The following key points were noted:

• A shipment of 28 chests of silver, weighing a total of 10,571 marks, 11 ounces, and 10 Engels, was processed.
• The declared value of the silver was ƒ340,326.18 (guilders).
• A loss of ƒ39,811.6 was recorded during minting, which was about 11.375% of the total value.
• This loss was slightly less than the loss recorded in 1724 for a similar minting process.
• The report acknowledged that, despite efforts to reduce losses ("redressen" or corrections), such losses were an ongoing burden.
• This burden was expected to continue affecting the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in its trade with Siam (modern-day Thailand).
• The document also briefly mentioned a "Korte Aanwising der Middelen" (Short Indication of Means) regarding income, though no further details were provided.

Officials requested another loan from the ruler (since they had already lent 200 cattis in cash earlier). The ruler appeared to understand the reasons immediately but seemed to reject the request to push the officials to hand over their silver to the mint as a last resort.

This approach forced them to proceed in this manner to keep trade and daily household activities running smoothly in Judja and Ligor.

In 1725 and 1726, officials tried to exchange Dutch silver for local currency in Siam (modern-day Thailand). They offered a total of 28 chests of silver, proposing a rate of 8 Siamese ticals per cattij (a weight unit) as the minting fee.

The local mint masters, however, refused this offer. They demanded at least 10 ticals per cattij instead. Because of this disagreement, the officials decided to:

• Ask for further instructions before proceeding with the exchange.
• Find temporary solutions to their urgent money problems.
• Prepare a short overview of possible income sources.

The situation in Ligor and Junkceylon (Phuket) appeared peaceful. Letters from Berquelang, along with gifts, confirmed this peace. The Dutch had informed the local ruler about their new leader, Imel Christiaan Cock, in a respectful letter dated December 5, 1726.

• Dutch officials at the Siamese court had recently sent their usual letters and gifts to the ruler of Junkceylon.
• During the gift-giving, they officially announced the appointment and arrival of Imel Christiaan Cock as the new Dutch leader in Siam.

• In 1727, officials linked to the Comptoir Ligoor (a trading post) were urged to seriously consider purchasing gold.
• The previous year’s silver bars, along with newly supplied ones, had still not been minted into Siamese ticals (currency).
• Reasons for the delay in minting would be explained later in the document.
• Siamese officials claimed that because the silver from the previous year hadn’t been minted, Ligoor couldn’t send the needed cash.
• It was expected that this issue would be addressed between January and February 1727.
• The document also referenced a received summary of income sources, titled Korte Aanwising der Middelen inkomst ften.

• The text discusses a financial decision to invest a capital of 2:a in gold.
• Officials planned to buy gold that was inspected and found to be of good quality.
• The capital for this purchase would come from extra funds not needed for regular trade or household expenses, taken from the judicial cash register (judicase cas).
• Employees expected this investment to have very good results, though they acknowledged the need to wait and see over time.
• A previous order, sent in a letter dated 11 August, was only received on 5 October.
• The short timeframe before the departure of multiple ships (veelm:r twee bodems) limited how quickly they could act on the order.

• On 5 December, a decision was made regarding trade in Siam (modern-day Thailand).
• Officials were instructed to negotiate carefully with merchants arriving in Ligor (modern-day Nakhon Si Thammarat) from China and elsewhere.
• The goal was to trade at a rate of 16 ticals (a currency unit) per bhaar (a weight unit) or higher if possible.
• They were also tasked with selling a shipment of minerals held in Judja (likely Ayutthaya) as quickly as possible.
• Additionally, they were to manage the capital from these sales as requested.
• The document references a summary of financial methods and income sources, labeled as item 261.

In this document, the government expressed concerns about negotiations not going as planned. They felt that their requests were not being taken seriously, especially regarding protection against theft and attacks by robbers. Reports from officials indicated that Siam had recently faced significant disturbances, which went against what the government had expected.

The government decided to approve the latest actions taken by their officials but planned to criticize them for their earlier careless behavior in a follow-up message. Additionally, the document mentioned that the head official in Ligoor had, according to a letter from the Indian Council, failed to follow orders previously sent in a general letter from Batavia.

On 11 August and again in a general letter dated 5 December 1726, officials seemed to have misunderstood instructions. Instead of keeping the entire shipment for sale, they took 250 barrels of fish (called "thin") on behalf of the government as partial payment for taxes (instead of money). These barrels were unloaded from ships at the port of Judja and divided among three locations for transport to main ports: Risdam, Koning Karel (King Charles), and Velserhoofd.

The remaining 300 barrels were stored at the trading office in Judja for sale, rather than being sent to the sea warehouse in Amsterdam as originally instructed in the guidelines (articles 261).

• 250 bales were used to reduce the king’s debt to the East India Company.
• 300 bales were traded at local trading posts.

On August 31, a letter announced that Resident Isaac Cleman had officially started his new role as the resident in Ligor (now Nakhon Si Thammarat, Thailand). This followed his appointment, which was first shared in a general letter on December 5 of the previous year.

The letter also confirmed that Cleman had received from the newly elected Siamese leader, Tmel Christiaan Kock, the proper transfer of all cash and goods stored in the Ligor office as of August 31 of the previous year. Additionally, Cleman was given a short memo with instructions on how to manage the local finances and revenues.