Transcriptions » Recently created summaries of historical documents

On 4 May 1697, a letter was sent from Makassar to the Dutch authorities in Batavia (modern-day Jakarta). The document was a translated message from the ruler of Gowa, Paduka Sri Sultan Fakar al-Eddin Abdul Dzialiel, and his high-ranking officials. It was addressed to the Dutch Governor-General and the Council of the Dutch East Indies.

• The letter was a declaration of sincere friendship and loyalty, filled with good wishes.
• Paduka Sri Sultan Fakar al-Eddin Abdul Dzialiel and his officials praised the Dutch leaders for their just and wise rule, which brought peace and prosperity to all under their authority.
• They expressed hope that God would grant long life and happiness to the Governor-General and the Council, so they could continue to protect and support both foreigners and their own people.
• The letter also acknowledged receipt of a previous message and gifts from the Dutch, which were described as generous and splendid.

The document was prepared by Dutch officials in Makassar, including Abraham Holscher, Pieter Pietersen, and Jacob Cuijk van Mijerop, the secretary. It was originally written in Malay and later translated for the Dutch authorities.

On 4 May 1697, a report from Makassar noted that two representatives from the Dutch East India Company (VOC) were treated as allies under contract, but they could not respond further to a local ruler’s request. They agreed to wait for three princes from Soping to appear, as promised by His Highness (the ruler of Makassar), who would summon them through his messenger. The ruler also insisted these princes should be brought before the Governor at the castle, where the false accuser (unnamed) could be confronted. The VOC representatives claimed they did not know this person’s identity but mentioned that Her Highness Daeng Talilis’s servant, Sandewi, had been present when the report was given to the governor. The ruler expected the truth to come out once the accusations were proven false.
• On 18 May 1697, Aroe Bela, sent by Raja Boni (a local ruler), arrived and reported that Aroe Piesie was not in Soping but had gone to the village of Lauriesangh (under the authority of Sauitoe), while Aroe Bila had left for Tonpandang to visit his wife. This was due to alleged mistreatment by the three aforementioned individuals.
• The accused parties, when questioned on 4 May 1697, denied all wrongdoing. They claimed Raja Boni had treated them kindly, given them a friendly farewell, and permitted them to leave for their homelands 7 days earlier (on 11 May 1697).
• Since Raja Boni’s messenger (Aroe Bela) had already been heard, and the ruler’s positive testimony about him—along with the ruler’s own offer to bring the three princes to the castle—had built enough trust, the VOC representatives decided not to push further demands from their instructions. They avoided causing delays in the ruler’s planned return journey, as permitted by his license.
• On 24 May 1697, since Aroe Piesie and Aroe Bila still had not appeared, the VOC representatives departed with Raja Boni’s permission and a formal farewell. They left by water and land around 10 AM, retracing their original route.

On 4 May 1697, officials in the fort at Makassar reported the following events:

• They were waiting for Raja Bonij to arrive in Bontuale as usual, so they could escort him to read a letter and discuss important matters with the governor and council.
• A surprising report arrived about an attack by Raja Bonij on three nobles from Soping: Arou Bela, Aroe Biela, and Aroe Piesi. According to the report:
  • On 3 May, Raja Bonij allegedly ordered an ambush near Tanroen by armed men under Lieutenant Poanna Wandjang.
  • The first two nobles were captured, and the third was wounded in the shoulder.
  • They were taken to the village of Timoeroe.
  • The attack resulted in the deaths of 13 people from Soping (who tried to protect their leaders) and 3 from Bonij.
• However, a messenger from Timoeroe arrived six days before the report, claiming that Arou Bela was unharmed and in good standing with Raja Bonij. This contradiction confused the governor and council.
• To verify the truth, the officials decided to send a delegation to Raja Bonij before the news could spread to Batavia (modern-day Jakarta).
• When questioned, Raja Bonij responded angrily, insisting:
  • He would bring the nobles before them in three days to prove they were safe.
  • While Aroe Piesi was injured, it happened long ago and was not serious.
  • Even if the attack had happened, it was irrelevant because both Soping and Bonij were under his rule.

The governor and council then sent a reply through the messenger, expressing their hopes for a resolution under the authority of the Dutch East India Company (VOC).

This document contains records from 1697 related to the Dutch presence in Amboina (modern Ambon, Indonesia).

• A court verdict was issued by the local Dutch colonial court in Amboina on 27 June 1697 against several leaders and villagers from the settlement of Tenga Tenga.
• A report by Corporal Joannes Brust and soldier Matthijs Clement, stationed at the trading post in Harouco (modern Haruku), dated 30 April 1697, described the escape of 8 households from the village of Hatasoua into the mountains.
• Residents of the village Lissabatta submitted a complaint to Governor Willem van Wijngaarden and the colonial council in Amboina, accusing the local leader (called orangkaya) of Nonialij of wrongdoing.
• A letter from Governor Willem van Wijngaarden and the council in Amboina was sent to the Dutch colonial government in Batavia (modern Jakarta) on 12 October 1697.
• A response by Councilor Dirk de Haas was written on 25 September 1697, addressing concerns about the decline in clove harvests, as discussed in a previous letter to the government in Batavia.

The following documents were received in Amboina (now Ambon, Indonesia) between June 6 and October 11, 1697, detailing events and reports from local officials to the higher government in Batavia (now Jakarta, Indonesia):

• A letter from Willem van Wijngaarden, Extraordinary Council and Governor of Amboina, along with the local council, sent to the "High Government" in Batavia on May 2, 1697.
• A complaint by Cornelis Stull, Chief Merchant, regarding 250 gold cobang coins lost at sea when the ship Htobre ter Rheede sank near Amboina in the previous year. The complaint was dated May 20, 1697.
• A report by Cornelis Stull, submitted to Willem van Wijngaarden, summarizing key events in Amboina during his time in authority.
• A daily log by Pieter Nuijts, Junior Merchant, handed over to the temporary governor Cornelis Stull on November 2, 1696. It described the destruction of clove trees along the north coast of Ceram (now Seram, Indonesia).
• A statement by former fiscal officer Jan van Hoorn on May 13, 1697, explaining why he did not start legal proceedings against de Haas, the commander of the Chialoup (a type of ship), for capturing a vessel from Massoal.
• A short letter from Willem van Wijngaarden and the council in Amboina to the High Government in Batavia, dated May 30, 1697.
• A letter from Willem van Wijngaarden and the council in Amboina to the High Government in Batavia, dated September 25, 1697, including a note on recently destroyed clove trees in areas such as Alang, Lileboij, and Hatou. A total of 9 trees were cut down, with an additional 182 trees discovered and destroyed in the Hila district.
• A report by appointed officials on their mission to Tengatenga to resolve conflicts within the village, dated March 13, 1697.

The records were formally registered in Amboina in 1697.

On 4 May 1697, a Dutch delegation arrived in Makassar and was warmly welcomed by Tori Wadjo and local leaders. They were seated on chairs placed on raised platforms and met with the ruler, referred to as "his highness," along with nobles from the Bugis people. The group included a Dutch East India Company (VOC) clerk acting as an interpreter, who formally delivered greetings from the governor and council in Batavia (modern-day Jakarta).

The Dutch requested lodging due to fatigue from their journey, which was granted. They were given a notable residence belonging to Aroe Tanete Matona, with assurances that all necessary supplies—food, sleeping arrangements, and other essentials—would be provided according to local customs. During this time, they learned that the king’s father, Poanna Packakoija, had died 29 days earlier in the region of Timoroe and had been buried with full honors by the leading nobles of the Bone Kingdom.

The delegation was also told that the king had already sent messengers to fetch his best ships upon hearing from his captain, Boelo, that a Dutch ship from Batavia had arrived at the castle in Souwandang. Additionally, the king had been informed by another messenger, Toenanga, about the Dutch arrival before the delegation’s own meeting with him.

On 16 May, the Dutch were summoned by the king through the interpreter Toumar and the noble Sabandhaar to explain the purpose of their visit. They revealed that the ship Domburg had arrived, carrying letters and gifts from the Dutch governor and council. These gifts were to be formally presented with proper ceremony, following the advice of local officials in Bantuale.

On 4 May 1693, a group departed from Makassar after receiving instructions and saying farewell. They traveled by boat, provided by Radja Bonij, and arrived near Padang on 13 May. The next morning, they continued their journey overland with 20 porters and 19 horses, crossing mountains called Bolisicappa toward the village of Waetchepi. They arrived around 3 PM, noting the village was fortified with a square wall and four stone towers, about 7 feet high and the size of Castle Rotterdam.

From there, they were quickly transported to the village of Boelebangie and then continued by boat across Tempe, under the rule of Touwadjo, toward Sindrana in Bone. On 14 May, they set off in four large canoes, crossing Lake Tamparongh Labadjo and passing the village of Trrewatta. They reached Tempe around 5 PM and stayed until midnight, when the canoes and crew were replaced. They traveled downriver and arrived near Sindrana around noon on 15 May.

There, they were received by Boules Sabandhaar Tomassa, a high-ranking official, who provided them with horses. They were then escorted by him to Radja Bonij, whose residence stood on about 90 large wooden pillars. The house was wide and long, surrounded by a strong river, with a fort nearby. The fort had three towers, about 11 feet high, made of stone and coated with lime. Additional defenses included two square towers and a third tower about a pistol-shot away, though the area was not suitable for heavy weapons.

During this visit, they were also introduced to Aroe Matavia (also called Aroe Marripo), the ruler of Toriwadjo.

On 20 July 1679, officials in Makassar discussed concerns about potential attacks and how to defend themselves if needed. They worried that if war broke out that year, their army of 2,600 soldiers, already in the field, might struggle during the rainy season (expected in 3 to 4 months). This could force them to retreat, making it difficult to regroup later. They also feared that more enemies, called bomiforo, might join the fight over time, creating bigger problems.

The council considered sending extra ships to Bima (besides the Chialoup Japara, which was already planned for salt and supplies). They decided to send the Jachtie Rotterdam, a ship they could spare, to block enemy supply routes by water and destroy their coastal water sources. They also wanted to encourage the kings of Bima and Dompo to take more interest in defending themselves.

After hearing reports from experienced officials—E. de Bocq, Mr. van Daalen, and Prins—who knew the area, including the mountain Caloncon, the council realized their defenses were weak. Unable to make a quick decision, they postponed further discussion until a later meeting.

The next morning, they decided to send the Jachtie Rotterdam and the Chialoup Japara within 4 to 5 days. On board would be:

• Adriaan van Daalen (a merchant and fiscal officer),
• 18 selected soldiers,
• 3 corporals,
• Sergeant Michiel Verlicht,
• A constable with 2 small cannons and a mortar (to launch bombs and fireworks into enemy camps).

Their mission was to end the unrest in Bima—either through negotiation or force—after the conflicts had dragged on for too long. They hoped for success with God’s help.

On 20 July 1679, a report from Maccassar described the ongoing conflict near Caloncon. The enemy forces, struggling to get supplies, couldn’t easily access fresh water from the mountain. Instead, they had to dig wells inland during high tide to collect drinking water, but when the tide receded, the wells turned salty and brackish.

When asked if Dutch ships and guns could cut off this water supply to force a surrender, it was clear that doing so would quickly end the war. The conflict had already lasted about 4 years. The King of Tambora had earlier requested help from the Dutch fiscal officer Sir van Daaben, but the Dutch had refused, believing the people of Biema should handle the situation themselves. The kings of Biema and Dompe had promised to support the King of Tambora.

A man named Crain Jernicka reported that he had seen inside Caloncon and estimated the enemy forces at around 500 people. He had advised the enemy leader, Bomifiro, to surrender to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and make peace with the King of Tambora, but they showed no interest.

After hearing this, the Dutch president called a council meeting. They reviewed treaties with the kings of Biira and the King of Tambora’s agreement with the VOC from 22 July 1675. Key points included:

• Article 13: The King of Tambora must treat the VOC’s enemies as his own and provide help when needed.
• Article 17: The King of Tambora placed himself and his lands under VOC protection, recognizing them as his defenders.

The VOC, in turn, accepted this obligation and promised to protect the King of Tambora against any threats.

On 20 July 1679, a report was made in Makassar after the death of a local leader. The Dutch East India Company (VOC) received information about a man named Jernicke, who had arrived with requests from various regions. The VOC was not interested in his proposals.

Jernicke mentioned he had met Crai Saderbronij near Gili and had been to Sumbawa (Saderbonij). About a month earlier, some people from Bima had reportedly been sent to Sumbawa, but the VOC had no further details.

When asked where he intended to settle, Jernicke replied he wanted to stay as a "free trader," not under anyone’s rule. He also mentioned his brother, Crai Lincques, had asked him in a letter to look after his wife, children, and property while traveling to Batavia. The wife, Lombe Tombe, was previously married to the late king of Goa and Bissij’s father. Jernicke said he was willing to stay in his brother’s camp, suggesting he was not very interested in Sumbawa.

When questioned about the situation in Bima, Boni, and Tambora, Jernicke explained:

• Raja Tambora and Bomi Soro were under siege in the Calocon mountains by forces from Bima and Dompo.
• The Tamboresen (from Tambora) had around 2,000 men, including 400 with muskets and 66 with copper armor, plus 300 horses. They had built defenses on the coast.
• The Bima forces had about 500 men, with 80 muskets, 20 horses, and 50 armored soldiers.
• Dompo had only 120 men, with just one firearm.

Jernicke believed the siege was weak because the attackers lacked proper organization and support. He thought the defenders could hold out easily.

On 20 July 1679, Major Poleman and his army marched from Makassar toward Crain Flisson, who had already begun his operations. They hoped to join forces with the Bugis ships and troops (mentioned in a previous report) that had left Makassar earlier. The goal was to confront the enemy decisively, leaving a lasting memory of the battle. Though some local groups had submitted under Dutch protection, there were concerns they might return to their old arrogance if they regained power.

Crain Jernika was asked how many ships and people had come with him from Bima. He replied that 15 ships had left Bima, but storms had scattered them, so not all had arrived yet. When asked what should be done with the gathered Makassares, the President said he would consult the council and respond later.

On the same date, the President met with the merchant de Bocq and mentioned an old custom: taking a tenth of the spoils from scattered and regrouped forces. However, he left the decision to the Dutch, acting as if it didn’t concern him much.

The council reviewed past decisions, including a resolution from 14 August 1677. It stated that Crain Jernika had requested permission to sail to Brina and Sumbawa to gather exiled Makassares under orders from his king, just as Arou Teko was doing for the Bugis. Since their missions were ordered by their kings (Crain Saderbonij and Radja Bonij), not the Dutch East India Company (VOC), the council had previously decided to send Under-Merchant Francis Prins to monitor their actions.

After considering all this, the council noted that the missions of Crain Jernika and Arou Teko were not initiated by the Dutch but by their respective kings. The council would proceed accordingly.

On 20 July 1679, a report was sent from Makassar about recent events and plans. The writer mentioned that Jachie de Spiering or Jachie de Rog (or possibly both ships) would likely be sent back to Bima soon to collect rice, salt, and cadjang (a type of woven mat). The goods would be sent under proper invoices and receipts, and the Governor and Council of Bima were asked to record the transaction in their books to avoid confusion.

The trade in cloth on Bima with the kings of Bima, Dompo, and Tambora was not very profitable unless rice was supplied from Makassar or Banda. Any small gains from selling cloth in Bima were barely worth mentioning in the trading records.

On the same date, the ship Westervelt had not yet loaded sappanwood (a type of dyewood) in Buna or Sumbawa. Since there was no cargo, the ship was sent empty to Batavia. Earlier, a servant of Moor Codja Derwits had informed officials in Bima that only two small boats of sappanwood had arrived at the shipping point in Sumbawa.

The writer also discussed Derwits with Crain Jernike, who explained that Derwits had an old agreement with the king of Goa (likely Gowa) for 50 units of sappanwood (each 5 fathoms long, wide, and high). However, the current government refused to honor this, making it difficult for Derwits to repay his debts to the Dutch East India Company (VOC).

A small vessel from Surabaya, owned by a local named Orangie and loaded with salt, had arrived in Bima on its way to Amboina. It was delayed due to a leak and needed a new anchor after the old one broke. The ship’s officer did not know the exact date they left Surabaya.

On 20 July 1679, a report from Makassar described a political situation involving the kingdom of Wajo and the leadership of Paneki. The following key points were noted:

• A royal marriage took place, involving a woman from the royal house of Wajo. Radja Bonij had appointed Arou Paneki (also called Aroutem Pel) as the ruler of Paneki.
• The Dutch representatives asked if there were closer heirs to the throne. The response was that Arou Tempes, the current queen’s sister, had been the rightful queen. Upon her death, the position passed to her sister, Aroutempes (the current queen). This was why her husband had become king of Paneki.
• When asked if there were other heirs besides Arou Tempe, they mentioned Bapetauw, who belonged to the kingdom. However, Arou Matouaij claimed that the people of Paneki often removed and replaced their kings as they pleased. Arou Tempe argued this was not traditionally the case, though it happened now.
• The Dutch believed that opposing Radja Bonij's decision would upset him, especially since it involved removing his nephew Capatauw and reinstating Radja Tempe. They decided it was best to leave the situation unchanged for the time being, despite recognizing that Radja Bonij's actions were problematic and that Aroulempe was highly respected in the matter.
• Aroutempe, who was also from Lempe, and her son were satisfied with the outcome. They left with Aroumatouaij after thanking the Dutch through their interpreter, Jan Japon.
• On 16 July 1679, Crain Jernicka arrived at the Dutch castle in Makassar and delivered a letter from assistants Philup Castel and Willem Dijckmans, dated 1 July 1679. The letter included:
• A copy of a letter from Governor Cornelis van Gualberg, dated 1 June, which arrived on the ship Westervelt at Bima.
• Mention of the ship Sappanhoudt, which was to be loaded and sent to Batavia.
• A reference to the ship De Spiering, sent from Banda to Bima the previous year, which had not achieved its intended purpose due to unspecified goods.

On 20 July 1679, officials in Makassar addressed complaints from local leaders called boniers (local rulers) and the towadji (people of Wajo). They made sure the towadji promised not to wrong anyone in the future and to report any unfair treatment so the officials could help resolve it. The towadji thanked them and agreed.

The text also mentions a past conflict involving Raja Peneki (also called Arou Peneki), one of the four main kings of Wajo. Around 1663, Arou Amali (also known as Gabarang Tosawa) had pressured Raja Peneki—under orders from a higher authority—to step down from his rule. Despite this, Raja Peneki remained one of the four key kings who had signed a treaty with the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in 23 December 1670.

Another issue involved Lapatauw (also called the "Young Raja Palacca"), the nephew of Raja Bonij (born in Boni around 5 years earlier). He had been made king of Paneki in Towadje without the VOC’s knowledge. The officials noted that Towadje was under VOC control, yet Raja Palacca had not informed them of these changes. They decided not to confront Raja Bonij about it yet.

The officials also supported Arou Matouaij in reclaiming something unfairly taken from him by Aroutempe. When Aroutempe arrived at the fort, the officials mediated, and both sides agreed to work together to restore Arou Matouaij's rights. However, Arou Matouaij said he could not help with the issue of Paneki, where Lapatauw had been installed as king. He suggested discussing it further with Raja Bonij.

When asked why Raja Bonij had made Lapatauw king of Paneki, the response was that Lapatauw was the grandson of a former queen of Boni.

On 20 July 1679, a report from Makassar detailed several conflicts and negotiations involving local leaders:

• Touapo Arou Bellas's brother was holding two people captive for Matouaij.
• Two girls, named Daire and Wesatje, were taken from the village of Liew by envoys of Toualle (who was in Batavia at the time) and brought to Tanele. They were later returned to Matouaij.
• Radja Bonij was at war with Wadjo, but still controlled several villages: Timoero, Patapanouan, Titiitio, Wage, Ipomanne, Hoegi, Tienro, Bompa, Tieleko, and Tiirana.
• The villages of Malimpato and Sinka were previously split between Wadjo and Soping, but Soping had since taken full control of Sinka, while Bonij gained full control of Malimpato.
• Radja Soping inherited Ipomanne from his father-in-law, who had been killed in a war with Goa.

After hearing these complaints, officials asked if they could report them to higher authorities to discuss with Radja Bonij. The complainants agreed, confirming their statements were true.

Later, Arou Sawalaba and Arou Manipo returned, and officials informed them that they had already discussed many complaints with Matouaij and his advisors. One issue involved Aroe Oenje, whose brother Topobelo had recently taken 5 people (4 women and 1 man) from the village of Matjane. Aroe Oenje claimed they had been returned, except for one still missing. Arou Mampo and Arou Sawalaba denied knowledge of this, explaining they had been staying in Bontheijn and only recently moved to Bonij during Radja Bonij's absence.

Officials promised to report everything to higher authorities and asked Arou Sawalaba and Arou Manipo to inform Bonij's advisors to prevent such incidents in the future. The two agreed and left for Bonij.

Later, Arou Matouaij returned for further discussions.

On 20 July 1679, a report from Makassar described conflicts involving people from Wajo, Bone, Luwu, and Bugis groups during a time of peace before a war.

• Around 330 people from Wajo had moved to Luwu for trade and living. According to agreements, they should have been handed over as workers to Luwu's rulers, but Radja Bonij and the Bugis took them instead. These people were then sold as workers.
• A man named Wadsor Lawaro and Arou Matovaij had gathered about 300 people from Wajo to return home, but they were stopped by Radja Bonij and his allies. They were sold for low prices.
• Radja Bouij, a relative of Arou Matouaij, took an additional 110 people who were meant to be shared among smaller rulers.

Another report from the same date listed people and goods taken from various villages in Wajo:

• Toedjoema, a servant of a high-ranking person from Palacca, took 1 man and 2 women from Parria.
• Lapara, father of Arou Oedjou, took a prince’s son named Arou Toetoukoesa and a woman from Parria.
• From Tempe, a Wajo person named Ponecangale took 15 tails (units) of gold.
• Copolela, brother of Arou Onje, took 1 man and 4 women from Maxiana, and from Belawa, 1 taul and 2 masen (units) of gold. From Lempe, he took 3 women, and from Palippe, he took 1 girl, 12 masen, 2 koepans (containers), 2 tails, and 12 masen of gold.
• Arou Tanele took a girl from Sakoebij.
• Bapalanxa from Palli took 3 people from Toffara on behalf of Arou Betanpala.
• From Walanga, 1 girl was taken, and another person was taken by Arou Matouaij, who claimed he was buying them.
• Arou Bela took 15 people from Lempe and was also holding a boy and a girl who had run away from Arou Matouaij.

On 20 July 1679, in Makassar, local leaders met with representatives of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) to discuss their status and grievances. They declared they were not slaves of Aron Pony or the Boniers but free subjects and rightful people of the VOC. They claimed they had not known this before and were upset about what the Boniers had taken from them during the war.

• The leaders admitted they were unaware of the treaty between them and the VOC, which had been made in the presence of Raja Palacca, Raja Sopingh, and Raja Kaneta.
• After the treaty was read to them, they acknowledged their obligation to the VOC and agreed to report the losses they suffered during the war if they wanted help.
• They asked for time to discuss among themselves and returned two days later.

Arou Matouaij, speaking for the group, thanked the VOC for the explanation. He and the other leaders admitted they were unsure where to begin or end their complaints. They estimated that the Boniers had taken over 3,000 people, along with gold, buffaloes, and goods, though Arou Matouaij called this a rough guess.

They planned to return to Wajo to inform the lesser kings and royal children about the meeting and gather detailed reports of what had been taken from each village during the war.

The leaders recalled three main actions by Raja Bonij during the conflict:

• He captured and enslaved traders and visitors from Loeboe and Towadjosche whenever possible.
• He sought out and enslaved people from Wajo who were outside their homeland.
• He and Wado took many blacksmiths, carpenters, goldsmiths, laborers, women, and children from the region of Roadjo by force, putting them on ice (likely meaning ships or difficult conditions) and taking them away.

On 20 July 1679, a report from Makassar described a meeting with Aroumattouaij, a messenger from the kingdom of Wadjo (also called Wajo). The previous year, he had visited the Dutch fort but refused to speak freely about his land’s situation, fearing for his life if he did. He signaled this by placing his hand over his mouth and his finger on his throat. The Dutch had let him leave at the time because Radja Bonij’s (also Arouponij) followers were present, making private conversation impossible.

The Dutch now told Aroumattouaij he was mistaken in his fears. They explained that during war, Radja Bonij acted as an ally and military leader for the Dutch East India Company (VOC), but in peacetime, he was simply a partner—just like other rulers such as Radja Sopingh (of Soppeng), Radja Tamparangh, Radja Loeboe (of Luwu), Radja Mandaar, and Radja Goa.

The Dutch clarified that the people of Wadjo were not slaves of Radja Bonij. According to the first article of a treaty signed on 23 December 1670 between Wadjo and the VOC, the land of Wadjo had been fully conquered in war and legally belonged to the VOC. However, the VOC allowed the people of Wadjo to continue living there as if it were a leased territory—a favor they greatly appreciated. In return, the people of Wadjo had promised to remain loyal subjects of the VOC, not of Arouponij.

The second article of the treaty stated that if the king of Tosfora (the ruler of Wadjo) died, the people could not choose a new king without the VOC’s approval. The VOC also reserved the right to remove any king who failed to rule properly and replace him with someone more suitable.

The eighth article confirmed that Wadjo still owed the VOC 52,000 rijksdaalders (a Dutch currency) for the costs of conquering the capital city of Tossora, led by Radja Palacca (acting as the VOC’s military commander). By 20 July 1679, only 5,400 rijksdaalders had been paid.

On 20 July 1679, a ship called the Chinees honeko left Makassar for Batavia, carrying official documents addressed to Governor-General Rijckloff van Goens and the Council of the Dutch East Indies. The documents included:

• An original letter from President Jacob Cops and the Council of Makassar Castle, dated 20 July 1679.
• A copy of a letter from 27 June 1679.
• A copy of a letter from Governor Cornelis van Quaelberg in Banda to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) Resident in Bima, dated June 1679.
• A copy of a letter from Philip Castel and Willem Eijckmans (from Bima) to President Jacob Cops and the Council in Makassar, dated July 1679.

The letter from Jacob Cops reported that leaders from Boni, including Orou Sawalaba, Arou Manxo, Arou Mario, and Arou Lamoero, had visited Makassar Castle. They were appointed as rulers in Boni by the Raja of Boni. The Dutch had received many complaints about the people of Boni, especially from the kingdom of Wajo.

Arou Mattourij, the king of Wajo, had also arrived in Makassar. The Dutch asked the leaders of Boni to wait until they could speak with Arou Mattourij to verify the complaints. When questioned, Arou Mattourij claimed he knew nothing about the issues. The Dutch warned that the Raja of Boni and the VOC were united, meaning any actions by the Raja were considered correct. They reminded the leaders of Boni that they had been conquered and must obey.

On 27 June 1679, a report from Makassar described trade challenges and local conflicts involving the Dutch. The following key points were noted:

• Trade goods like tapij tapij lanodano (likely textiles or spices) and Campoene bale were available, but obtaining wood from Backmor was difficult.
• The local king in Caronij (likely Karoni, a region in Suriname) was unwilling to cooperate, delaying the clearing of ships. The writer suspected their detention was to prevent Dutch inspectors from checking the forests, allowing locals to claim they couldn’t supply the agreed heavy timber.
• A Dutch ship, the korra korra, was sent to Caronij after a Chialoup (a type of ship) landed there, and its crew was killed. The king was condemned and ordered to provide 100 enslaved people. Dutch inspectors found nothing of value except 12 large nut trees on Wanchij island.
• The local government in Bouton (modern Buton, Indonesia) requested goods like muskets, gunpowder, lead, black and colored cloth, and cash in exchange for more timber.
• The writer, responsible for managing timber trade cargo, listed missing or damaged supplies:
  • 2 pieces of longij (likely a type of timber) ruined by moths.
  • 4,500 lbs of montcost (possibly a metal or tool).
  • 3,100 lbs of iron.
  • 200 pieces of steel.
  • 2 pieces of kannakijns (possibly a type of fabric or rope).
  • 2 pieces of ruined rouwe bethillis (coarse cloth).
  • 53 Spanish reals (currency) spent on refreshing supplies for three ships.
• A trader from Malacca, named Patanij, claimed to have earned over 16,000 reals the previous year from similar trade, but the writer doubted this, suspecting hidden dealings, possibly linked to the enslaved people trade.
• Cloth traded in Bouton included salempoeris (fine fabrics), bethillis (coarse cloth), and moerissen (likely a type of textile), but locals refused to pay fair prices for high-quality linen.

The report was written aboard the yacht ‘t Casteel Rotterdam on 16 June 1679 and signed by Claas Bollaart.

On 27 June 1679, a report from Makassar described the loading of timber onto ships. The ship Buuren had been loaded with 283 sorted wooden beams, while the yacht De Parel carried 169 beams and another yacht, Rotterdam, carried 142. These ships, along with t’Casteel Rotterdam, were prepared for loading by 2 June and set sail for Buton on 3 June.

Upon arrival in Buton on 4 June, the writer met with Raja Lakassa, who inspected and measured the timber. The writer then went to the house of the local ruler, Goegoegoe, where Lakassa was also staying. Over the next two days (4–6 June), negotiations took place with the king and his high-ranking advisors about the timber, much of which was of poor quality. The king promised that in the future, longer and thicker beams would be cut and supplied.

The discussion also covered the prices of goods like cloth, iron, and steel. The following deals were agreed upon:

• Bethillis cloth: 206.5 pieces at 2¾ reals each.
• Wide basta cloth: 59 pieces at 3½ reals each.
• Sarassa Chiauw cloth: 65 pieces at 6½ reals each.
• Longij cloth: 20 pieces at 1¾ reals each.

The total agreed value was 829 reals. The king’s officials promised to deliver his formal letter as soon as it was ready. The report also mentioned that the type of timber found in this location was similar to that from Camada.

On 27 June 1679, a Dutch representative traveled from Makassar to meet the king of Buton. Upon arrival, he was told the king could not speak due to his wife’s illness. The visitor insisted on leaving a message and was asked to return later that afternoon.

When he returned, the king was still unavailable. The representative then requested a meeting with the royal council, which was reluctantly granted. He informed them that:

• A letter from the Dutch authorities (addressed as "uEE") had arrived, along with a shipment of 100 pieces of cloth and 5,000 bundles of rice.
• Another Dutch ship would soon arrive from Banda to load timber, meaning more wood would need to be cut than initially planned.

The representative made several requests:

• For workers and oxen to help transport heavy logs.
• For a government official to oversee and speed up the work.
• For the rice to be purchased at the same price as before (1¼ real per hundredweight). The council initially resisted but, led by Radia Lahassa, eventually agreed.
• For boats to be sent immediately to collect the rice from the ship.

The council promised to fulfill these requests. By 5–6 May, the rice was unloaded. A letter for the Dutch authorities was given to Jacob Hermijn, a free citizen who planned to sail to Makassar within two days. After lifting anchor, the ship faced strong winds and currents, arriving at the timber site on 9 June and finding more workers had been added.

On 10 June, rumors spread that a ship had arrived in Buton. The assistant Jacob Schouten was sent on 13 June to investigate but returned on 15 June reporting no ship had arrived—only the fluyt Buuren was anchored outside the second strait. A small boat with a letter was sent to the ship, ordering it to sail to the timber site as soon as conditions allowed.

Meanwhile, the ship Parel arrived in the strait on 17 June and anchored near the Dutch. Orders were given to prepare for the timber work.

On 27 June 1679, a report was signed in Makassar by Jacob Lops, Paulus de Bocq, Claas Pleun, Adriaan van Dalen, Franchoijs Prins, Adriaan van Laren, Harmen Hansen, and Jan Stoffelsen Locx. The report was written by Claas Bollaart, an assistant merchant, about his mission aboard the yacht Castle Rotterdam to Buton.

On 12 March 1679, the yacht arrived safely in Buton. The next day, Bollaart delivered letters and gifts from Jacob Lops to the king and the goguegoue (local ruler) on 14 March. He also handed over a document recognizing the uprooting of spice trees, as ordered by the government in Batavia.

Bollaart then negotiated with the local rulers about timber supplies. They agreed to provide:

• 388 beams, 3 to 7 fathoms long (5.5 to 13 meters) and 10 to 18 inches thick (25 to 46 cm), each for 3 rijksdaalders (Dutch currency).
• Shorter beams, 4 to 6 fathoms long (7.3 to 11 meters) and 7 to 8 inches thick (18 to 20 cm), each for 2 rijksdaalders.
• Even shorter beams, 2 fathoms long (3.7 meters) and 7 to 8 inches thick (18 to 20 cm), each for ¾ rijksdaalder.

The rulers promised the departure of Dutch inspectors as soon as the ships were ready, which happened earlier than expected on 29 March. Bollaart stayed on land until 18 April because the timber needed to be cut and transported from the forest. On 19 April, they sailed to the timber site in Tarmada Bay, where carpenters and sailors began preparing the ready beams.

On 2 May, the ship Japara arrived with letters from Jacob Lops and supplies:

• 5000 bundles of forest rice (bos padij).
• 50 pieces of longijs (likely a type of cloth).
• 1.75 arc (a unit of weight) of Sarassa Chiauwa (likely another type of fabric).
• 140 rouwe bethilles (possibly a type of tool or weapon) at 2.5 rijksdaalders each.
• 200 Spanish rijksdaalders.
• Benick Savons (possibly a person or type of soap).

Bollaart entrusted the ship’s captain with overseeing the safe transport of these goods to Buton. On 4 May, he traveled to meet the goguegoue, but the ruler was unavailable due to the death of his wife on 1 May.

• On June 27, 1679, in Makassar, goods brought by a chialoup (small ship) were sold at auction for rixdollars (rx=s) 1042¾. After deducting costs of 74¼, the net profit was 968½.
• An additional 408 1/8 in cash was added, bringing the total net amount to 1377 1/8. This amount was to be billed to the recipient, who was also asked to confirm if any payment should be made to the local fiscal (tax official) for holding the goods.
• Extra expenses included 263:5:— (guilders) spent on the ship and crew in Makassar and Bima, plus untaxed items listed separately.
• A report from Claas Bollaert, an under-merchant, mentioned that a Portuguese trader named Maleijtsen Anachoda Petanij, with a pass from Malacca, had sold large quantities of Danish gunny cloth and coarse fabrics in Buton at good prices. Other traders from nearby islands and Boni Bay also bought these goods profitably.
• On the same date, a free burger (citizen) from Batavia, Gabriel Nacken, arrived in Makassar with his chialoup, carrying massoij (likely nutmeg) bought in Kefing (on Seram’s east coast) and some wax from the Southeast Islands.
• Nacken had a pass from Governor Qualberg in Banda, allowing direct travel to Java without stopping elsewhere, but he requested another pass to sail along the coast of Jara (likely Java), which was denied since his original pass required direct travel to Batavia.
• Officials suspected Nacken would still stop along Java’s coast to trade his cargo.
• Additionally, Radja Pantjana arrived with a bamboo ship carrying 80 men from Tanete, and Aroutoure arrived with a prauw (small boat) and 23 copper items. Both were ordered to sail to Surabaya without stopping nearby.

On 27 June 1679, a report was sent from Makassar about a meeting with the son of the king of Kaili (a region in Sulawesi). The king’s son explained how coconut oil was traditionally made in Kaili: old coconut meat was crushed, placed in a trough or canoe, and left until the oil slowly leaked out. This method produced foul-smelling oil. The Dutch asked if the Kaili people could instead make high-quality oil (by heating the coconuts) to cook their fish, similar to how the Dutch did. The king’s son agreed, but only if large iron Chinese pans were provided. He proposed that for every 25 cans of regular coconut oil, they could produce 15 cans of pure cooked oil—a better deal than receiving poor-quality oil. The Dutch planned to follow up on this in future discussions.

The report also mentioned that old coconut shells were abundant in Kaili, so the Dutch would try to arrange a test with the locals to see if they could spin coconut fiber into rope. This could help the Dutch avoid relying on Ternate for supplies, and they would update their superiors on the results later.

Additionally, the report corrected earlier false information: a man named Dain Mabele had claimed that Raja Sooping (a local ruler) had been restored to power by his nobles, but this turned out to be a lie. The Dutch noted that Dain Mabele could no longer be trusted.

The report also described the case of a Portuguese man, Balthasar Pinto, who had arrived in Bima against Dutch orders. He was detained by assistant Joannes Steur and sent to Makassar. An investigation revealed that Pinto had hidden some goods meant for Batavia (modern-day Jakarta) and lost 602 and 3¾ Spanish realen (a type of coin) and 193½rixdollars (another currency). The Dutch prepared legal documents about the case and sent them, along with Pinto and assistant Steur, to Batavia for further action. Pinto had been traveling on a small boat carrying around 400 piculs (a weight measurement) of sapanwood (a type of dyewood), which had left Makassar for Batavia on the ship St. Janskerken on 26 May.