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In a letter about the ship Engewormer, which sailed together with the ships Doornik and Barsande, several Dutch officials including Swellengrebel, van Putten, Helot, Olof Bergh, van der Laan, and Slotsboo expressed concern about its delay. They hoped this ship, along with other missing vessels Slooten and Sandhorst, would safely arrive at their harbor. After writing this letter, they purchased two young ostriches for 5 irons and 4 pieces, which would be sent on the ship Doornik. They noted that they would try to acquire more young ostriches, as older ones were difficult to transport and died easily.
Goods were delivered to Meyenberg and Vlissingen with some minor quantity shortages, including coal. However, elephant tusks were found to have their exact marked weights, which clearly revealed fraud with other goods. The authorities repeated their orders about marking weights on tusks to prevent all forms of theft.
4 ostriches transported on the ship "Maria Adriane" died during the journey, as did some dragon plants. Regarding almonds, raisins, garden seeds, medicinal herbs, and quince preserves, nothing special was noted, except that missing herbs mentioned in the letter of April 21 of last year were still expected and needed to be sent as soon as possible for the Company's medical shop.
Lions were also requested for the Japanese Emperor, specifically young ones to make transportation safer.
On February 1, 1734, a letter was written from Cape of Good Hope. It discussed the shipping of plants and ostriches. The weight of each item was written on the sand. A bill of lading was included. A quantity of 5,732 pounds of elephant tusks was mentioned. There were instructions about almonds that needed to be weighed and counted before shipping. The writer promised to continue sending cases with plants. They would also send ostriches once they were ready for transport. The Governor had special hooks made on board the ships to better preserve the cargo.
In total, 3,180 pieces of Bengali fabric were shipped with both ships. There was still some missing stock which would come from Bengal. The warehouses had 640 pieces of Guinea fabric in stock which were sent with the Castle of Waerden. Additionally, 2,000 pieces of salampore fabric and 960 pieces of fine and coarse hamans were shipped. They ordered more carpets (alkatijven) from Bengal, which would be sent to Japan upon receipt. 200 pieces of gingham fabric of the required length and width were shipped, and another 100 pieces were sent completely with the Castle of Waerden. For gingham taffachelas, 1,700 pieces were delivered on this order and 1,400 pieces were used to supplement what was missing.
In 1798, there were various financial transactions and documents involving several people. I. B. Struys had correspondence and accounts with multiple parties. A bill from H. Melborn, D. Piepenberg, and Jan amounted to 92.18 guilders. There were accounts from Struys related to Court van Vleeker, with 6 associated documents. Another account involved De Haase with order number 44, while P.B. Struys had dealings with Buurmande Vallapes involving 2 packets with 8 related papers. There were also accounts between B. Struys and I. Clements with 4 documents, and an acceptance from M. Daley for 798.00 guilders that was returned to A. Daley. Finally, there was a current account between I. B. Struys and L. Thummings with 8 related documents.
On May 22, 1726, a report from Macassar details how someone traveled several times to the Bugis people. He was eventually handed over to a Moorish religious leader named Seijd Aloewie, who ordered him to become a beggar throughout the land. He had to earn 4 stuivers in three days. He managed this for about 9 months, but when he could no longer maintain this income, he had to carry water, chop wood, and perform other household duties for Matoua. When these tasks became too burdensome and he complained, he was beaten and ordered to continue seeking money. He was threatened with being sent back to the Bugis if he entered the Dutch quarter, Macassar, or Chinese street. He then stayed with a Peranakan Moor named Hoesman for one night. On the advice of another unknown Peranakan Moor, he went to stay with a Malay named Intje Soeding. The document was signed on February 9, 1726 in Macassar by P. van der Shippe and translated by W. Muller, with certification by clerk I. Steijnen.
In Macassar on May 22, 1726, a Moor named Scheeg Mahomet, born in Zouratta, gave a report through interpreter Willem Muller. He explained that 3-4 years ago, he had sailed as a sailor from Zouratta to Malacca. In Malacca, he traveled inland with other sailors to sell his goods.
He met three Buginese men: Torahima, Lebora, and Dossie, who convinced him to go to the village of Lingi, claiming trade was better there than in Malacca. He traveled there twice without problems. On his third journey, carrying goods worth 20-30 rxs (rijksdaalders), Torahima grabbed him. When he asked what was happening, he was told to be quiet. Foissie then stabbed him with a knife in his left arm and right buttock.
The three Buginese men tied him up and brought him on Nachoda Tosamma's vessel to Macassar, to Torahima's house. After three days, he was taken to the village of Data in Wadjo. After staying there for 5 months, Torahima sold him to someone named Toaboe, though he couldn't say for how much money.
On May 22, 1726, a Moorish man named Tambi from the coast sought refuge and gave his account through Willem Muller, a sworn interpreter of the Company. About 6 years earlier, Tambi had worked as a sailor for 2 rijksdaalders per month on a large ship chartered by the Company. The ship sailed from the coast to the village of Peria near Malacca carrying:
After anchoring for two days at the Perra river, Bugis raiders attacked their ship. They killed 8 crew members and sold the survivors as slaves in different locations. The raiders divided the merchandise among themselves. Tambi was taken from Perra to the village of Lingi, then to Slangoor, and finally brought here three months later. Two large cannons were placed under the residence of Captain So-Samma. After another three months, So-Samma sold Tambi to the Moorish priest Seif Alewie for 42 rijksdaalders.
On May 22, 1726, in Macassar, a trading encounter occurred when someone was heading to Bouton. The trader claimed to be carrying rice (paddy) that hadn't been sold yet. However, when inspected at the pancor (a type of boat), the vessel was actually full of tomtoins and kabielangs (local goods), and about 5 or 6 people from Ceram were spotted.
Later, on May 28, 1726, as evening approached, a decision was made to send 4 armed men aboard to prevent anyone from leaving the ship. The intention was to first speak with a Singenese person. However, when the armed men arrived, most of the crew jumped overboard in panic. Only the nachoda (captain) and two others were captured, while the rest swam away. The captives were taken aboard and put in shackles. The document was signed by
In a report from Macassar dated May 22, 1726, ship's mate Godfried Iansz described events from a patrol journey on the ship Kastiaris on Sunday, October 28, 1714. He recorded a conversation with a ship captain (nachoda) near the Singenaessie. The captain sat next to him and asked where he came from. When Iansz said he was from Bouton, the captain replied he was also from there and had been away for 8 months.
Iansz acted disinterested and instead spoke to the Singenaessie, asking him to tell his people to bring food supplies for sale. The Singenaessie promised to do this if Iansz would stay until the next day, which Iansz agreed to do. The captain then left, but 3 or 4 of his men remained behind. Iansz wanted to discuss the vessel but decided against it due to the presence of these men. Instead, he took his leave and went back to his ship. On the beach, he saw the captain sitting under a vessel on the shore with 5 or 6 people from Ceram. They greeted him, and Iansz called out to ask if the captain wanted to buy anything.
On April 29, 1726, several local merchants appeared before two junior merchants. Through translator Jacob Brugman, they confirmed their previous statements, except for Weka who remained in his vessel due to illness. The document was signed with characters by Intje Rajani, Pompo, Talanda, Lacassa, Arou, Salingo, Sampara, Jaima, Rantaka, and Jampara Loba, in the presence of Jan Landsheer and Jan Hendrik Niepoort. The document was certified by secretary Theodorus van den Bosch and translator Brugman in Macassar on May 22, 1726.
On May 15, 1726, local merchants from Coelij including Intje Rajanie, ship captain Talanda, Lacassa, Arou, Talingo, Djanpara, Djanna, Randalra, and Toba appeared before junior merchants Jan Landsheer and Jan Hendrik Niepoort. Through the Company's chief translator Jacob Brugman, they declared their following statement to be true.
In Macassar, on May 22, 1726, a document was signed regarding a vessel that had departed from Batavia approximately 4 months earlier with 12 people aboard. The document was signed in the settlement of Vlaer Dinge by several officials including Intje Racani, Pompo, Talanda, Lacassa, Arou, Salingo, Janpara Jaima, Kantalra, and Loba. The document was witnessed by I. Landsheer and I.A. Niepoort. There was also mention of someone named Sikoko from Caelij.
According to a report from Macassar dated May 22, 1726, they had no intention to trade but only wanted to build in Grissee and then sail to Surabaya to request a pass to Coelij. From there, they planned to go to Batavia with a cargo of oil and coconuts. 11 men were present, with one having died during the journey.
The captain was Boppa Cassir, who was called Cassar because of his son. There appears to be an error in the documentation where "Bappa Mandarees" was wrongly written instead of "Cassar Mandarees". No trade goods were exported, and the captain was recorded as being the ship owner.
Note: Due to the fragmentary and repetitive nature of the source text, only the clear and coherent information has been included in this summary.On April 26, 1726, the junior merchants Jan Landsheer and Jan Hendrik Nipoort met with local people at Oedjong Lowe near the Howang River. The company's head interpreter Jacob Brugman helped translate for people who called themselves Calaise residents. The meeting was in response to letters from Boelocomba dated January 3, February 13, and March 9 of that same year. Each person was questioned individually and their responses were recorded.
In Macassar on May 22, 1726, a person was ordered by a Badsorese leader named Matoua to wander the land as a beggar. He had to collect 4 stuivers in three days, which he managed to do for about 9 months. When he could no longer meet these demands, he had to carry water and chop wood for Matoua, and perform other household duties. These tasks became too burdensome, and when he complained, he was beaten instead of receiving help. He was ordered to continue seeking money and was threatened not to enter the Dutch settlement or Chinese street, or he would be sent to the Bugis. The person then went to stay with Parnaskan Moor Hoesman. After spending one night there, on the advice of another unnamed Parnaskan Moor, he went to the Malay Intje Soeding. The document was signed by P. V. der Thippe, translated by W. Muller in Macassar in February 1726, and certified by clerk I. Heijnen.
In the villages of Ciram and Boewe, there were incidents involving Gilolo in 299. While populations in Meillut differed from those in other regions in 312, the focus was on trade and nutmeg production in 313. The nutmeg quality in Gilolo was similar to that of Bauta in 314. Obe major became largely depopulated in 294. While Banda produced nutmeg everywhere, trade regulations became stricter in 317. Major trade developments occurred in Banda during 322, influenced by Euilius. A trade capital assessment in the Moluccas was conducted in 327, with revenue estimates following in 930. While taxes were not collected in some islands by 357, southern islands had poor barter trade by 892. In 360, it became clear that restricting trade to certain points was impossible. Gilolo, Boerae, and Ciram remained important for trade. Villages under local chiefs could only change gradually. By 372, plans were made to:
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