Transcriptions » Recently created summaries of historical documents

31 October 1679, a report was written in Macassar containing instructions for assistants Philippoe Fastel and Wilhelm Eijkmans about how to behave during their stay on Biema.

The instructions about unloading ships coming from Banda to get rice and food supplies had already been given in writing during a recent trip to Kalonkon, so these were not repeated.

The assistants were especially informed that the Dutch East India Company in Macassar had no salt at all. For weeks, requests had been made to the king and important people to deliver salt, and they kept promising to do so. However, because the writer could not wait any longer for their slow response (as his presence was urgently needed in Macassar to send his report to Batavia on time), the assistants had to:

• Collect and keep ready 10 kojangs (a measure of weight) of salt as quickly as possible
• Send the salt to Macassar when a Company ship appeared
• Not take any salt away from these 10 kojangs if ships from Banda arrived first, even though those ships also needed salt

The Banda ships could wait a few days because they could not return to Banda until the west monsoon passed anyway. The Macassar sailors could not wait that long because they risked being blown off course.

The writer had stopped the fighting between Boemi Soro and the king of Tambora. The decision about their disputes was placed in the hands of the kings of Biema and Dompo, to be handled in the presence of the assistants. To help them better understand the nature of these conflicts, the writer explained that when the people from Macassar ruled over these lands, they were in charge.

• Intje Noela, a Malay resident of Macassar, received permission on 12 October 1718 to sail to Batavia for trade using a boat belonging to the Bimanese prince Caraijn poeanna Raga. The boat was approximately 3 lasts in size and had a crew of 11 people. However, due to strong opposing winds and currents, he only made it as far as Madura.
• To sietie, a Buginese resident of Macassar and servant of the King of Tambora, sailed with a boat of 5 lasts and a crew of 21 people on 10 October in the same direction. On 6 January, their honors gave him permission to return.
• The document was signed at the Company's camp in Bima on 1 October 1719 by I. Hk Breuning.
• On 14 February, damage was reported to vessels, sails, and strength due to strong opposing winds and currents near Samarang, Japara, and Grissee.

From Macassar at the end of June, the Company's servants were counted both outside and inside the castle.

The Company's subjects and mountain peoples lived on Maros.

On 14 August, the Company's subjects were counted in the districts of Tambora, Baro, Maloeco, Dompo, and Glisson, located south under this castle.

At the end of September, the following groups were counted:

• The Company's subjects from Glisson
• People from Macassar and Buginese people there
• The Company's subjects from Poelembankeng
• People from Macassar and Buginese people there
• Free people from Macassar and Buginese people
• Chinese and mixed-race people
• Highland dwellers
• Highland dwellers in the plains

In February 1730, the following groups were counted:

• The Company's subjects on Zaleijer
• Muslims and local religious leaders
• People from Ambon and Bandanese people

On 1 April, people from Bonthain, Boelecomba, Malays, and citizens were counted.

A document from 24 October 1730, signed by I. Wognu at Macassar in Castle Rotterdam, provided a summary count of all the Company's territories, including the areas of Glisson, Poelanbankeeng, Maros, Zaleijer, and Boelecomba on both the north and south sides, along with citizens, Chinese people, and their slaves.

The total population count showed 9,817 to 11,345 people across different categories, with a final total of 16,798 free persons and 2,306 slaves, including men, women, sons, daughters, and children.

• 10 slaves
• 60 pieces of deer meat
• 6 Buginese people traveling as passengers

On 10 October, the secret departure to Chinrana was discussed and thoughts about this were delivered to the Castle in Macassar. On that same day in the afternoon, Radja Goa also had his letter brought to them through Crain Jerenika in the Castle. On 10 October in the morning, he had left for Chinrana without the knowledge of their people, and he had not appeared again at Mangelicana after receiving the last letter from 18 October. The reason for his departure could not be determined, but it was believed that he went to seek advice from Radja Boni about what to do regarding the news of the arrival of a governor with 2 ships and soldiers. This news, especially arriving against the monsoon season, seemed very strange to many and had caused some fear among certain people from Macassar and Bugis. It could also be that Radja Goa traveled to Chinrana to have his letter to them first reviewed by Radja Boni, since he had also sent their latest letter to him through Crain Jerenika to Chinrana to communicate it to Boni, according to the Macassar daily register dated 16 June 1694. He arranged everything according to what Radja Boni decided. Under the excuse of illness, together with Radja Tello, he did not welcome the merchant Schenkenberg until 5 August, even though he had been properly informed of his arrival on 23 June through 2 messengers. Radja Goa's intention might have been to stay in Chinrana until the governor's arrival, so he could come to the Castle to welcome him only together with Radja Beri or with his excellency's permission. Time would tell. They very much wanted to know when the large fishing ship with the yachts Sillida and Wiltschut would appear at Macassar, and what the purpose was of their arrival and of the 200 soldiers who were sent along.

• Chinese people, Moors, and Codjas, along with their slaves
• Boat owners, Malays, Ambonese, and Bandanese people
• The Company's subjects in the villages of Linques, Bero, Malocco and subordinate peoples from the Company's province of Glissong
• Buginese and Macassarese people who had moved to Glissong on their own initiative
• The Company's subjects living in the district of Polonbankeeng
• Buginese and Macassarese people who had settled in the district of Polonbankeeng of their own free will
• The Company's subjects under Boelecomba
• The Company's subjects living in the village on the island of Zaleijer
• The Company's mountain peoples in the district of Maros
• The Company's subjects in the flat lands of the district of Macassar in Castle Rotterdam
• Free citizens

8 February 1785, a copy was made of a letter that had been sent from Batavia in the Castle on the last of January 1705. It was signed by C. Besuijen and E. de Clerk from Soerabaja. The letter was addressed to Captain and Commander Willem Sergeant and the Council.

The letter referred to an earlier message from 29 January that had been sent by boat. It noted that within 7 to 8 days, 60 to 70 people from Makassar would be sent along with supplies and necessities that had been requested. However, instead of the promised people from Makassar, 68 people from Banda were being sent.

The following supplies were being sent:

• 1 barrel of liquor
• 5 containers of arrack
• 4 cans of wine
• 50 ordinary muskets
• 25 musket locks
• 600 pieces of flint stones
• 6 carbine slings
• 6 hooks
• 20 cartridge bags
• 20 bandoliers
• 25 carrying straps
• 18 powder horns
• 18 copper loading tools
• 30 wooden cartridge cases
• 2 bundles of cork
• 3 copper beer taps
• 1 powder sieve
• 240 pounds of iron
• 4 jacks
• 10 wooden grain shovels
• 10 sheets of Persian leather
• half a barrel of tar
• 1 ream of large median paper
• 1 ream of small paper
• 2 containers of small format paper
• 100 pieces of shafts

The total value was 1,915 guilders and 1 stuiver. The ship needed to be unloaded immediately upon arrival so it could continue its journey to Makassar, then to Banda, and finally to Ambon.

A copy of a letter from a Balinese ensign named Waijkan Kakaran Jbraham, who had been sent to Soerabaja, was also included.

The ship Buyren arrived successfully in Banda on 16 July near the north coast of Ceram. After sending supplies, at the urgent request of Governor Jochum Roeloffsz, the ships Amsterdam and Wesel sailed to Amboino. When the ship Buyren departed, Banda still had 461 loads of rice and paddy remaining, which would likely be consumed by January. Therefore, an early shipment of 750 to 800 loads of rice was needed to provide Banda with supplies for 2 years against all possible incidents.

During most of the east monsoon season, especially after the departure of the ships Leeuwinne and Leijden, Banda experienced very unstable bad weather with extraordinary heavy rain. This caused great damage to the crops that had looked so promising when flowering, with much fruit falling off. However, the trees still carried enough fruit that if God granted suitable weather conditions, a significant harvest could still be picked by December. Due to the stormy weather, little or no progress had been made on planned construction works.

In trade matters there was no particular change and things continued as before. The condition of the churches remained flourishing in peace and love. The commissioners in the church assembly attended without objection and kept perfect minutes of everything that happened.

The preacher Doctor Johannes Heemstede, who had previously been inclined to return to the fatherland after the death of his partner, was about to remarry a young woman. This meant that Banda would continue to benefit from his good abilities, particularly his knowledge of the Malay language and his familiarity with the nature of the inhabitants.

On the other hand, on 9 September the preacher Doctor Anthonio vander Hagen, who had served on Lontor, died after 18 days of illness from a severe fever combined with severe diarrhea. He left behind a widow and orphan.

The livestock that had previously been placed on Rossingeijn, the Gonongh Apij, and Neyra were increasing well in breeding. Slaughtering was still being avoided, so that after some years Banda would be well supplied with large livestock, pigs, goats, and so on.

According to the muster roll and perfect record sent, the islands of Banda on 31 August were occupied and populated with 3,842 souls:

• 351 Dutchmen in service of the Company
• 91 Dutch free people outside the Company's service
• 20 Dutch women
• 77 Dutch children
• 50 men, 133 women, and 97 children who were free natural Bandanese
• 186 men, 319 women, and 328 children of all kinds of free nations
• 53 men, 158 women, and 69 children who were Bandanese slaves
• 782 men, 723 women, and 405 children of all kinds of nations who were slaves

Of the 560 natural Bandanese consisting of men, women, and children, both free and unfree, who still remained in Banda, no one had been eager to come here with the ship Buyren.

• The Dutch believed the King of Macassar might be planning to retrieve escaped Bandanese people. Governor Willem Jansz was warned to be on guard.
• The yacht Gouda, which had been sent by Lefebure on 15 November with letters to go north of Celebes to Costij, was forced to return due to contrary streams and wind. Later, an express boat brought news that the letters had been captured.
• The incident occurred because the boat carried no prince's flag. People from Lissebatta attacked the vessel and killed one of the Mardijkers (local Christian soldiers). The letters got wet and were opened, causing part of them to be lost. When the Lissebatta people learned the letters belonged to the Dutch, they let the messengers go.
• Through these letters, the Dutch learned that the Ternatans in the Moluccas had first made peace with the Tidorese and then with the Spanish enemy, against Dutch wishes. Kitchil Alij seemed strongly opposed to this. He claimed this was the work of the Gonjonger and the king's staff, without the king's knowledge.
• The Dutch complaints received no response except that the king and council appeared very displeased about the actions of Tymola Leluatto. They promised to address the matter, but the Dutch suspected they were being deceived with talk while the Ternatans tried to gain an advantage.
• There were rumors that the people of Louhou and the Ternatans might be willing to establish friendship and build a wooden lodge for the Dutch again, but reportedly would not agree to a stone one. Most of Louhou had been abandoned, with people now living on Lissiella, a fortress on a high mountain about half a mile from Louhou.
• Ships named Wourden, Amsterdam, and the flute Edam arrived safely, bringing letters dated 26 September, 23 October, 14 January, and 20 February, received on 2 December, 7 December, last of January, and 14 April respectively.
• The Dutch were shocked by the shameless and arrogant demands from the English Company servants, who did not hesitate to excuse their treasonous acts and even dared to ask by whose authority the conspirators had been executed.
• The Dutch noted that 2 years earlier, the English commissioners had not questioned them when Davidt Joosten was executed after he killed an English assistant in a duel over an insult. At that time, the English had urgently requested justice and threatened that if no justice were done, they would hold the Dutch responsible for any resulting incidents.
• Now that their own treasonous acts had been punished, the English were very angry. However, the Dutch believed they had a righteous case and that impartial and wise people would praise their handling of the conspiracy and thank God for opening their eyes and protecting them from the bloody plot.
• After 14 or 15 days, Mr. Sil delivered a document written in English, which he said was a protest from President Brockedon on behalf of the English Company. He also presented the keys to their lodge, along with some letters he said were debt obligations and an inventory of their remaining goods. The Dutch official responded that he would have the protest translated, whether into Dutch, Spanish, French, or Malay, since none of them understood English.

On April 1738, the Chinese person Onkoiko left with permission for Lisao on a boat belonging to Oeijn Honko with 9 sailors to collect sandalwood that had been negotiated for purchase.

On Tuesday the 22nd in the morning, a drummer named Buttener suddenly became unable to speak and paralyzed and was brought to the hospital, where he died around noon. A sailor named Doerang returned from Aloer, where he had gone on 12 February.

On Wednesday the 23rd, Cornelis Zegers received a pass to sail to Lifao with his small boat and 12 men to trade.

On Thursday the 24th, sailor Frans Tollenaar received permission to sail to Rottij with the boat of Philipboelijn and 7 men to exchange food supplies. The Chinese person Tiontoko returned from Toebang Jhan with his boat full of sandalwood, where he had been allowed to sail on the 6th.

On Friday the 25th at 5 o'clock in the morning, drummer Buttener died in the hospital without making a will or leaving anything behind.

On Saturday the 26th at 10 o'clock before noon, the pardoned Bandanese citizen Wouter Tempezel arrived from Lifao with his own boat and crew after being summoned. The sailor Euwe, who had gone there on the 9th, also arrived. Permission was again granted to sail to Lisao and Toelang Jhan with sailors from Solor on the boat of Tion Toko to collect his negotiated sandalwood.

On Sunday the 17th, after the sermon, the reverend Van Ommeren baptized many children again.

On Monday the 28th, the regent of Thie, Benjamin Messa, arrived with the sons of the regents of Lando and Het Eijlandje Dauw to welcome the reverend and the new visitor of the sick, Swaans.

On Tuesday the 29th in the morning at daybreak, a small boat was seen at sea without their knowledge.

• When the Dutch first arrived in Jambij, Pangeran de Pattij pursued his father with full force, reinforced with 130 of their soldiers, Bugis and Balinese fighters. After about 2 months away, their provisions ran out and they had to return with their tails between their legs, despite Jambij still having plentiful food supplies at that time.
• Recently, when his majesty used the high water to bring his vessels behind their fortifications through the forest and stayed 3 days at the Sijping river, a musket shot behind the city. After learning of their plan to blockade him, he fled upriver. Pangeran, whose vessels were adequate and as fast as the king's, only pursued him for half a day's sailing. After 2 to 3 days of waiting, Sultan showed himself again about 4 miles away.

25 February 1688: A report was sent from Jambij to Batavia with the yacht Boswijck, addressed to Ioannes Camphuijs, Governor General, and the Council of the Indies.

Since the departure of commander Gerrit Coster on 21 January, little of importance had happened in Jambij. On 5 February, Pangeran Depattij sent a messenger to Sultan Hingalaga to observe his behavior and find out why he had not come down as promised. The messenger was sent to Siambeoukoe, where the sultan was staying.

On 9 February, the messenger returned together with 2 of the king's messengers, bringing a Malay letter. That same evening, the messengers left again with a reply. Before they departed, they were questioned in secret about the sultan's true intentions.

The messengers confirmed what 5 or 6 deserters had already told them several days earlier:

• At first, Sultan Hingalaga had been willing to come down, hand over the rebels, and make peace with his son and the other important people of Jambij, as well as with the Company
• However, Pangeran Depattij had publicly sworn before the whole world that as long as he had breath in his body, he would never recognize Sultan Hingalaga as his father again
• The sultan's anger at his son's offenses, which were known throughout the world and unforgivable, turned his initial willingness into deadly and irreconcilable hatred
• The sultan firmly decided he would never come down to make peace as long as Pangeran Depattij remained in the kingdom of Jambij

From this and other circumstances, the Dutch now finally understood what Pangeran Depattij had been hiding from them all along. They had thought his goal was the same as theirs - to win over the king peacefully through kind words. All the letters exchanged between them and the king had served this purpose. However, Pangeran Depattij feared that if his father came down (since the important people were more loyal to the father than to him), he would not become king, even though they had secretly assured him of this many times. He did not believe these assurances. Whenever he noticed his father was beginning to listen, he cleverly created obstacles to ruin their hopes, intending to achieve his goal through weapons and help.

• A decision was made in appeal that the petitioner must deliver the disputed amber to the defendants in the same condition as he received it from the English Captain Charles on behalf of the previously mentioned people.
• However, if the amber no longer existed, or if the defendants did not want to accept it because they claimed it was spoiled, falsified, or damaged, then in such cases the petitioner would have to pay the defendants 13 riksdaalders at 60 stuivers each for every ounce, provided that the Lord's Toll would first be deducted from it.
• Furthermore, the petitioner was condemned to pay the costs of both this case and the previous proceedings.
• The confiscated fine from the appeal was forfeited.
• This was decided on 19 April 1662 and pronounced on 25 April 1662.

• The recovered disabled soldiers from the regiment of Luxembourg who had stayed behind would be sent away with the ship 't Fortuin from Dordrecht.
• A request from the Chief Bailiff Jan Hendrik Matthissen was granted. He reported that the sick soldiers of the regiment of Luxembourg who had stayed behind had mostly recovered. However, some remaining soldiers suffered from illnesses that could not be cured on Robben Island because their recovery was progressing too slowly and the cold season was approaching, which would not allow them to stay on the island in tents.
• Therefore, Matthissen proposed to send the recovered soldiers as quickly as possible with the ship 't Fortuin from Dordrecht, and to let the sick soldiers stay in the hospital here until a suitable opportunity for their departure arose.
• This proposal from the Governor was unanimously agreed to by all the Council members.
• The Chief Bailiff Jan Hendrik Matthyssen then presented the following request to the Governor Cornelis Jacob van de Graaff and the Council of Policy of the government of the Cape of Good Hope:
• Matthyssen explained that in 1776 he was appointed as third bailiff to assist the first and second bailiffs who were ill at the time.
• After they died, he advanced to their positions, so that by 1783 he was promoted and appointed as first bailiff.
• However, he had to perform the duties of first bailiff from the beginning of his appointment as third bailiff due to the illness of the others.
• Matthyssen stated that he believed he had performed his service with great diligence and to the satisfaction of the authorities.
• He claimed he possessed the necessary capability for his position and left the judgment about this to the authorities, who had seen enough evidence during that period of time.
• He added that he was proficient in several languages and, when his office permitted, also served as an interpreter.
• Matthyssen noted that the authorities had been pleased to reward diligence and hard work of other servants of the Company by granting them titles that matched the dignity of the person and their service.
• He hoped for favorable recognition because of his demonstrated diligence and conduct.
• He asked the authorities to consider the extreme dangers connected to his office in carrying out executions, of which several examples already existed and were well known to the authorities.
• He mentioned that he had often worked beyond his duties and had been severely injured and nearly killed in the line of duty.
• For these reasons, Matthyssen humbly requested that the authorities please grant him the title of Schout (Sheriff), while retaining his position as overseer of the prisons.
• He hoped for a favorable reward for his service.

• A request was made by assistant van der Sande, who felt obliged to support the request of Matthizen because of his own recent appointment to office. Van der Sande was concerned that Matthizen might request to leave the Company's service, which would deprive him of a man he believed he could rely on in carrying out his duties. He therefore asked for favorable consideration of this request.
• Due to the reasons presented by the Fiscal, it was decided by majority vote to give Matthizen the title of underschout (deputy bailiff). This was done solely to instill more respect for him among the public. Matthizen would otherwise continue to perform the same duties he had been doing so far.
• Thieteman Johannes van de Sande submitted a petition. He had arrived on the ship Demerarij, destined for Batavia, where he was supposed to work in the medicine shop according to the intentions of the Directors.
• The petition was addressed to Governor and Director Cornelis Jacob van de Graaff of the Cape of Good Hope and its jurisdiction, and to the Honorable Council of Policy.
• Van de Sande explained that during the voyage and upon his arrival, he had unfortunately discovered that his weak physical condition was not suited for practicing a profession in hot climates, which even in Europe would require a robust constitution. He therefore did not believe the Company would benefit from the dedication with which he had devoted himself to its service.
• For these reasons, van de Sande humbly requested permission to return to Europe on the ship Meermin or another vessel, under such conditions as the authorities deemed appropriate.
• The request was approved. The petitioner was allowed to return to Europe while retaining his rank but with his wages discontinued.
• Permission was also granted to citizen Gerrit Hendrik Badenhorst to repatriate.
• Permission was granted to various free blacks to travel to Batavia to be employed there.
• It was decided to allow the free blacks Harp from Batavia and October from Macassar to travel to Batavia on the ship Demerarij. Harp could take his wife Hesje van de Kaap and their child Saartje van de Kaap. October could take his wife Deure from Macassar and their children named Engela, Babia, and Carca, all from the Cape, as well as his slave named August from Macassar.
• Their further request to be excused from payment of the usual transport and living costs due to their limited financial circumstances would be referred to the High Indian Government for decision.
• Hendrik Badenhorst was granted permission to travel to the Netherlands on the private ship Handellust, provided he complied with the charter conditions of that vessel.

1217: A catalog of medical items or practitioners was recorded. The document mentions a person who was a Predicant (preacher or minister).

• On 20 January 1755 and 28 January 1755, Catharina Ter Meulen, widow of Jacob Hamerstrant, living in Amsterdam, appeared before notary Isaac Pool, who was admitted by the Court of Holland.
• She acknowledged that she owed a total amount of 1,630 guilders and 17 stuivers to 3 men together: Pieter van Carnap Pietersz, Cornelis Bogaart, and Johannes Woesthoff Gerhardsz.
• The individual amounts were:
  • 688 guilders and 14 stuivers to Pieter van Carnap Pietersz
  • 553 guilders and 13 stuivers to Cornelis Bogaart
  • 388 guilders and 10 stuivers to Johannes Woesthoff Gerhardsz
• These debts came from a balance of accounts.
• She promised to pay each creditor 25 guilders every 6 months until the total debt of 1,630 guilders and 17 stuivers was fully paid.
• As security for the payment, she handed over a rental contract to David de Graaff Jansz for a house located on the Haarlemmerdijk, the 7th house from the Virmarkt, which was lived in by Jacobus Schut.
• She gave David de Graaff Jansz irrevocable power to collect the rent payments on the due dates and to give receipts for them.
• He was also authorized to rent out the house again at the end of the rental period, to make new rental contracts, to collect those rent payments, and to take legal action against unwilling payers.
• This arrangement would continue until the above-mentioned debt was paid.

• The resident positions of Boelecomba, Bonthair, Bima, and Saleier would henceforth carry the title of post holder.
• For Boelecomba and Bonthair, 4 police servants would be assigned, each receiving 18 guilders per month.
• For Bima, a clerk would be assigned at 40 guilders per month.
• The Council of Justice in Macassar would consist of one president and 3 members who would serve in honorary positions without salary. The governor would select them from the most prominent officials and citizens, place them temporarily in function, and then propose them to His Excellency for final appointment.
• The personnel at the Council of Justice would follow the structure established by the decision of 6 September, number 133, with the following exceptions:
  • The sworn clerk would receive 50 guilders per month.
  • The magistrate would have an additional clerk assigned at 40 guilders per month.
  • The council would also have: a jailer at 85 guilders per month, a bailiff at 40 guilders per month, an executioner at 22 guilders per month, 2 overseers for chain gang prisoners each at 10 guilders per month, and finally 60 guilders per year for clothing of justice servants.
• The wages of sailors at the harbor department would be increased to 48 guilders per month, without any provision of food.
• The management of warehouses in Macassar would be entrusted to a warehouse master at 200 guilders per month, with 100 guilders per month allocated for clerks working under him. The already provisionally abolished positions would be withdrawn: the warehouse worker at 25 guilders and fence overseer at 25 guilders per month, as well as the overseer at the warehouses at 10 guilders per month.
• The land council in Macassar would have 4 junior officials (instead of one head official and 3 junior officials) at 8 guilders each per month.
• Expenses for craftsmen at the smithy would be limited to 150 guilders per month.
• The female director of the poorhouse in Macassar would be granted 60 guilders per month, calculated from 1 October.
• Thirdly, the governor and military commander of Macassar were instructed to make the land council in the northern districts free of charge if possible.

• The ships Elizabeth-Dorothea and Princes van Orange
• The barks de Buis and de Leervisch
• The sloop de Roos
• The patjallang de Kanneelboom

A report dated 5 June 1744 from Macassar stated that during the entire time of the writer's presence, nothing had brought as much advantage as praising the best people in the presence of the worst ones. This served as an encouragement for some to continue strongly and made others try to hide their shame with more diligent behavior. However, this approach did not work with Sumbawa.

The King of Sumbawa was only motivated by the influence of the people from Macassar. To show the real causes, the writer needed to explain further. When war had been decided upon, the final decision was made that people withdrew from the royal court one after another, pretending to have various complaints.

The first method used was to take away a wife from Crain Bonto Lankas because he had behaved as a rebel against the king and the kingdom. This was done against the laws and without dissolving the marriage, which could only happen with the full consent of the husband. The woman was to be married to someone else. The King of Sumbawa was found to be the most suitable person for this purpose. After 3 important ladies from Macassar were proposed to him, he did not dare or want to refuse this offer out of respect.

Keradjoeding, who was the king of Goa and later became king of Tello when that kingdom changed rulers, personally brought a lady across the sea to Sumbawa, traveling about 4 miles with some boats accompanying him. An illegal marriage was performed there. The purpose was to make it easier to take over the mainland if they could get the Dutch out of the area, or at least to ensure a steady supply of food through this waterway. After this event, important people from Macassar began complaining about violations of law and freedom. They joined forces with Bonto Lankas, some wanting to take revenge for the insult done to such a prince, others wanting to protect themselves from similar violations. As a result, Goa became empty, the king was removed from his throne, and war broke out without the kingdom's involvement, as was claimed. A considerable number of people from Macassar went to Sumbawa, where they were received through the help of the queen, the newly married princess from Macassar.