Transcriptions » Recently created summaries of historical documents

In 1723, several ships traveled between Macassar and other ports, carrying goods, people, and animals. Here’s what happened:

• On 9 August 1723, a small ship with 15 crew members left Macassar to buy supplies for its owner. It carried 12 slaves, 6 horses, 50 piculs of tobacco (a weight measure), and a passenger named Jntje Poetie. The ship planned to return afterward.
• On 13 October, a local resident named Tomome sailed to Batavia in his patsjall (a type of ship) with 13 crew. The ship was about 3 coijangs (a size measure) and carried 40 piculs of tobacco and 5 passengers (2 men and 3 women) for trade.
• On the same day, a ship called Gontingh, owned by Bappa Awal from Macassar (under Matara), left for Batavia. The captain was from the same nation, and the ship carried 20 horses and 10 piculs of tobacco. This ship had arrived in Macassar on 16 April with a pass from the Dutch East India Company (VOC).
• On 14 October, a Macassanese trader named Dain Manjerikie sailed to Batavia in his ship (about 2 coijangs with 9 crew). He took 4 horses and the rest rice for trade.
• On the same day, Jntje Aming, a local Maleijer (person from Macassar), sailed to Batavia in his ship (about 4 coijangs with 10 crew) to trade, carrying a load of rice.
• On 22 October, a Chinese trader named Quajenko continued his journey to Timor after arriving in Macassar on 16 October to repair leaks, get firewood, and water.
• On 26 December, a Portuguese captain, Don Pedro Rodrigo, left for Lifao after arriving on 22 December to fix leaks in his small ship.
• On 8 January 1724, a Chinese trader, Tisihimkelng, continued to Timor after arriving on 3 January to get water and firewood.
• A Chinese trader, Lintsiko, left for Ternate on 27 December 1723 after arriving earlier to restock food supplies.
• On 25 June, a Maleijer captain, Moeda, from Tammelang Island left for Samarang in his praeuw (ship) named Jagon. He had arrived on 10 January but stayed longer because his crew was sick.

Ships that arrived included:

• On 16 October 1722, a Chinese trader, Quejenko, arrived from Batavia in a chialoup (small ship) owned by Tsiakamko. The ship (35 lasten, a weight measure) had a VOC trade pass for Timor but stopped due to leaks and to restock water and firewood.
• On 22 December 1722, a small Portuguese ship arrived in the harbor.
• On 2 May 1723, another ship arrived.

On 9 August 1723, a letter from Macassar noted that local kings had agreed not to cut any sappanwood (a valuable red dye wood) in 1724. However, about 3,000 piculs (a weight measure) of uncollected sappanwood remained—2,000 piculs in Dompo (on the trading post Cambo) and 1,000 piculs in Macassar. The writer, A.n Walburg, respectfully requested that authorities arrange for this wood to be retrieved the following year.

A separate note listed ships traveling between Batavia (modern Jakarta) and the East Coast of Java from August 1722 to July 1723:

• On 9 September 1722, a prauw (small ship) named Patsjallang, owned by the king of Bima, sailed to Batavia. It carried 33 crew, 24 enslaved people, and 60 piculs of sappanwood, along with passengers like Toanie Boeginees and Jntje wan Maleijer (a local resident). The ship was sent to buy supplies for the king.
• On 10 September 1722, another prauw, Naga, owned by the king of Bima and commanded by Jenelij Woha, left for Batavia with 45 crew to handle official business. It carried only food for the journey.
• On the same day, a third prauw, Gonting, sailed under Nintje Otjo with 34 crew and 40 horses for trade.
• On 4 October 1722, a trader named Toimpa sent a small prauw with 15 crew, 4 coijangs (units) of rice, 4 piculs of toppe (likely a local product), and one woman passenger.
• On 13 October 1722, Jositie, a servant of the king of Tambora, sailed a prauw with 4 coijangs and a small crew to Batavia.

• Arou Teko, a man from Macassar, met with the governor in the Rotterdam Castle on October 20, 1701. He acted respectfully, kissing the governor’s hand and asking for his case to be handled quickly—whether he would be sentenced to death or freed.
• Though given a seat, Arou Teko became agitated, speaking boldly and dramatically. The governor assured him the Dutch East India Company (VOC) would decide his fate fairly but firmly, based on the laws. Meanwhile, Arou Teko would be held under guard in the castle, which upset him—he had not expected this.
• When told his ceremonial dagger (kris) would be kept until his case was resolved, Arou Teko was speechless. He was then escorted to a guarded house near the church, where he remained under watch.
• That same evening, messengers were sent to the rulers of Boni and Goa to inform them of Arou Teko’s arrest. The ruler of Boni reacted cautiously, while the ruler of Goa was shocked but supportive, believing the governor’s goal was to enforce the alliance’s laws strictly.
• The governor planned to gather the remaining allies at the castle to discuss Arou Teko’s crimes. He expected most would now favor execution or exile (to the Cape or Java), rather than just fines, as they had previously suggested. The governor feared Arou Teko might still escape to England or Java if only fined.
• The letter, written by Cornelis Beernink, urged the governor’s superiors to decide quickly whether Arou Teko should be executed or punished less severely. He warned that releasing Arou Teko with just a fine could be dangerous.

In 1701, a report from Macassar discussed the case of Aron Teko, a local ruler causing trouble for the Dutch East India Company (VOC). The situation was complicated because of past agreements and the behavior of other local leaders.

• Aron Teko had broken rules set by the King of Bone (Radja Boni), including riding through the town of Vlaardingen with armed followers, even after being warned not to. This angered the king, who demanded Aron Teko stay in his camp.
• The VOC was concerned that if Aron Teko wasn’t punished, other local rulers would think they could ignore the VOC’s authority. They also feared he might flee to places like Bima, Java, or Banjar Masin and cause more problems, possibly even teaming up with pirates or the English.
• On 1 September 1701, Aron Teko admitted to ignoring the king’s orders and gave excuses for his actions. His arrogance made the situation worse.
• The VOC’s governor in Macassar came up with a plan to capture Aron Teko. They tricked him into coming to the VOC’s castle by pretending to negotiate. Aron Teko sent a messenger, saying he wanted to talk to the governor to resolve things peacefully. The governor agreed but warned that Aron Teko had to surrender completely to the VOC’s authority.
• On 14 September 1701, Aron Teko’s messenger returned, saying he would surrender—but first, he wanted to inform the King of Bone. The messenger also gave the governor a small bundle containing a gold gift (about 4¾ thaijlen, a local weight measurement). The governor accepted it to keep Aron Teko trusting them.
• Later that day, Aron Teko arrived at the castle with just 6–8 followers. He entered the governor’s hall, where the political council was waiting. As he stepped inside, he was disarmed and captured.

On 13 April 1723, a letter was written from Makassar addressing several issues:

• Governor Sipman regretted sending his son to Batavia secretly, which had upset the authorities. He explained that he had not intended to disobey orders and asked for forgiveness. He also mentioned that his son had been dismissed from service in Hamboina and was no longer in his employ.
• The ship Bellevliet had unloaded its goods properly. However, Joan Hapon, the chief merchant, reported some shortages in the delivered goods, including:
  • 20 cans of French wine
  • 42 cans of arrack (a type of liquor)
  • 2 measures of Surat tarruw (a type of cloth)
  • 3 measures of Bengal tarruw
  • 180 pounds of iron
  • 27 pounds of nails
  These shortages were approved to be written off as losses, totaling ƒ 81, 5 guilders, and 8 stuivers (a small coin).
• The following people were being sent on this ship:
  • Henricus Werend (also called Georgius Henricus Werendlij), a reverend, along with his family
  • 2 assistant teachers: Michiel de Bruijn and Jan Pietersz Governaar
  • 3 sergeants (including Michiel van der Rijke, requested by the kings of Bone and Gowa)
  • 3 corporals
  • 52 soldiers
  • 1 ship carpenter
  • 1 loadmaster
  • 1 quartermaster
  • 15 sailors
• Additionally, the letter mentioned that:
  • The reverends Abraham and Snoek were filling in for Georgius in Veromngvon.
  • Henricus Werend was involved in revising the translation of the Holy Scriptures into the Malay language, assisted by 4 others, 2 teachers, craftsmen, and 100 soldiers.

• On 13 April 1723, a set of documents was sent from Macassar by Johannes Philippus Sipmuan, Governor and Director of Macassar, aboard the ship Beloliet to Henric Zwaardecroon, Governor-General in Batavia, and the Council of the Dutch East Indies. The documents included:
• A register listing the sent papers.
• An original letter dated 13 April 1723.
• A summary from a 30 March 1723 meeting about shortages in drinks and supplies on the ship.
• Criminal charges by Abraham van den Anker, a merchant and fiscal officer, against Michiel van der Rijke, a temporary sergeant, for dueling.
• A summary of decisions from a 31 December 1722 meeting.
• A list of 58 discharged soldiers with their final pay records and 20 discharged sailors with similar records.
• Costs for supplies provided to the ship’s officers in Macassar at Castle Rotterdam on 13 April 1722.
• The documents were signed by P. van D. Cnippe, secretary, and received in Batavia on 27 May 1723 aboard the Bellevliet.
• In response to earlier orders, Sipmuan confirmed receipt of Zwaardecroon's letter from 16 January 1723 and explained that 180 lasten (units) of rice were loaded onto a ship bound for Banda on 26 February 1723, as the ship’s capacity was limited by heavy timber and other cargo.
• The ship Bellevliet arrived in Macassar on 17 March 1723, carrying further instructions from Zwaardecroon and the Council.

This summary covers official records from Maccassar (modern-day Makassar, Indonesia) sent to Batavia (modern-day Jakarta) in 1723 by the Dutch East India Company (VOC). The documents were transported by ships like the Kiefhoek and the Patsjall.

• On 27 May 1723, the ship Register der Papieren delivered:
  • An original letter from Governor Johannes Philippus Sipman and the Council of Maccassar to the Governor-General and Council of the Indies in Batavia, dated 11 April 1723.
  • Legal documents about a duel case involving Sergeant Michiel van de Rijke.
• On 18 June 1723, the Patsjall brought:
  • Another original letter from Governor Sipman and the Council, dated 6 June 1723.
• On 21 August 1723, an original letter from Resident Abraham Walburg in Bima (an island near Maccassar), dated 9 August 1723, was received, along with:
  • A list of ships that arrived and departed from Bima between August 1722 and July 1723.
• On 25 October 1723, an original letter from Governor Sipman and the Council, dated 5 October 1723, was delivered, discussing affairs in Towadjoeresto-anka.
• On 8 November 1723, the ship Sjallang, captained by Burger Hendrik, carried:
  • An original letter from Governor Sipman and the Council, dated 21 October 1723.
  • A report listing VOC sailing and rowing vessels in Maccassar on 3 October 1723, including necessary repairs.
  • A record of civilian ships present in Maccassar as of August 1723.

The records also included:

• Copies of reports by:
  • Hendrik Duurveld and Jan van Landsheer on their mission to Maros.
  • Pieter van der Snippe (a junior merchant) and Hendrik Duurveld on their dealings with the King of Boni (modern-day Wajo, Indonesia).
• A summary of VOC personnel in Maccassar as of June and September 1723.
• A list of ships arriving and departing Maccassar between September 1722 and September 1723.

In 1701, a report from Macassar was received in Goa on 14 November 1741, detailing gifts sent by the English leader of Banjar to the King of Goa and Carain Bontosoengo. These gifts were accompanied by a letter, which had already been responded to earlier that month. The letter was secretly delivered by a trusted person from Macassar, who traveled quietly without a pass from Goa to Banjar. The contents of the letter remained unknown, as they were kept confidential.

The report also mentioned that, over the past five years, the Portuguese in Timor had occasionally sent gifts to the people of Macassar. However, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) had not been informed about these exchanges. Around four years earlier, a messenger named Mangarij, supposedly Portuguese, had arrived with gifts that included small boxes, pearls, and possibly gunpowder in jars. These jars were not opened, so their exact contents remained uncertain.

The governor thanked Raja Bonij for his openness and recalled reading about similar Portuguese gifts in records from 3 August 1697. He noted this information in his private records, signed by Cornelis Beernink.

In another letter dated 11 November, it was reported that Abraham Holscher, a merchant, had arrived two days before the letter was written. The governor had already responded to an earlier letter from 16 August, but he still needed to reply to a secret letter addressed specifically to him. He trusted that the response would be handled carefully.

The governor also discussed a murder case involving Arouteko and Dain Manbam, which took place on 1 May 1700. The courts of Bonij and Soping had handled the case lightly, suggesting that Raja Bonij might have known about the murder beforehand. The governor believed that Raja Bonij wanted to protect the accused due to their connections, while the VOC aimed to enforce local laws strictly. The governor noted that most allies, except Raja Tello, would follow Raja Bonij's lead in public meetings. He decided not to consult the allies publicly to avoid influencing their opinions, as fear still lingered from past conflicts.

The VOC had urged the courts of Bonij and Soping to resolve the case and punish the murderer appropriately. However, since Aron Lonij refused to pass judgment and the Queen of Soping remained neutral, no other allies could interfere. This left the VOC to handle the matter independently.

In 1701, a report from Macassar revealed tensions between local leaders, the Dutch East India Company (VOC), and the English. Key details included:

• The governor of Macassar knew about gifts sent by an English leader in Banjar to the rulers of Goa and Bontoesoengoe around 3 months earlier. However, he claimed ignorance about a letter attached to these gifts, which the writer had disclosed to him. The writer chose not to press further to avoid seeming overly critical or biased against the Macassars.
• The writer feared that Radja Gas (a local ruler) would grow more hostile if all secrets were exposed, especially since the governor had recently mediated a dispute between the writer and their father-in-law. The writer decided to stay silent unless formally questioned by the governor.
• On 1 September 1701, Aron Teko, a local figure, was seen moving freely around the Dutch trading post in Macassar, despite earlier restrictions. The governor sent his clerk, Marcus Santbeek, to discreetly question Aron Teko about this.
• Aron Teko admitted he had been warned 4 months prior by Arou Pany (another official) to avoid the Dutch area but assumed the ban was no longer strict after receiving gifts from the VOC's Director-General. He justified his movements by claiming he needed fresh air and couldn’t stay confined.
• The governor had earlier (22 August 1701) received reports about English activities in Banjar and pressed Radja Boni (the King of Boni) for honesty as a trusted ally. Radja Boni laughed off the serious tone but confirmed discussing Banjar with a confidant, assuming this person would report back to the governor anyway.
• Radja Boni hinted at past events during his uncle Radja Palacca's time, suggesting long-standing tensions. He also mentioned that 12 days earlier, sensitive topics about Banjar were still being avoided in discussions.
• The report noted that the English had sent 2 small and 2 large barrels of gunpowder (a strategic resource), though the context or recipient wasn’t fully detailed in this excerpt.

In 1701, a report from Macassar revealed concerns about secret dealings between the English and local rulers. The text describes a meeting involving key figures:

• The ruler of Boni, referred to as Radja Boni, shared sensitive information with the Dutch governor. He warned that a trusted ally (likely a local leader named Arou Lonij) had learned of English activities in the region. The English were allegedly forming close ties with local powers, which could threaten Dutch control.
• Arou Lonij claimed the English had already gained strong influence over some allies, though Radja Boni refused to name them directly. He suggested the Dutch governor might already suspect certain parties.
• The governor arranged a private meeting with Radja Boni in the Dutch East India Company (VOC)'s garden in Macassar on Saturday, 20 August 1701, at 3 PM. They discussed the English sending gifts—small and large barrels of gunpowder—to local leaders. Radja Boni confirmed the gifts were part of a broader English strategy to build alliances, including secret letters.
• The governor was shocked, recalling a past incident on 4 June where a messenger (possibly linked to the English) had requested transport during a time when ships were readily available, raising suspicions.
• Radja Boni expressed frustration, noting that English goods (like cloth) were openly sold in markets, despite Dutch oversight. He feared worse illegal trade was happening along the coast, where smugglers operated freely.
• The meeting ended abruptly when Radja Boni grew agitated. The governor, already aware of some English activities from a 16 July report, decided to cut the discussion short and returned to the castle.

The text highlights growing tensions between the Dutch and English over trade influence in Macassar, with local rulers caught in the middle.

In 1701, a conflict in Macassar (now Makassar) involved two nobles: Arou Teko and Dain Manbanij. The dispute began when Arou Belo accused Arou Teko of murdering his brother. Though the case had initially been settled, tensions rose again when Arou Belo threatened to attack Arou Teko openly. The local governor, Cornelis Deernink, tried to calm the situation and urged Arou Belo to wait for a legal decision. However, the case dragged on due to:

• The governor’s personal hesitations about handling such a serious matter.
• The reluctance of authorities in Goa and the court of Boni to intervene.

Arou Teko claimed he had justifiable reasons for his anger toward Dain Manbanij and his wife, Saena, accusing them of exchanging love letters while Dain Manbanij was away. Though Dain Manbanij denied any improper relationship, the situation remained suspicious. A temporary peace was brokered by Macassarese mediators, but it didn’t last. Cornelis Deernink believed Arou Teko was at fault for taking justice into his own hands, especially since Dain Manbanij—though of mixed noble and common heritage—did not deserve to be judged by Arou Teko.

The governor considered three possible punishments for Arou Teko:

• Execution (but feared it would cause too much unrest).
• Exile (but Banjar, the closest option, was under British influence).
• Confiscation of goods and titles (seen as the most practical solution).

He stressed that Arou Teko could not go unpunished if justice was to be served for Dain Manbanij’s allies and the royal family.

Later, on August 19, 1701, the King of Boni sent an urgent message to the governor through his clerk, Marcus Santbeek. The king revealed secret intelligence:

• The British were establishing a stronghold in Banjar Masin.
• They were actively recruiting locals—including discontented people from Boni, Macassar, and other regions—with promises of high pay (5 to 8 rixdollars per month).
• Around 300 men, led by a Bonijer fugitive named Bambang, had already joined British forces.
• The British admiral had ordered spies and cruisers to destabilize the Mandaresian kings and disrupt Dutch influence.

The king also mentioned he had avoided visiting the Dutch fort to prevent causing alarm, given the governor’s wife’s illness. He urged swift action against the British threat.

In 1701, Dutch officials in Macassar (now Makassar) dealt with a serious conflict involving local rulers and a murder case. The key figures included:

• The Dutch governor, representing the Dutch East India Company (VOC).
• Radja Tello, a local ruler allied with the VOC.
• Arou Teko, accused of murdering Dain Mabanij (also called Arou Bilousou), a prince from the Soping kingdom.
• Radja Boni, the king of Boni, who seemed reluctant to punish Arou Teko.
• Cornelis Beernink, a VOC official reporting on the situation.

On January 8, 1701, the governor met with Radja Tello in the VOC’s garden to discuss the case. Radja Tello explained that Arou Teko had killed Dain Mabanij after a reconciliation, which was a betrayal. According to local laws, Arou Teko deserved the death penalty, but the VOC had delayed the execution. Radja Tello warned that further delays risked angering the VOC’s allies, especially the Soping court, who felt justice had not been served.

Radja Tello also noted that while the governor had the authority to enforce the sentence, local rulers expected the VOC to respect their laws. He suggested three possible punishments for Arou Teko:

• Execution.
• Banishment (considered too risky).
• Confiscation of goods and titles (seen as necessary to satisfy allies).

Cornelis Beernink agreed with most allies that Arou Teko must be punished, though Radja Loubou preferred a heavy fine instead. Beernink believed Radja Boni was secretly pleased the VOC was handling the issue, as he had avoided acting himself. Beernink urged swift action to maintain the VOC’s reputation as a strong ally.

On September 1, 1701, the governor met privately with the king of Boni in the VOC’s garden. The king admitted the case had dragged on too long but claimed he had tried to resolve it. He implied that Dain Mabanij’s family should have sought immediate revenge under local customs. The governor pressed the king for his official stance on Arou Teko’s punishment, but the king avoided giving a clear answer.

The VOC was frustrated that Radja Boni kept delaying, forcing them to take the lead. They feared that if they didn’t act firmly, their local allies would lose trust in them.

In 1701, officials in Macassar discussed the case of Arou Teko, a controversial figure accused of serious crimes. The Dutch governor and local leaders, including the King of Boni and his advisors, debated how to handle his punishment.

• Arou Teko was accused of:
  • Ordering the murder of Daii Manbani, a prince of royal blood, which was a severe crime under local laws.
  • Being involved in the confiscation of goods (possibly stolen from exiled figures like Radja Tambora).
  • Potentially being involved in adultery with a woman named Manbanm, though evidence was unclear.
• The King of Boni and his advisors believed Arou Teko deserved the death penalty or at least severe punishment, such as:
  • Execution.
  • Confiscation of all his property and titles (a process called "rampassen").
  • Permanent exile.
• However, political concerns delayed action:
  • The Dutch East India Company (VOC) and the King of Boni were allies, and harsh punishment might anger Arou Teko's supporters.
  • Some feared Arou Teko could flee to Banjar, where many rebels had gathered, causing further trouble.
  • The King of Goa and his officials had previously avoided strict punishment, possibly to avoid conflict.
• The speaker (likely a high-ranking advisor) argued:
  • Arou Teko should still be punished severely, even if not executed, to prevent future crimes.
  • His wings should be "clipped" (his power removed) so he could no longer cause harm.
  • The VOC had a right to some of the stolen goods, just as they had with another criminal, Carain Jerenika.
• The advisor also mentioned:
  • The King of Boni had not given him satisfaction in this matter.
  • He awaited the governor’s orders to recover the VOC's share of the stolen goods.

The discussion ended with the advisor urging quick action to finally resolve the case.

In 1701, a conflict arose in Macassar involving several key figures:

• Aron Teko, a prince from the kingdom of Boni, initially sought justice from the King of Goa after Dani Manbanij sent love letters and gifts to his wife, Saena. The King of Goa offered to punish Saena (as she was of Macassar descent and under his jurisdiction) but only if Aron Teko also punished Dani Manbanij under Boni's laws. Aron Teko refused, arguing it wasn’t the right time due to tense relations between Boni and its king.
• The King of Goa eventually sent Saena back to Aron Teko, who forgave both her and Dani Manbanij after they confessed (though no physical affair had occurred). However, Saena, fearing her husband’s vengeful nature, fled back to the King of Goa after a few days of discord.
• When Aron Teko was questioned by the King of Goa about the marital strife, he claimed ignorance, stating past issues had been resolved. The king then declared Saena no longer wished to live with Aron Teko, who accepted the separation, as the earlier accusations had already been forgiven.
• Aron Teko later reconciled with the King of Boni and sent a messenger to reclaim Saena, claiming he had only rejected her temporarily. The King of Goa refused, stating Aron Teko couldn’t treat Saena as his to discard and reclaim at will. He warned Aron Teko to stop such requests, hinting that his actions were unjust and could lead to severe punishment—either death, enslavement, or exile—though exile was deemed politically risky.
• Carain Agaimonjo, a narrator in the account, concluded that Aron Teko had later committed a "notorious murder" (likely referring to Dani Manbanij’s death) and deserved punishment under the law. He urged swift action to prevent Aron Teko from further desperate acts.
• On a later date (likely August 2, 1701), the governor of Macassar consulted allies, including the King of Wadjo (also called Aron Matoae), the Queen Regent of Soping, and Arou Banetta Matoria (a high official of Boni), to gather their opinions on Aron Teko’s murder of Dani Manbanij. The King of Wadjo stated that Aron Teko had no right to kill Dani Manbanij without the King of Boni’s judgment, suggesting Boni now owed a debt to Soping (likely Dani Manbanij’s homeland) for failing to uphold justice.

On July 11, 1701, in Macassar, Radja Loubou shared secret information with the governor, asking him to keep it confidential. He feared that Arou Lonij, known for his quick temper, would severely punish him if he found out. Radja Loubou also doubted whether others would speak honestly about the matter, as they might change their stories out of fear or self-interest. The governor thanked Radja Loubou for his honesty and promised to keep the conversation private. He then asked for advice on how to handle the situation without breaking local laws.

Radja Loubou explained that Arou Teko, who worked for the Dutch East India Company (VOC), had committed a serious crime by killing someone. According to local laws, too much time had passed to punish Arou Teko with death, but he could still be fined heavily. The fine would be accepted by the allies and the royal family, including the descendants of Soping, whose lineage was highly respected.

The governor had earlier ordered Marcus Santbeek, a bookkeeper, to secretly gather opinions from allies about the killing of Arou Teko and the legal proceedings. On July 9, 1701, Santbeek spoke with Radja Loubou and later reported that Carain Agamonjo, the King of Tanette, had briefly shared his thoughts. Carain Agamonjo believed Arou Teko initially had a just cause but had gone too far by killing Dain Manbanij, making himself guilty of a serious crime. He warned that if Arou Teko wasn’t punished soon, he might flee and cause more trouble for the VOC.

The governor was unsatisfied with this response and wanted the VOC to take stronger action to uphold local laws. He then requested a meeting with Carain Agamonjo to discuss the matter further. When asked, Carain Agamonjo agreed to meet but expressed fear that Radja Bonij would find out and punish him. He also mentioned that past experiences showed the VOC didn’t always protect its allies when conflicts arose.

Santbeek reassured Carain Agamonjo that the governor would support him, but the king remained skeptical, citing past failures by the VOC to intervene in similar cases. Eventually, Carain Agamonjo agreed to meet the governor the next day, July 12, 1701, but planned to tell Queen Dain Tahalille that the meeting was about unpaid debts to avoid suspicion.

On 9 July 1701, at the request of the governor, a local leader named Radja Loubou (also called Datoea Ri Loeboe) visited the governor’s residence in Macassar. He was escorted from the city gate to the governor’s house by Arent van der Mijll, a local official assigned for this task. Upon arrival, Radja Loubou met with the governor in the front room, accompanied by Captain Jan Pietersz Wesselburg and Junior Merchant Ioannes Hackert. He stated that his visit was purely to wish the governor well in his new role. The governor responded politely before offering tea, betel nut, snuff, and dry snacks. At Radja Loubou's request, the governor then took him to his private office (the "ordinary council chamber"). There, Radja Loubou expressed interest in examining the weapons and other curiosities in the room. While he inspected them, the governor closed the door and took the opportunity to privately question Radja Loubou about the opinions of key allies regarding a recent murder case. The case involved Arou Teko, who had killed Dain Mambanij, a prince from Soping, over accusations of adultery with Arou Teko's wife. The governor asked Radja Loubou for his thoughts on the confusing legal proceedings and the verdict agreed upon between the Queen Regent of Soping and Radja Bonij in Chaurana. Radja Loubou responded carefully:

• Dain Mambanij had sent love letters and gifts to Arou Teko's wife while she was married, which was unacceptable under both local customs and Islamic law. This justified Arou Teko's anger.
• However, Arou Teko had gone too far by killing Dain Mambanij without a proper trial. Local law required that even a prince could not take a life without a legal ruling from a proper assembly.
• He believed Radja Bonij, Radja Goa, and Arou Tanette Matouas were at fault for delaying the case. They could have resolved it quickly and punished Arou Teko immediately, but Radja Bonij had failed to act at the time for unknown reasons.

The governor pressed further, mentioning rumors that Arou Teko had claimed the murder was done with the knowledge of the late governor Van Thijl and Arou Louij. He asked Radja Loubou if he knew anything about this. The old man replied cautiously:

• He could not confirm whether Van Thijl knew of the plan, though Arou Teko's frequent access to the governor’s residence raised suspicions.
• However, he admitted that he himself had once delivered a message from Arou Teko to Arou Louij. Arou Teko had complained that his trial was stalled and threatened to take justice into his own hands by killing Dain Mambanij.
• When Radja Loubou gave this warning to Radja Bonij, he received no clear response, though Radja Bonij did not seem strongly opposed to the idea of revenge.

On 30 October 1701, a letter was written from Macassar expressing gratitude and hope for support. The writer, Abdul Cadir Radzja Tolok, thanked the recipient for their kindness and described his difficult situation.

• Abdul Cadir Radzja Tolok mentioned he had faced false accusations and tricks from his enemies but was starting to recover by seeking protection from the Dutch East India Company (Comp:).
• He had spent 20 days in Castle Rotterdam in Macassar, where he submitted a written statement to the governor, Beernins, which was translated but not yet discussed.
• His kris (a traditional dagger) was taken by order of the council, and he asked for help to resolve his issues quickly, promising to accept any decision made.
• As a sign of goodwill, he offered a small amount of gold dust from the village of Odrjong Tanah, collected on 4 November 1701.
• He sent a token to the Governor-General (a kris sheath) and another to the Director-General (a bamboo tube with gold dust).
• He also offered a female slave as a sign of life and loyalty.

The letter was confirmed by Pieter ten Broeck and Halkoen JV Gangel in Batavia on 30 January 1702, stating they had reviewed the letters and found them consistent with their principals' intentions.

The letters were addressed to Abraham van Riebeek, an official of the Dutch East India Company, and were received in two parts: one on 22 November 1701 and the other on 15 December 1701, delivered by a local Macassar resident named Carratoejoe.

• On 20 October 1701 and 30 October 1701, letters were sent from Macassar (now Makassar) to Willem van Outhoorn, the Governor-General, and the Council of the Dutch East Indies in Batavia (now Jakarta). These were received on 22 November 1701 via a small boat owned by the widow of Lieutenant Pieter Pietersz Santbeek.
• The letters included:
  • A formal message from Governor Cornelis Beernink and the local council, expressing joy over gifts sent by Willem van Outhoorn—unprecedented in past interactions. They sent a male slave as a token of friendship, despite his arrival on a trading ship.
  • A secret letter from Cornelis Beernink, sealed with his personal signet.
  • A receipt for 400 pieces of black ebony wood, valued at ƒ169, loaded onto the boat on 30 October 1701.
  • Requests from officials:
    • Iacob Vos, a merchant and fiscal officer, asked to resign and return to the Dutch Republic to assist his elderly father. His request was supported by the local government.
    • Arnold Moll and Ioannes Hackart, junior merchants, sought promotion to Vos's position if his request was granted.
    • Iacob Cuijcq van Mijerop and Andries Werij also requested consideration for the fiscal role or another position if one became available.
• A translated letter from Arong Teko, a local leader in Macassar, was addressed to Joan van Hoorn, Director-General in Batavia. Dated 13 December 1701, it expressed friendship and goodwill, confirming the arrival of Van Hoorn's earlier letter, which had been received with great respect.
• The documents were signed by:
  • Cornelis Beernink (Governor)
  • I. Claesz.
  • I. L. Wesselburg
  • I. Vos
  • H. Moll
  • J. Hackart
  • A. van der Mijl

On 20 October 1701, officials in Macassar wrote to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) leadership in Batavia about several matters:

• Cornelis Cnaap, a provisional ship's carpenter from Amsterdam, requested his back pay from 1691 (two months' wages) be given to his mother, Maertje Dirksz. His mother had signed a document in November 1698 stating she no longer claimed the money, as Cnaap had married in Macassar and she wished to release the funds to him.
• The accountant Carel Galois also requested a transfer from Macassar, complaining he had received no promotions in years and wished to seek advancement elsewhere.
• Two enslaved children—a 7-year-old boy from Mandhar and an 11-year-old girl from Bougis—were sent to Director-General Joan van Hoorn on behalf of a man named Aron Beeko.
• A sealed box (a Macassarese betel-nut container) was sent to Abraham van Riebeek, a high-ranking VOC official, as a gift from a local leader, Dzjenelij Sapij, who was being held in Macassar. The sender claimed his "confused thoughts" prevented him from writing proper letters but asked the VOC to acknowledge the gifts as tokens of gratitude.

In a separate letter dated 20 October 1701, local rulers from Bima confirmed receiving VOC gifts, including:

• Fabrics, firearms (snaphances, muskets, carbines), and gunpowder from Governor-General Willem van Outhoorn and the Council of the Indies.
• Additional fabrics, muskets, curved swords, lead, and gunpowder from Director-General Joan van Hoorn.

The goods were loaded onto VOC ships bound for Batavia. Payment (6 stuivers per picol) was received by Paduka Radja Bima (the local ruler’s son) and another official from Lieutenant Jacob Astenbroek and bookkeeper Isaac Marmer.

The rulers of Bima sent in return:

• 100 picol (units) of sapan wood to Van Outhoorn.
• An enslaved woman (6 spans tall) to Van Hoorn, asking that the gifts not be refused, as they symbolized "a pure and sincere heart."

The letter was signed in Bima on 9 E joemadel alwal 1113 (local calendar) and received in Batavia on 14 November 1701.

The Macassar letter closed with a formal farewell, signed by seven officials, including Cornelis Deernink, Jacob Claesz, and Joannes Hackaert.

On 21 October 1701, officials in Macassar reported on a long-standing conflict involving the Dutch East India Company (VOC), local allies, and the Mandharese kings over control of the Tomini people.

• The Mandharese kings and their followers had been in Macassar for about 1 to 3 months, waiting for a meeting with the governor. This meeting was delayed first by a festival on 6 July, then by the governor’s wife falling seriously ill until 21 September.
• When the meeting finally took place, the Mandharese kings and the rulers of Chinrana claimed before Raja Bonin that they had done nothing wrong by taking the Tomini people. They argued:
  • The Tomini were historically tributaries (forced to pay taxes or goods) to Belenipa and other Mandharese kings, not independent.
  • Old Macassar records supposedly proved that Raja Belenipa had conquered the Tomini with Macassar's help long ago, sparing their lives in exchange for submission.
  • General Cornelis Speelman had included them in the VOC’s alliance, promising protection if they remained loyal. They feared losing control if others attacked them again.
• The VOC officials rejected these claims, stating:
  • Any old rights the Mandharese had over the Tomini were void after Macassar fell to the VOC in 1667.
  • The Mandharese had rebelled against Macassar and were only spared by the VOC, not their former rulers.
  • The alliance contracts never mentioned the Tomini as subjects of the Mandharese; instead, they belonged under the VOC’s authority in Amboina or Ternate.
• After negotiations, the Mandharese kings finally agreed to:
  • Send representatives north to gather the disputed Tomini people and hand them over.
  • Release Mandharese prisoners held in chains in Batavia as a sign of goodwill, as requested earlier by the governor of Thije on 11 May 1700.
  • The Tomini would then be sent to Ternate, either via Amboina or directly, to resolve the issue permanently.

Additionally, financial matters were addressed:

• The local treasury had cleaned out its cash reserve of 60 rixdollars (a type of currency) of "bad" or unusable money. Another 936 rixdollars of the same poor-quality money were collected and would be sent back to Batavia.
• A request was made to honor bills of exchange (a type of payment order) issued to:
  • The late Reverend Gerardus Geremitteerde.
  • The secretary Jacob Cuijk van Mijeran.
  • Mejuffrouw Engeltje Gramsbergen, the widow of Isaac van Thije.
• The estate of the deceased under-steersman Jan van de Vijver was settled earlier that year. Some creditors had disputed payments, but 11 original payroll accounts for soldiers under Van de Vijver were later found. These were to be registered and sent to Batavia for further authorization to pay the remaining creditors.
• A total sum of 10,330 guilders was accounted for, including:
  • 2,808 guilders for 3,096 pieces of sapphire wood loaded onto the ships Hennetje and Nierop in Bima.
  • 169 guilders for 400 pieces of black ebony wood loaded onto a ship owned by the widow Zantbeek.

• On 20 October 1701, the government of Ambon sent a letter to inform about financial troubles. They struggled with payments because large sums (around 30,000 rijksdaalders) were being taken out of Ambon, leaving little small change but plenty of gold. They asked for permission to force rice traders to deposit their money in the local treasury and issue bills of exchange instead.
• The letter also mentioned the case of Princess Sadja, daughter of the late Ternate prince Callamatta. She had arrived in Ternate on 14 July after wandering for years. The King of Ternate had detained her, questioning why she left Macassar. The Ternate government doubted her claims of mistreatment and asked for clarification on why she truly left.
• The Dutch government in Macassar explained that Princess Sadja was known for her immoral behavior, including a scandalous game called djimdjim (compared to sodomy). Despite her noble background, locals despised her. She had left with slaves under the pretense of a trip to Bonton but instead traveled freely for nearly two years before reaching Ternate.
• The Governor of Ternate, Pieter Roselaer, also reported that the King of Ternate sent a councilor to Tambocca to investigate raids by Ternate people against Raja Bontou's subjects. They hoped for a peaceful resolution.
• There were unconfirmed rumors of five English ships being spotted near Cajelij or Banjar Massing. The Macassar government investigated but found no proof, suggesting the report might have been exaggerated or misunderstood. They warned that such rumors could easily alarm the people of Mandhar.

On 20 October 1701, a financial report from Macassar detailed the expenses and financial struggles of the Dutch settlement. The report highlighted several key areas:

• Hospital costs for the past year totaled ƒ9,257.3.4, partly due to an increase in staff and patients. Normally, this would have been ƒ5,398.7.8, but the hospital contributed ƒ143.13.1 from its funds.
• Slave expenses were lower than the previous year because, in 1698-1699, slaves received clothing twice a year instead of once. This year’s cost was only ƒ34.2 more.
• Carpentry and maintenance costs rose significantly, with the first account at ƒ4,704.9.8 and the second at ƒ2,347.12.4, due to extensive repairs and new constructions ordered by the Dutch East India Company (E. Comp).
• Military payroll increased by ƒ4,502.12.9 because of a larger garrison, though the E. Comp was indifferent to where wages were paid. The report noted they followed standard practices for pay.
• Interest payments added ƒ146.7.8 to expenses, as funds from the orphanage and charity (diaconie) were loaned out.
• Gifts and donations rose to ƒ3,073.10, mainly due to hiring more mercenaries for urgent repairs, which would burden the E. Comp for another year or two.
• Small boats (chialoupen) cost ƒ205.9 more to maintain, as two boats, the Iohoor and Goa, were repaired extensively for a planned trip to Batavia.
• Extraordinary expenses of ƒ364.9 were mostly due to provisions for Governor Beernink's journey, though overall, these costs were ƒ834.17 less than the previous year.
• Gifts to local rulers (kings of Goa, Bonij, Bouton, and Bima) and unavoidable presents were approved by the E. Comp, adding to irregular expenses.
• Ship expenses increased by ƒ609.8.12, partly because the ship Eenhoorn was fully provisioned for a voyage from Banda to Batavia, and the IJsselt received an extra month’s supplies for 89 soldiers transported from Ambon.
• Lost profits amounted to ƒ10,500.5.2, largely because fewer small goods (like textiles) were sold this year. Textile sales dropped from ƒ6,661.11 to ƒ1,661.3.12, a difference of ƒ5,000.7.4, due to higher fabric costs.

The report also mentioned administrative adjustments. The second-in-command, Iacob Claesz, corrected past accounting errors as ordered. An investigation into missing weapons (including a mortar) found no major issues, though some minor discrepancies were noted. The report concluded by emphasizing stricter annual inventory checks to prevent future errors.

Finally, a letter from the Governor and Council of Amboina was received but not detailed in this summary.

• On 20 October 1701, officials in Macassar (on the island of Celebes, modern-day Sulawesi) sent a report to Governor-General Willem van Outhoorn and the Council of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in Batavia (modern-day Jakarta).
• The report was carried by a small ship called a chialoup, which arrived in Goa on 14 November 1701.
• The letter mentioned that earlier updates (sent on 20 April 1701) had already covered most recent events, but new financial records and administrative papers were now included.
• Key details from the report:
  • The total costs ("generale lasten") for the VOC in Macassar were compared between years:
    • 1700: ƒ163,330.13.1
    • 1701: ƒ184,520.16.8 (an increase).
  • A list ("generale Lielbeschrijving") of VOC employees and subjects on Celebes was included, showing a higher count than previous years.
  • Financial records were examined and approved, including:
    • Payroll books ("soldij boeken") for soldiers and officials.
    • Account books for forts like Zaleijer and Boelocomba.
    • Hospital costs, slave expenses, and fort repairs.
  • Shortages of goods were noted in a memo from August 1701.
  • Additional costs were listed, such as:
    • Rations for the main trading post: ƒ51,379.1.— in 1701.
    • Garrison pay and fortification repairs at Boelocomba and Zaleijer.
    • Extra expenses for expeditions (e.g., to Bima and Bonthain).
    • Ship costs, tolls (ƒ25,411.5.3), and interest payments.
  • The total surplus (extra income) for 1701 was calculated as ƒ21,190.3.7.
• The documents were packed in a case, including 100 pages of resolutions, letters, daily logs, and legal records awaiting approval.
• A merchant named Abraham Holscher had recently arrived, bringing updated information that reduced the need for lengthy reports.

On 20 October 1701, a letter was sent from Macassar (modern-day Makassar) to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in Batavia (modern-day Jakarta). The letter was carried by Captain Laout and addressed to the Governor-General Willem van Outhoorn and the Council of the Dutch Indies.

The rulers of Macassar, speaking on behalf of the Siri Maha Raja (the heir of the ruler), expressed gratitude for the gifts sent by the VOC and the Governor-General. They mentioned that such gifts had not been received before. As a token of friendship, they offered a female slave, though they humbly described it as a modest gift, like a "flower without scent." In return, they requested a flag and a drum for the Siri Maha Raja. They also mentioned their willingness to cooperate with the VOC's representative in Buton, though they noted the distance between Batavia and Buton made communication difficult.

The letter was part of a larger shipment of documents sent via the VOC vessel Goa, under the command of Jan Egtbertsz. The documents included:

• A letter from Governor Cornelis Deernink and the council of Macassar to the Governor-General and Council in Batavia, dated 20 October 1701.
• A copy of a letter from Governor Pieter Roselaer and the council in Ternate, dated 16 September 1701.
• A postscript from a copied letter, along with other records such as:
  • Copies of political council resolutions from 5 October 1701 onward.
  • Daily registers starting from 1 October 1700.
  • Outgoing letter books beginning 4 November 1700.
  • Incoming letter books starting 10 October 1700.
  • Records of punishments from 4 October 1700 to September 1701.
• A list of VOC officials, citizens, and subjects in and around Macassar.
• Criminal court records from 13 November 1700 to 4 August 1701.
• A list of necessary supplies for the government for the year 1702, including medical supplies.
• A secret letter from Governor Cornelis Deernink sealed with his personal signet.
• A copy of a letter from Governor Cornelis Deernink to Jacob Landerts, the bookkeeper and resident in Bima, dated 17 October 1701.
• A translated circular letter to the kings of Bima, Sumbawa, Dompo, Sangia, and Petrat, dated 15 October 1701.
• A sealed letter from the orphan masters in Macassar to the orphan council in Batavia.
• A letter from the reverend Gerardus Toen and the church council in Macassar to the church council in Batavia.
• Registers of incoming business documents and books, packed separately.
• Payroll books and papers for soldiers, also packed separately.
• A resignation request from the bookkeeper Carel Galois to travel to Batavia.
• A receipt from the steersman of the vessel for received damaged and unusable money.
• An invoice for sapang wood, unusable money, and ebony wood shipped from Bima.
• A report on disagreements regarding the armory.
• A memo listing goods found missing during an audit of the general administration.
• A list of VOC employees traveling to Batavia.
• Original sealed accounts of redeemed bills.
• A bill of lading for the unusable money being transported.
• An inventory of the vessel Goa, including two individuals: a boy named Pare from Mandar and a girl named Coenjoe from Bugis.
• A gift for Director-General Joan van Hoorn: a Macassar betel-nut box sealed with the VOC seal.
• A gift for Abraham van Riebeek: a similar box.
• An extract from the trade books of Macassar for the years 1700–1701, detailing profits and losses.
• 11 original payroll accounts of the late under-steersman Jan van de Vijver.
• A monthly wage statement for the carpenter Cornelis Knaep from Amsterdam, assigned to his mother Marritje Dirx.

The documents were signed by I. Cuijk van Mijer, the secretary, in Fort Rotterdam, Macassar, on 20 October 1701.

In October 1701, Governor Cornelis Beernink from Macassar sent secret notes to Batavia about meetings with local rulers. These included discussions with Raja Boni on September 1, 1701, regarding a person named Aron Teeko, and correspondence between Raja Gaa and the English in Banjar Massing from August 19 to September 1, 1701.

On October 20, 1701, Governor Beernink sent a secret letter to Batavia, including a message from Paduka Sirij Maha Radja Sepati, the ruler of Boeton (Buton). The ruler expressed loyalty to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and its leader, Governor-General Willem van Outhoorn, calling himself a "servant of Batavia." He promised to protect any shipwrecked Dutch sailors or goods, as he considered Boeton to belong to the VOC. The ruler also mentioned that one of his ships had sunk near Iapara, losing goods but saving all crew members. He sent a replacement ship to Batavia to buy new supplies for Boeton.

The ruler admitted he had not sent gifts earlier due to fear they would not arrive safely. This time, he sent small gifts to key VOC officials:

• A female slave (slapinne) to Governor-General Willem van Outhoorn
• A slave to Director-General van Hoorn
• A slave to Major Winkler
• A slave to Tsjabandaer (a VOC official)

He called these gifts modest, like a single betel leaf (pinang), but symbolized his sincere friendship.

The ruler thanked the VOC for past gifts received through Captain Lauwt and two mantrijs (local officials). He requested more gifts, especially snaphaunce guns (a type of flintlock), to be sent with the envoy Langlasan. The letter was sent via a Chinese boat led by Nakhoda Oesoangko on November 4, 1701 (or the 17th day of Dzjoemad alwal in the year 1115 of the local calendar).

The ruler repeated his loyalty, saying he would always support the VOC and hoped for continued friendship. He also mentioned sending 3 slaves in total as a sign of goodwill.