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• A fleet departed from Vlie with a south-southeast wind, consisting of 7 warships and 102 merchant vessels
• Near Jutland's reef, 2 warships and 39 merchant ships changed course toward Norway to reach their trading posts
• At the latitude of Skagen, 1 merchant ship and 1 warship separated to go to Langesund to escort ships back to the homeland
• The remaining 4 warships and 62 merchant vessels continued eastward to the Øresund
• On June 16 before sunset, they entered the Øresund, where the warships anchored at a designated location one mile below the sound
• On the morning of June 17, the son of Resident Cracouw came aboard, reporting that the King had departed 10 days earlier for an unknown destination
• Around noon, Resident Cracouw himself came aboard, suggesting they should go ashore as previous ambassadors had done by rowboat

During September 15, several deaths were recorded from a battle and from illness. Those who died from illness included Simon Cornelissen from Risnk, Jacob Jacobsz Schrael, and Olfert Gerritsz from Enkhuizen. Those killed in battle included Jan Sijmonsz Semeijn, Cornelis Barentsz from Somerdijk, Jan Lon from Langesond, Hans Wiede from Fum, Cornelis Cornelissen from Langendijk, Willem Michielsz from Maerland, Cornelis Classen Block from Amsterdam, and Bruijn Becker from Meltemob.

On September 24, more casualties were recorded. Pieter Cleensmidt died from illness, while Floris Poulusz from Amsterdam, Hans Malleman from Danzig, and Barent Adriaensz from Amsterdam were killed in battle.

The document also lists several wounded sailors including Jan Borms from Middelburg, Jacob Liddel from Lied, Abraham Willemsz from Whitby, Hendrick Joosten from Enkhuizen, and Jan Jansz Graft who was later transferred to Haarlem.

The casualties were spread across several ships:

• Ship Haarlem: 5 wounded, 6 dead
• Ship Middelburg: 9 wounded, 8 dead
• Ship Zierikzee: 6 wounded, 11 dead
• Ship Arnemuiden: 5 wounded, 5 dead
• Ship Franeker: 34 wounded, 70 dead
• Ship Valkenburg: 7 wounded, 10 dead
• Ship Bredamme: 11 dead
• Yacht David: 1 wounded, 4 dead

• Dr. Francois van der Schagen, a medical doctor, testified that he had treated a patient who was bedridden. He confirmed it was not the plague or any other contagious disease, but rather a bile-related colic with fever. He also stated that the house of Jan Sael where the patients were staying was not infected with plague or any infectious disease.
• Johannes Kemp and Engelbrecht Cornet, both residents of Amsterdam, acted as guarantors for Andries Pouwelsz in a matter concerning Juriaen Laubengier.
• Andries Pouwelsz van Holstein appointed Johannes Kemp as his legal representative to defend him in a dispute with Juriaen Laubengier regarding an arrest warrant.

• Laubengier had maliciously arranged for his arrest on the previous Friday
• He claimed he owed no money to Laubengier
• Laubengier had not asked for any payment in the past 12-13 years
• The arrest was hindering his travel plans

On March 11, 1659, Juriaen Laubengier, a merchant living in Amsterdam, appeared before notary Adriaen Loock. Laubengier had received transfer rights from Johan Kemp the elder, who was the father and sole heir of his deceased son Johannes Kemp. This transfer was dated February 23.

In this capacity, he sold and transferred a bond of 300 riksdaalders with 5% yearly interest to Harmen van Santburger who lived in Rees. This bond was originally dated September 10, 1656 and was payable by the city of Rees. The bond was initially in the name of Christianus Rademaker, a medical doctor, who was the guardian of his deceased brother Bartramus Rademaker's underage children. On July 23, 1658, this bond was transferred to Johannes Kemp.

Laubengier acknowledged receiving full payment from Harmen van Santburger for both the principal amount and interest. Van Santburger received full ownership rights to collect all current and future payments on the bond. Laubengier gave up all rights to the bond and promised to protect the transfer against any future claims.

The document was witnessed by Jacob Wornos and Jacobus Snel in Amsterdam and officially recorded by notary Adriaen Lock.

On June 13, 1659, Jean Penneman, aged around 51 years and living in Amsterdam, made a sworn statement before notary Adriaen Lock. The statement was requested by Juriaen Laubengier, also a resident of Amsterdam.

Penneman testified about events from around 1650, concerning Isabelle Fredericx, who was married to Johannes Kemp. She was renovating her house located on the Oudezijds Achterburgwal near the Stoofbrug at that time.

According to the testimony, Fredericx had heard rumors that people were saying she was using her husband Kemp's money for the renovations. She strongly denied this to Penneman, declaring she was using her own money. She even stated that if there was even a single beam in the house paid for with her husband's money, she wished the devil would immediately tear it out.

The statement was witnessed by Jacobus Snel and Dirck vander Groe.

• Jan Cornelisz Spaens, a 60-year-old master mason
• Harma Leendertsz Hofman, a 42-year-old master blacksmith
• Cornelis Ferdinand, a 39-year-old master cabinet maker
• Gerrit Jacobsz, a 34-year-old master carpenter

• A new back wall
• A cellar
• A toilet
• A new room

On June 12, 1652, Johannes Kemp, a merchant in Amsterdam, requested through a notary to meet with the widow of Albert Eggericx, who was also a notary in the city. Kemp had previously asked the widow and heirs of the late Willem van Dalen to hand over all documents, papers, writings, and notes concerning matters between himself and Juriaen Laubengier. Van Dalen's son had told Kemp that when he was abroad, her late husband had taken these documents, claiming he had Kemp's permission.

Since these documents were of great importance to Kemp, he asked the widow through the notary whether:

• these papers were still in her possession or among her late husband's papers
• if so, would she hand them over
• if not, who took them or to whom they were given

The widow responded that she had not seen any such writings or papers in her late husband's office or among his papers. She stated she had not given them to anyone, including Juriaen Laubengier, and did not know where these papers and documents were. This was witnessed by Hendrick Geelehant and Govert Lacher, and recorded by public notary A. Lock.

On April 5, 1643, Andries Paulszen owed money for various goods from Lautreecke, amounting to 528 guilders, 17 stuivers, and 8 pennies. Later that year for half cloths sold, he owed 447 guilders and 4 stuivers. On November 19, 1645, for half cloths from Daniel Witte, he owed 377 guilders, 7 stuivers, and 8 pennies, totaling 1353 guilders and 3 stuivers.

On May 12, 1646, 125 guilders were paid, leaving 1228 guilders and 9 stuivers outstanding. Several payments were made through Hans Moller in May and June, including payments of 50, 50 again, and 149 guilders, with a final payment of 756 guilders.

On September 21, 1656, Hendrick Hendricxsz Westhhalen (aged about 46) and Geurt Ringelenbarch (aged about 55), both residents of the city, appeared before notary Adriaen Lock. They certified that they had examined the original account and confirmed the signature belonged to Juriaen Laubengier, having seen him write and sign documents multiple times. The notary Lock also confirmed knowing Laubengier's signature from previous encounters. This was witnessed by Hendrick Geelesant and Jacobus Snel in Amsterdam.

In March 1734, a meeting took place between officials in Malabar. The prince had not spoken to the King about certain matters that were important to the Cochin kingdom. The prince claimed the King did not need to be consulted because he (the prince) had given his word. The Commander requested the prince to convince the King to agree, to satisfy their High Nobles.

Later, on April 24, 1734, at another meeting between Paljetter and the Commander, they discussed matters concerning Innemalka. When Paljetter visited the King that morning, the King anticipated questions about Innemalka and the withdrawal of his Nayars from Mangatti. The King's response was that all lands would belong to the temples and the Chialour house.

• The removal of the current ruler and his prime minister Idemilalang Uroe
• Their replacement by people less friendly to the Dutch government
• The end of the Soppeng war but the start of new conflicts in Sidenreng
• Possible attacks from Tanette
• Complications with Bone itself

On July 10, 1645, S. Salenke and Datoe Lampoela were leading war efforts in Ambon while the council of Wadjo remained neutral. The government of Wadjo consisted of 40 princes who ruled independently without a supreme ruler. During conflicts with neighboring kingdoms, some princes would support one side while others supported the opposing side, without this affecting their relationships within Wadjo.

This situation made lasting peace in Celebes difficult. When Wadjo's help disturbed peace in an allied land, a carefully selected commission would be sent to the council of Wadjo. They would explain that such actions by council members were as harmful to the Government's allies and peace in Celebes as if the council itself had declared war.

On July 18, 1645, the Government expressed its desire to end this harmful situation. While assuring peaceful intentions toward Wadjo's council, they requested that individual princes stop attacking neighboring kingdoms immediately and prevent such actions in the future. If this reasonable request was not followed, it would be seen as an act of hostility from Wadjo that could lead to retaliation.

If this diplomatic approach failed, the following measures could be taken:

• Using warships to block Wadjo's trade
• Placing trade restrictions on their vessels
• If necessary, seizing their ships
• Disrupting settlements along the Wadjo coast in the Gulf of Boni

These measures would be effective because Wadjo's prosperity depended mainly on trade, and wealthy merchants had significant influence on the country's affairs.

On October 9, 1752, from Macassar, Jacobs as secretary sent a letter from the orphans' chamber to the authorities in Batavia containing books and financial records, including those of the church welfare office. The letter was sent from Castle Rotterdam in Macassar.

On Thursday, April 6, 1752 at 8:30 in the morning, after prayers, the governor called a meeting primarily to discuss supply requirements for Bima and other matters concerning the overseas territories. They decided to send as many provisions and supplies as they could spare, along with 4,000 rijksdaalders - half in new Dutch currency and half in large denomination coins.

Several documents and reports were sent from Macassar on September 9, 1752 and October 9, 1752. These included:

• Records of improved persons from October 1, 1751 to September 15, 1752
• A harbor master's specification from September 30, 1752
• A letter from the Council of Justice of the Castle to the Council of July
• A letter from the local church council to the church council in Batavia
• A list of company vessels belonging to this government from the shipyard supervisor
• A copy of a judicial report concerning the collection of a 20% tax on all fixed property, dated September 1, 1752
• A list of government employees
• A roll of Company servants from October 7, 1751 to September 17, 1752
• Ship payroll books for the vessels Schellag, Rust, and Werk
• Original military strength reports for this government
• Requests from various Company servants
• A list of general income for the fiscal year 1751/1752

On October 9, 1752, a dispute was recorded in Macassar at Castle Rotterdam between Major Adolph Henrik Julius Weerman and Lieutenant Jan Christoffel Schindelhouwer. This matter was referenced in resolutions from June 19 and July 29.

Officials including J. de Clootwijk, A.H.J. Weerman, B. Petzoed, J.N. Stampeel, J.H. Voll, and A. Ravensberg sent documents to Governor-General Jacob Mossel. These papers were transported on the Company's vessel "De Zwaluwe" under chief navigator Jan van der Meer.

The documents included:

• Resolutions from April 6 to September 26
• Resolution attachments from April 4 to September 24
• Translated incoming documents from April 17 to September 12
• Indigenous incoming letters from April 3 to September 26
• Indigenous outgoing letters from April 1 to September 28
• Current documents from April 1 to September 30

On February 23, 1705, in Ternate, officials wrote about dealings with local rulers. The Dutch East India Company wanted to:

• Remove barriers and establish friendly relations with local rulers
• Let rulers maintain control over their people and lands
• Have local people destroy spice trees, supervised by 2-3 Company workers
• Keep foreign ships away
• Prevent secret spice trading

Company workers were instructed to treat locals, especially leaders, as friends and allies without showing superiority. The text mentions concerns about the King of Tidore and activities of junior merchant Hofman, who sailed on ships called de Schaapharder and de Kuijker to Pattani and Maba to destroy nutmeg trees and inspect the islands of Gebe, Salawati, and Misool. There were worries about:

• A plot by Tidorese officials to attack Hofman and his Europeans near Ompai island, where 40 Papuan vessels had gathered
• Tidorese attempts to prevent spice tree destruction
• Illegal trading of nutmeg and mace from Pattani and Maba to Gebe and then to Leffing in exchange for gold chains, cloth, slaves, and other goods

This was detailed in a letter dated June 17 (year not specified).

• A gold pendant
• Two gold chains intended as an honorary token for his son Prince Kitsjili Moloeko

• The vast territories involved
• The many islands where spices grew
• Hidden growing locations
• The need for cooperation from local rulers, especially the Kings of Ternate and Tidore
• High operational costs

On February 23, 1705, in Ternaten, officials discussed Spanish diplomatic missions. These included visits from Don Thomas Mallappas in 1703 and two lieutenants in May 1704. They doubted the sincerity of Spanish requests for land to build a fortress in Simioaij. They believed these missions were actually meant to spy on Dutch activities.

The text mentions that people from Magindanao tried to maintain relationships with both the Spanish and the Dutch East India Company to benefit from both. The Emperor and his nobles claimed they only wanted friendship with the Dutch East India Company.

The document discusses correspondence between the kings of Ternaten, Tidoren, and Batchian. It mentions sending gifts in return for received wax, noting that these return gifts should be of greater value.

The letter also addresses conflicts between Bouton and Tambocko. The King of Ternaten was asked to send 2 or 3 of his nobles to examine complaints and help resolve hostilities between these regions. The deposed king apparently caused much trouble in this conflict. The Dutch East India Company was to send a capable official to assist in the peace process, working together with representatives from Macassar.

On February 23, 1705 in Ternaten, officials discussed several matters concerning the relationship with the Magindanao emperor and Sulu. The company decided to decline military assistance requests from the Magindanao emperor, who had asked for:

• 3 ships and vessels specifically equipped for war against Sulu
• Weapons for payment
• A sergeant and 24 armed guards

The company approved small gifts to maintain friendly relations with the ruler and his nobles, aiming to discourage them from dealing with other European nations. They approved compensation for refreshments given to commissioners Keller and Stuijt during their stay.

The company also approved sending one of their available small ships with suitable commissioners to:

• Gather intelligence about local developments
• Monitor activities of the English sailor Dampier or other foreign visitors
• Investigate Spanish activities in the Manilhas and the purpose of their two diplomatic missions

The text also mentions financial matters, including approval for reimbursement of 311.11 guilders for native schoolteachers on the northern islands and 300 pounds of unnecessarily spent gunpowder with muskets.

On February 23, 1705, officials in Ternate discussed several maritime matters. A pepper-carrying ship needed to stop at Bouton with various supplies. The ship 'Schaapharen' was approved for preparation. Another vessel departed carrying additional goods and remaining soldiers, including Europeans and 25 Papangers (soldiers from Pampanga). Ships were instructed to wait at Boulon Comba near Bonthain for further orders from the governor and council, as per the letter of December 13. They acknowledged receipt of letters dated June 17, July 19, and September 20 of the previous year. The officials discussed the dispatch of the yacht 'Schaapharen' with 2 months of supplies and 12 sailors to rescue the yacht 'Harderinne'. This was based on reports from 2 Chinese individuals who claimed the vessel was stranded at Manganitoe on Sangir Island due to sick crew members. However, this report proved false. On March 20 of the previous year, Sebastian Keller (junior merchant) and Abraham Stuijt (bookkeeper) returned after a 7.5-month journey through the northern islands and Manado. Their record-keeping was criticized as disorganized and deficient. Their actions on the Talaud, Sangir, and Siau islands were deemed inappropriate, and their explanations were considered unsatisfactory. Officials were waiting for further reports about how this matter was handled.

On February 23, 1705, a report was written in Ternate about sending a ship called the Schaapharen with supplies and pepper plants to Bouton. The ship carried 15 Europeans and 25 Papangers (soldiers) as recruits. These ships were to return during the eastern season and stop at Bouton to pick up slaves, then proceed to Bulo Comba in the Bonthain bay to await orders from the governor and council of Macassar.

The document acknowledges receipt of letters dated June 17, July 19, and September 20 of the previous year. It discusses sending the yacht Schaapharen with 2 months of supplies and 12 sailors to rescue another vessel, the Harderinne, which according to two Chinese sources was reportedly stranded at Manganito on Sangir island due to sick crew members. This report turned out to be false.

On March 20, after 7.5 months, junior merchant Sebastian Keller and bookkeeper Raham Stuijt returned from their Magindanao mission via the outer islands and Manado. Their record-keeping was criticized as messy and incomplete, making their logbook unreliable. Their wasteful behavior and inappropriate conduct on the Talaud, Sangir, and Siau islands was noted in letters and a resolution dated July 8, for which they were to face consequences.

On February 17, 1703, a message was sent from Cape of Good Hope regarding releasing Intje Poetij from his banishment. A small ship called the Taxisboom was being prepared to transport tea and other goods, expected to be ready by the end of the month. Due to the late season, ship captains were allowed to bypass the Cape if not absolutely necessary, as happened the previous year with the Noortgouw, which successfully passed St. Helena.

Intje Poetij, a Malay who was part of rebel Jonker's following in 1690, had been sent to the Cape on the ship Kortgene with others. Upon request from his friends, he was released from his banishment and could return at the first opportunity.

The document was signed by several officials including J. van Hoorn, A. van Riebeek, L. Pijl, and others at Batavia Castle on February 17, 1705. The letter was sent via the ship Oestgeest to Cape of Good Hope, addressed to Governor Willem Adriaan van der Stel and his Council.

The document included:

• An original missive from the high court at Batavia
• A memo from paymaster Pieter Dubois
• A list of clerks and slaves traveling on the Oestgeest
• A cargo manifest for the Amsterdam Chamber
• A pay roll model for the Cape's paymaster

The document ends with information about the ship Handboog being sent to Ternaten to Governor Pieter Roselaar and his Council, following an earlier message sent on the Peperboom.

On February 10, 1705, a document originating from Macassar dated November 17, 1704 contained various administrative items. These included:

• A model payroll for the salary bookkeeper in Macassar
• An extract from general regulations dated March 13, 1680 regarding qualified ministers in Macassar
• Printed regulations about judicial servants' salaries
• A bill of lading for the sloop Goa that departed for Bima on January 30, 1705
• News updates from India for November and December 1704
• Records of ships arriving and departing from Batavia during January 1705
• A sealed package from the Council of Justice to Macassar
• A package from the church council
• Military personnel and salary records for the ship Eenhoorn
• A sealed case from orphanage masters to their counterparts in Macassar
• A private package of papers for de Roo and Erberveld
• Loading documents and cost accounts for the Eenhoorn

The document was signed by C. Besuijen at Batavia Castle. It mentions that the ship Oestgeest was preparing to depart with cargo valued at 270,101.3.8 for the Amsterdam Chamber, to join three other vessels. This was communicated to Willem Adriaan van der Stel, the governor at Cape of Good Hope.

• Extraordinary Council Member of the Dutch East Indies
• Outgoing Governor, along with Erberveld as the newly elected Governor and Director

• The original commission of Jan Jacob Erberveld as Governor and Director of Macassar
• Official letters between the High Government of India and various officials dated February 6, 1705, January 11, 1705, and January 31, 1705
• Translated Malay letters from the Kings of Boni, Goa, and Ternate received in September and November 1704
• A letter from the King and nobles of Bouton received in October 1704
• A response to Bouton written on white Surat paper with gold flowers, placed in a white satin pouch
• A report from former Governor Cornelis Beernink about slave trades, dated November 27, 1704
• A report from merchant and former fiscal officer Jacob Kloek in Amboina regarding twelve free Domponese and Langarese people

On July 14, 1761, gifts were received from high officials, for which heartfelt thanks were given. A male slave named Biludu was sent to the Company, described as being worth as little as a fleeing chicken. This was written on June 9, 1761.

The king of Biga requested assistance with boats to transport him from his village to Gorontalo, due to hostilities from the Mandharese, Buginese, and Pelopper people who were enslaving and selling his subjects. After discussion, this was approved pending the resident's considerations.

King Mono Arca had paid resident Witewaal 120 riksdollars for 12 rifles received in 1758. A letter dated May 20 was read from King Andries Manabon of Candhar, stating he had returned to his old residence from Hoadakal. He complained strongly about Prince Kudarati and his family's continued rebelliousness, as well as Prince Manganka's subjects, over which he was in a legal dispute with the king of Taboekan.

Following government authorization, he had prepared a boat to send the rebels to the capital, but they had armed themselves and threatened to kill the king and his family, causing great turmoil in his village. After observing this situation patiently for some time, he sent his ensign Daworij to ask why they sought to kill him. They responded that the weapons were only prepared to protect their houses, which led him to request the Taboekan Commander's help.

On July 14, 1761, a letter discussed gold deliveries to the resident of Manado, stating this should be done without involvement of Princess Manilha. It ordered that a corporal and two soldiers stationed there to collect gold dust should be provided with good housing protected against criminals. Two local workers should help the Europeans daily with tasks like fetching water and chopping firewood, and stay in the fort all day.

The governor presented a letter to the kings of Gorontalo dated June 8-9. This was a Malay letter in Arabic characters from King Muhammad Alemudie Iskandar Monoarfa Johan Palawan Berdaulat Safiola and Tadjoedien Siradjoelalam Katjil Kilat and their nobles, addressed to Governor Jacob van Schoonderwoert and the council of the Moluccas.

The letter acknowledged receipt of gifts and a message from April 25 about accepting back people from Lambok. They thanked the Company for returning a woman named Illolodie who had been mistreated by a governor. They reported completing a fortress except for its door, and were waiting for bricks and tiles to finish storehouses in Gorontalo and Limbotto.

The kings reported that the king of Biga requested help with boats to evacuate his people to Gorontalo due to hostilities from Mandharese, Buginese and Pelopper pirates who were enslaving his subjects. They awaited instructions on this matter.

King Mono Rafa separately reported paying 120 rijksdaalders on June 6, 1174 (Islamic calendar) to Resident Wittewaal for 12 rifles received in 1758, requesting this debt be removed from Company books.