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Fully AI-GeneratedUsers of Open Archives can have summaries generated from the recognized texts (transcriptions) produced through text recognition (OCR) and handwriting recognition (HTR). Neither of these artificial intelligence tasks is perfect, but they are often more than sufficient to make the historical document understandable. In the transcripts, names are underlined in green and clickable (to search the personal entries on Open Archives for the name in question), the recognized dates have a light gray background and recognized place names have a light purple background. The results of the application of (European) artificial intelligence have not been verified by a human.


On February 2, 1741, in Coromandel, various transactions were recorded. Several people including Bontekoe, David Verschuijlenburg, Guilliam Pietersz, Pfeiffer, De Milde, Hendrik Nepik, Cent Abraham, Van Veen, and Severin were involved in trades.

The document lists various beer transactions:

The document also records transactions of wooden planks, including torn mill planks for E. Vosmar and Chinese planks for Chelembron Bode. The total sum came to 309 guilders and 17 stuivers. The document was signed by B. van Duijn in Nagapatnam and witnessed by I.D. Dafonseca and P. Hooreman.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 2538 / 1345  


In a letter from Geldria dated November 20, 1697, Barthout van Slingelant, I. Scloover, P. Elsevier, and Dirck Hackaart wrote about receiving and forwarding a packet. Later that day in Nagapatnam, around 4 o'clock, they received another packet which they immediately sent to Sadrangapatnam with fresh messengers. By evening, they received business orders for 1698. After copying these, they: The specific order was for: The textiles needed to match the sample piece of moeris, which measured 18 cobits long and 1¼ ell wide. The merchants discussed and replied they could not deliver the first type of moeris for less than 64 (currency unit), and the second type for 143¾.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1592 / 0303  


At Palleacatta on August 17, 1697, several officials including B. van Slingelant, I. Scloover, H. Alewijnsz, H. Wolf, P. Elsevier, D. Hackaart, and Joannes Dubbeldaard (sworn scribe) signed a document about shipping goods. They loaded a ship with:

They would send an invoice and expense report for the bleaching of the water-damaged textiles, along with an inspection report, via the land route in their next letter.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1592 / 0223  


On July 23, 1697, in Palliacatta, officials wrote about receiving and unloading cargo of 110 pieces of Caliatour wood, weighing 50,913 pounds, worth 2,319 guilders and 7 stuivers. They requested credit for their office and included shipping documents. They had previously written on the 18th of that month. The letter mentions commissioners Pieter van der Burgh and Abraham Isembaar who checked oil-related items. The document was signed by:

The letter was addressed to officials in Nagapatnam.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1592 / 0216  


In February, several trading vessels left from various ports with their crews, weapons, and trading goods. The traders included both Chinese merchants and local inhabitants. Here are the details of their journeys:

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3700 / 0228  


In Makassar on October 16, 1718, several vessels departed and arrived: From Pasir, the free Makassarese Carel Esau arrived in a prau pankor with 8 crew members, bringing 200 bundles of rattan. Andries Raadman, a citizen, returned from his attempted journey to Ambon in his chialoup of 25 loads with 13 crew. He had to turn back due to strong eastern winds. From Kaili, captain Ioana Biba from Bugis arrived in his gonting of 3 loads with 9 crew, bringing 5 slaves, 8 pieces of cotton, and 500 old coconuts. Departing vessels included:
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 8185 / 0179  


From Macassar on October 19, 1722 until December 1722, several merchant ships arrived with their cargo. The skipper Toottie of Boegis arrived from Gonting with Intje Alie's Malay vessel of 3 loads, carrying 35 picols of Javanese tobacco and 1 picol of Chinese tobacco. Skipper Topate from Wadjo arrived with a prahu pankor of 2 loads and 13 crew members, delivering 35 picols of Javanese tobacco. The citizen Joan De Madera had permission to sail to Amboina with his sloop of 25 loads, but near Bollonrola or Boeloeboeloe island, his ship got stuck on a reef during a period of calm weather and was destroyed. He returned without cargo. On July 28, citizen Pieter Galois arrived from Batavia with the widow Jacomina Ketelaar's vessel of 6 loads and 18 crew members. His cargo included fabric, Chinese tobacco, and various types of tea. Skipper Care Makoele from Macassar arrived with a pankor of 2 loads and 6 crew members but brought no cargo. From Batavia, skipper Tosoenting of Wadjo arrived with his vessel of 5 loads and 24 crew members.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1971 / 0931  


On this date in March 1663, several matters were discussed in a Dutch government meeting:

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.01.02 / 3269 / 0245  


The inhabitants of Aspomsters are Buginese people who are related to the populations of other Adjatupparang states. Their society is divided into three classes: nobility, middle class, and slaves/indentured servants.

The nobility includes:

The middle class consists of:

The slave class includes all non-free people, though their numbers are small and their social conditions are generally satisfactory. The population is described as proud and vengeful, but also lazy and indifferent, only working enough to meet basic needs, which results in widespread poverty.

Various titles are used in Soeppa:

Professional titles include:

Like other Buginese areas in South Celebes, houses in Soeppa are built on stilts. Most dwellings appear poor and neglected compared to other regions, with only the ruler's residence being more solidly built and better finished. The layout and construction style match those found elsewhere in South Celebes. The clothing is very simple and complete.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 2.10.02 / 4641 / 0138  


Here is the summary in HTML:

The report discusses military operations in Bonto Bonto. The northern districts remained calm with no significant reports from neighboring principalities. Military patrols were reduced to a small detachment of 1 officer and 30 men stationed at Paraweang to guard the camp.

On December 7, the controller of Panghadjene received news that Karaeng Bonto Bonto had gathered his people to discuss their surrender. The controller identified several key locations in the district of Labakkang:

Earlier reports about Daeng Maekio being seriously wounded in the thigh during the November 2 incident were not confirmed, nor were reports about the Lt. Matowa of Tjamba. The health condition of the troops was reported as favorable.

The document includes a reference to a letter dated December 2 regarding education, industry, and trade, and mentions work on a Prussian-Dutch dictionary project.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 2.10.02 / 6369 / 0078  


In 1089, officials discussed whether formal confirmation was needed for the Aroe Matowa (a local ruler) in Celebes. Van der Wijck, as Vice President, and D. F. Uhlenbeck, as temporary secretary, considered this matter. The ruler had voluntarily signed a contract with the Dutch government, making his territory, which had not been under Dutch sovereignty for years, a fief of the Dutch state again. The Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, C. Pijnacker Hordijk, and the Council of the Dutch East Indies decided that no formal confirmation was necessary since the ruler had willingly entered into the agreement. If the ruler had wanted official confirmation, the Governor of Celebes would have communicated this in response to the government secretary's letter No. 632 of March 25.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 2.10.02 / 4322 / 0920  


Here's the historical summary:

In July 1891, a ship departed from Parepare carrying 600 picols of coffee. The cargo belonged to the Arung Matowa of Wajo, who was connected to the ruler of Addenreng. The ship was meant to trade in Singapore. According to information received, part of the profits from this coffee trade was intended to purchase weapons and ammunition. The Consul General's reports confirmed these weapons purchases were not meant for peaceful purposes.

Following this incident, the King of Gowa received recognition in the form of being appointed Knight of the Order of the Netherlands Lion. This appointment was seen as proof of the King's high standing with the royal recognition. The King pledged that he would never deceive the Government and could always be counted upon.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 2.10.02 / 6047 / 0189  


This document appears to be about trade relations in Makassar around 1870. It mentions that an important trading house was established there. The text discusses correspondence between Chinese and European traders under the name of the Sulawesi Chinese princes. This was well-known to both scholars and most princes in the inland regions, particularly to the High Matowa of Wa.

The document mentions J. G. Meijgegang's interactions with Chinese and Arab traders. His reputation was known everywhere as that of an honest and reliable merchant. The text notes that the Pasha of Goa sent him slave boys as a gift, and in return, he had sent some small gifts back to the Pasha.

The text also refers to communications with the King of Java regarding potential hostile intentions toward the Government, though the details are unclear due to the fragmentary nature of the source text.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 2.10.02 / 6047 / 0188  


In Mahasser during December 1389, several events took place:
View transcript NL-HaNA / 2.10.02 / 6477 / 0272  


In Doelangnipa, a dispute arose involving several key figures. Naca dia Rape had sought advice not from the council of Aeae Mata Ma but from Makoe Watto. He was advised to resist rather than yield, counting on support from Hare Mahowa Meon. Dewa Rada, who served as translator and letter reader for Macadia, confirmed that Macadia had consulted Node Matowa for advice and received a reply from Datoe Bitto. According to Dewa Rada, Datoe Bitto's letter suggested that Maradia Rape should travel to Makassar to meet with the Governor, as other rulers, including those from Gowa and Kiderwerig, had done. The text discusses how the population of Doelangnipa could avoid further destruction. The response indicated that to protect the area, they should: This was important because it was unclear whether the main settlement's population would participate in such resistance.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 2.10.02 / 6356 / 0274  


In Soppeng, there were many districts including Haase, Auspa, Diding, Lohoeloe, Larroenga, Mia, Lisve, Madallo, Pinjong, Laro, Tjenrana, Maloharadja, Malaka, and Matlaranging.

After the royal family died out, 60 matoas (local chiefs) ruled the land for seven generations. One day, they heard about a manoeroeng (a divine being from above) who had descended to earth in Sekarigilie.

Upon hearing this news, Matoa Lintjong, Djannang Daese and other matoas of Soppeng informed Matoa Botto, Matoa Oedjeng, Oldjong and Matoa Bila. The matoas then gathered to discuss what to do.

The matoas decided to go meet the divine being, hoping that they would receive protection from rice thieves and that the being would rule over them. The 60 matoas then went to meet the heaven-sent being. Matoa Oedjeng, Bila, and Botto asked the being to have mercy on them and stay.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 2.10.02 / 5244 / 0157  


The text appears to be a report about military movements in what is now Indonesia, dealing with events in Celebes (modern-day Sulawesi) and its dependencies. The main points are:
View transcript NL-HaNA / 2.10.02 / 6075 / 0692  


Here's a summary of the historical Dutch text in HTML:

The text describes political events in Sampalagiang and surrounding regions. When Maradia Hapa had limited power, he paid for slaves, showing the weak nature of the people of Sampalagiang and the Mandai region in general. The exiled ruler of Balangnipa was also there with many followers.

The former Pabiljana Maigjang S. Bongai had gone to Sxhatidoeng with the council of Tampalagiang to request Awe Maloeva to confirm Andi Djai as Maradia of Sampalagiang. Awe Matowa didn't reject this request, saying Andi Djai had the most right to be Maradia because she had the council's support. However, he also didn't reject the party that wanted Maradia Goda Aot as Maradia, telling them that whoever had the most supporters among the local population should rule. As a result, unrest in Sampalagiang continued.

No one could provide information about Pingeang and other small territories between Sampalagiang and Pare Pare. The next day, the journey continued to Bamse, but neither the princess nor her husband Maraeng Rotangha were there. They had reportedly gone to Gowa, so the writer immediately returned by ship to Masaosar.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 2.10.02 / 6355 / 0525  


The text describes political tensions in Parepare in the January 10th period. Aide Matoion refused to leave his position due to fears that if he relocated to Eex, the government would take control of the area. He believed this wouldn't happen as long as he lived there and collected income from the bay, since he thought the government wouldn't want to take away his revenues.

Aide Matowa traveled to Masesia and planned to go to Evadje with the ruler of Videnrang to build a tomb at Pagoesie on his mother Datae Laggesie's grave. He didn't intend to stay in Evadje long and planned to return to Parepare quickly.

During the ruler of Videnrang's stay in Scte adjie, only two visitors came to see him:

These visitors were only allowed to visit the ruler in his residence. The ruler received an official visit in the morning when traditional gifts and congratulations were presented by the chiefs.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 2.10.02 / 6361 / 0270  


In the region of Maros, several significant events happened. On 15 September, cavalry and artillery detachments moved overland, while the military commander Major Meilitair led 100 infantry soldiers by sea to Gangkudjene to drive away Kraeng Donto Bonte, who had descended to the plains and attacked the temporary fortification at Pangkadene. Assistant Resident Al. Ibolty returned from Dima on 24 September on the steamship Hert van Nes. The annual ship from Boeton arrived on 25 September. The steamship Sumatia departed on 29 September to patrol against pirates in the waters of Boeton and Hendarie. On July, the Matowa of the village Ejamba, located 4 posts from Maros, openly rebelled against the administration. This incident was reported to the Assistant Resident of the Northern Districts.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 2.10.02 / 2178 / 0190  


In Kochoe, royalty and high-ranking officials used specific titles. The Crown Prince had the title "Opoe Sjanning", meaning "the desired one". Nine lower members of the Hladat (council) shared the title "Simgadarrang matjowae", meaning they were the elders. The people of Palopo called themselves "Isckang ko wara" (people of war), referring to their status as city dwellers, in contrast to rural inhabitants. District chiefs held various titles: Village chiefs were called "Matowa" and "Suriang", while wood cutters were known as "Soeco". The Soradja leaders had titles of "Madckas" and "Domeleakas". The harbor master was called "Sabandara", with assistants called "mata mata". Princes and princesses were addressed as "Opoe". If they didn't have special titles or weren't regional leaders, they were named after their children, using "Gawe" before their names. All princes and princesses were also addressed as "Palla" (meaning lord, ruler, or master). When these royals became older and had grandchildren, they were named after their grandchildren, like "Aemena Baro" meaning grandfather or grandmother of Baro. All princes and princesses shared the common designation "Ana apspona".
View transcript NL-HaNA / 2.10.02 / 4321 / 0414  


In Wadjo, from 1860 to 1885, relations with the Dutch government were tense. Though not openly hostile, Wadjo showed unwillingness to cooperate with Dutch authorities. The region became a safe haven for rebels like Vraeng Bindo, Bonth, and Sjamba Tjamba, as well as the murderers of the Regent of Boelo-Boelo. Some local leaders even provided these rebels with weapons and people. The situation was so serious that preparations were made for a possible war between the Dutch government and Wadjo. The region stockpiled weapons and ammunition during this period of tension. Only in 1879, after Aroe Sudalie made an official visit to Makassar, did the tension and distrust begin to decrease. In 1880, for the first time since the murder of von Sosse, a Dutch official visited Wadjo to mediate a dispute between the rulers of Boni and the Silla of Wadjo regarding a murder case. The official was received with respect and courtesy, and both parties accepted his decision. Aroe Sudalie was officially recognized by government decree on March 24, 1881.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 2.10.02 / 4321 / 0622  


In Totoli, high-ranking Anakaruengs (royal descendants) had to settle their disputes before the ruler personally. The ruler could seek advice from the Maradija-Matowa, Pabitjara Banggel, and Pabitjara Totoli. For disputes over property worth more than one kati, the Maradija-Matowa and ten songhos would investigate. They could only decide on minor cases. For important matters, they would investigate but pass their findings to the ruler for final judgment. The fines system was often abused. Lower chiefs kept the money secretly for themselves instead of giving it to the ruler. Even if honest Papoewangang officials passed fines up to their superiors, these higher officials usually kept the money. Only fines imposed by the full council (Hadat) reached the ruler.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 2.10.02 / 4885 / 0332  


The text describes the political structure of a historical Dutch-controlled region. The ruling system had similarities to other states in the area. The ruler was chosen by council members, but the real power lay with Cabitjara Haijang, Cabitjara Sanga, Da bihara Kaltje, Capoerwenhang Roelacda, and Maracija Pa meoddo, who also had the power to remove the ruler.

In Sijeurana, there were often disagreements about the selection of a new ruler, and it could take a long time to reach the required agreement.

The council (Hadar) consisted of:

A unique feature in Sijeurana was that only the positions of Cabitjara Haijang and Cabitjara Sanga were hereditary within their families. All other council members were elected by the population, though all positions required official appointment and could be dismissed by the ruler.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 2.10.02 / 4885 / 0384  


In Doni on February 29, 1888, discussions were held about succession rights to the position of Hlawiang Valotanreng in Wadjo. The meeting included several important officials:

While they agreed that through inheritance rights of Waridimatongang, the person in question had the strongest claim to the position, they concluded that they could not grant the title because the claimant did not live in Wadjo.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 2.10.02 / 6180 / 0611  



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