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In March 1, 1623, the ship "Vrouwe Everhardina" arrived in India. A young sailor earning 8 guilders, later 11 guilders, was promoted to messenger. He humbly requested a raise to 20 guilders per month.

In June 19, 1707, at Makassar, a document was signed by A. Brazem and addressed to Governor Barend Reijke.

On June 12, 1787, at Castle Rotterdam in Makassar, members of the Council of Justice, along with merchant and fiscal officer Jacobus Leonardus de Vos, inspected and stamped new seals in the main trading warehouse:

• 500 printed passes worth ¼ rixdollar
• 150 printed passes worth 2 rixdollars
• Total: 650 seals

The document was signed by J. Rudolph, T. Bosch, J.L. de Vos, and secretary S. Rudolph.

In 1787, the tithes from the Makassar lands and part of southern Tellose yielded 5,700 bundles of paddy from Makassar and 7,620 bundles from southern Tellose, totaling 13,920 bundles.

This document appears to be a tax or tribute record from Makassar dated July 31, 1787. It lists various individuals and their rice contributions, which were meant to be paid as tithes to the Dutch East India Company. The document was signed by D. Deefhout. Several local officials are mentioned, including the Kali (Islamic judge) of Bontoala and the Soelewatang (local administrator) of Bontoala. The document records that some Buginese farmers who worked on Makassarese lands refused to pay their tithes to the Company, claiming they were only answerable to the King of Bone.

The payments are listed in "bossen" (bundles) of rice, with major contributors including:

• Samma-mao, the Kali of Bontoala: 2,500 bundles
• Borong Matoa wadjo: 800 bundles
• Masjoe: 600 bundles
• The Soelewatang of Bontoala: 400 bundles

On November 17, 1739, in Macassar, Willem Camerling, the resident of Combas, received a message through interpreter Carne Mabella from the King of Goa and his government administrator. They asked about his well-being and requested that when the leader of Wadjo arrived, his people should not be allowed to stay in or around Goa. This revealed their dishonesty as they already knew the Aroe Matoa would not come.

The messenger also reported that 2 Europeans had stayed in Goa for several nights. The administrator was told not to worry if Aroe Matoa came, as they would ensure these "troublesome people" wouldn't cause problems, knowing the administrator feared such individuals.

On Tuesday evening, the Toutou Sea Captain asked whether the people of Boni should remain under Wadjo's control. The official replied no, expressing hope to restore Boni to its former status with God's help. The Captain inquired about Wadjo's future obligations and whether the Company would build a fortress there. The official said he needed to await orders from his superiors about these matters.

The Captain requested to know his departure date and what message to convey to his King. He was told to return in 2 or 3 days to the garden for further instructions. The Captain also asked about the Malay Captain's case, which the chief interpreter had investigated but was not present to discuss.

The Villa of Wadijo wrote to the Lieutenant General Commander of the Indies and the Governor of Celebes and Dependencies. They announced that according to the local custom (adat) of Wadijo, they decided to make the Satoe of Danmara the new Aroe Matora of Wadijo.

On Wednesday, the Aanrong of Dalo, along with the Datola, the Adad, important princes and two princesses went to negotiate with the Datoe of Danmara and to escort him. The letter requests understanding if decisions and implementation take time, as they must follow their ancient laws and customs.

The letter was written on Wednesday afternoon, the 17th of Asamadil arral 1276. A follow-up note from Anakoda Lagio, who delivered the letter, added that when the newly elected Aroe Matora arrives in Wadijo, the Dutch-Indies government can negotiate with him. If the Datoe of Danmara declines to become Aroe Matora, they will search for another candidate within Wadijo. If no one is found, they will send six chosen leaders and the Rantong to negotiate with the Dutch-Indies government.

The letter was dated January 11, 1860 from Palakkea.

Commander Meurer wrote a letter to the Balinese rulers Gusti Mura and Gusti Madde about the conflict in Sumbawa. The Dutch East India Company had a tradition of helping its allies when they were attacked, according to their contract. They came to help the Sumbawa people because Mille Bedoella and the Wadjorese had taken up arms against their rightful ruler, the King of Sumbawa, who had asked for help.

The Dutch States General had sent warships to India to assist the Company and its allies. Two of these ships were sent to Sumbawa to try to resolve the differences between the Sumbawanese and Mille Bedoella with the Wadjorese.

The King of Sumbawa showed Commander Meurer a letter from the Balinese rulers suggesting that the Sumbawanese should unite with Mille Bedoella and the Wadjorese to end all disputes. However, Meurer found that Mille Bedoella and the Wadjorese were actually the main troublemakers in Sumbawa, having taken up arms against their king and becoming leaders of the rebels, ignoring their obligations to Sumbawa.

Meurer discovered that the Balinese messengers had brought a letter for Mille Bedoella. Since the letter to the King of Sumbawa had no seal or markings to prove it came from the Balinese rulers, and since it was not their custom to let letters addressed to their enemies pass without knowing their origin, Meurer intercepted the messenger and the letter. The messenger confirmed he was instructed to deliver the letter to Mille Bedoella personally. Meurer then explained to the messenger that Mille Bedoella and his followers, not the Sumbawanese, had started the conflict by taking up arms against their king.

On June 6, 1789 (or 2 Ramadan 1203 in the Islamic calendar), at 9 in the morning, several officials met in Sumbauwa. The resident of Bima, Cornelis Meurs, met with representatives of various regions: from Bima the state administrator and Boemi Jara, from Dompo Jenelie Kielo, from Tambora Jenelie Wawo, from Sangar Boemi Ngotjo, and from Pekat Boemi Loema. The King of Sumbauwa himself appeared with his state nobles, namely Nene Ranga, Adie Patie, and Kolie Balla.

After taking their seats, the resident explained the reason for this meeting. Since he had to return to Bima now that the war in Sumbauwa had ended, he felt it necessary to make arrangements for the well-being of the kingdom of Sumbauwa. The resident asked the King and nobles of Sumbauwa, on behalf of the East India Company, what they thought needed to be done to ensure peace and prosperity in Sumbauwa now that the war was over. The King and nobles of Sumbauwa responded by humbly thanking the resident and the Company for their help during the now-ended war.

The document outlines various agreements between the King of Sumbauwa and his nobles with their allies. Key points include:

• They promise to notify the Resident and other overseas allies if Sumbauwa becomes unstable
• They agree to accept any changes the Governor General and Council of the Indies or the Governor of Makasser might make to this agreement
• The King and nobles of Sumbauwa commit to repaying war expenses to the Company in sappanwood, slaves, or money
• The Resident and overseas allies, who witnessed the unrest, express their intention to return home once all matters are settled
• The Sumbauwa leaders agree to provide rice to the Company using the same measurements as Bima and Dompo
• They commit to building a Company house at the loading place and appointing a harbor master (Sabandhaar) to inspect incoming and outgoing vessels and check traders' passes

The text discusses political events involving Dutch colonial authorities and local rulers. In Hadpoo, delays occurred in selecting a new Matoa, which prevented signing an agreement with Wadjo. On January 6, the General wrote to the head of the Adja Tamparang requesting help in removing Watoe la Iseloe and appointing a new ruler. They asked for a quick response about this matter from the Wadat of Tawito, but received no reply, which was considered inappropriate for government correspondence.

The text also mentions that the ruler of Tanaboru, B. Vataoe, had been in Widening for several months. Despite repeated requests from both the writer and the Wadat to return, he did not come back. The passage notes that Mjilitimo aroe Maranti, the daughter of one of the officials, was given to this ruler as a wife.

The document suggests that the government's support would increase the authority of Widewing, as government backing could either enhance or diminish power in the region.

Between November 1723 and October 1724, multiple ships departed from Macassar. Various captains (nachoda) and their crews sailed to different destinations in the region:

• Jntje bagoes, a Malay resident, sailed to Caijelij with 17 crew members
• Jntje Ladar departed with 16 crew members
• Jntje gamie sailed to Samarang with 11 crew, carrying 500 golden coconuts and dried areca nuts
• Tottie from Boegie sailed with 18 crew members, carrying 3 pieces of wax
• Jntje bawang sailed with 11 crew members
• Caremang Enlaij sailed to Bima with 6 crew members
• Care mabela sailed to Samarang with 18 crew members
• Zijbrandt pietersz, a citizen, sailed to Batavia with 25 crew members, carrying Bugis clothes, dried venison, and 6 slaves
• Soemang sailed to Paumankang with 7 crew members
• Samama from Wadjo sailed to Banjer with 15 crew, carrying Bugis and Saleyer clothes and Buton baskets
• Ammana tohoena sailed to Passier with 4 crew members, carrying various clothes
• Care tagalla sailed to Sumbawa with 9 crew members
• Bilantjo, servant of Daing Talolo, sailed to Bima with 13 crew members
• Jenelij woha, a noble from Tambora, sailed with 26 crew members
• Sikaboije, servant of Daing Talolo, sailed to Bima with 14 crew members
• Todoesoe from Wadjo sailed to Samarang with 9 crew members
• Care toeloesoe sailed to Sumbawa with 5 crew members
• Toserang from Boegies sailed to Banjer with 14 crew members

• 2 packages of large gerassen
• 1 package of rough coastal textiles
• 1 package of Surat textiles
• 1 package of sologesjes
• 50 iron pans with handles

• 8 packages of small gerassen
• 5 packages of rough Surat textiles
• 2 packages of mixed goods
• 2 packages of sologesjes
• 2000 rough water cups

• Care Njampa from Macassar with 150 bundles of rattan
• Hoemara from Boegies with 19 slaves and 10 packages of Somba clothing
• Angebiba arrived empty
• Intje Hoekang with 1000 bundles of rice
• To-Anna from Bonton with 6 slaves, 1 package of wax, and 100 boxes

• Totanie from Wadjo with 19 crew members, carrying 8 slaves, lead, and various textiles
• Toasie from Wadjo with 26 crew members, carrying green beans, lead, wax, turtle shell, and 6 slaves

On 5 February 1847, a messenger was sent by the governor to Josora and Pamana to secretly investigate both the situation of an Englishman who had been staying there, and the conduct of the Wadjorese people. The messenger reported through chief interpreter Gerrit Brugman that he had seen the Englishman in Pamana again. The Englishman had returned four days before his arrival, though it was unclear where he had been, although some believed he was sent to Bonthain. Datoua Lamana promised that once he recovered from his illness, he would have a subordinate prince named Daeng Foettoe take the Englishman to Riouw. The Englishman promised to return in 2 years. The messenger could not discover any negotiations with this Englishman. He spoke with a common rower from the vessel that first brought the Englishman there. The rower testified that the Englishman was saved by the Wadjorese leader to escape people from Passir who wanted to kill him, and was then sent to Wadjo. The messenger further learned from reliable Wadjorese sources that Datoua Lamana's actions went against the wishes of Arou Maloa and the 40 kings, as well as other prominent Wadjorese. They only tolerated it out of respect for Datoua Pamana. The Englishman no longer dared to enter Josora (the capital of Wadjo) without Datoua's company, fearing a hostile reception. The messenger also reported that messengers from the Macassarese had visited Arou Matoa there.

On April 29, 1768, a report was made about a British man in Tosora and Pamana. The reporter was sent by the honorable governor to secretly investigate both the Englishman's situation and the actions of the Wajorese people. With the help of chief interpreter Gerrit Brugman, he reported the following:

• The Brit had returned to Pamana four days before his arrival, though his previous whereabouts were unclear. Some believed he had been sent to Bonthain.
• Datua Pamana promised to have a subordinate prince named Paeng Loettoe take the Englishman to Riouw once their leader Datour recovered from illness.
• The Englishman promised to return in 2 years.
• No evidence was found of any negotiations with this Englishman.
• A rower from the vessel that first brought the Brit there testified that the Englishman was given shelter by the Wajorese leader to escape people from Passir who wanted to kill him.
• According to reliable sources, Datua Pamana's handling of the situation went against the wishes of the Arou Matoa and the 40 kings, as well as other prominent Wajorese leaders.
• The Englishman no longer dared to enter Tosora (the capital of Wadjo) without Datua Pamana's company, fearing a hostile reception.
• The reporter also mentioned that messengers from the Macassarese prince Ballo, king of Mangarij, had visited the Arou Matoa requesting assistance against the king of Bima. They brought seven gifts: two for the Arou Matoa and five for the other 40 kings. While the gifts were accepted, the requested assistance was denied.

In a report from Macassar dated May 18, 1741, officials discussed issues with the northern region of Sagerij. The chief of Ajita village, along with other Boniers, had submitted to Her Highness's brother, the Young King. Her Highness had already sent messengers to Sagerij to retrieve stolen people. The officials sent these messengers to the commander at Maros to bring back Ajita subjects who were identified by Her Highness's servants.

The day after this, Sulliwatan and Arou Bone came to the meeting requesting help and the return of 6 subjects. Five of these had been sold to citizen Matthijs Piloor for 65 reals, and one was taken to Intje Drammang's house, where Arou Sanette's youngest daughter had died that morning.

The officials decided to inform the Queen of Boni through her servants that due to uncertainty about the war in Wadjoe and lacking clear orders, they could only report the situation to their superiors. Meanwhile, they would keep the subjects in custody to maintain both the rights of war and the Queen's authority until further orders arrived.

On January 9, 1741, a message from Macassar dated May 18, 1741 reports that L. van Schagen sent 6 barrels of arrack (rice wine) by native vessel. One barrel was 13 inches short due to poor container quality, which was confirmed by assistant Senquist and helmsman Kroon who checked the storage.

At Tsjnrana, quartermaster Elkeijn acknowledged receiving orders and was working on his third attempt, promising more details the next morning.

At Boni, the queen complained that Prince Arou Tanette, who was stationed in Sopping, had violated local laws by capturing (or as she called it, stealing) about 40 men, women, and children from one of her hereditary villages called Ttjita.

Letters from Macassar dated May 16, 1741 and May 18, 1741 discuss events at Castle Rotterdam. The letters confirm the successful start of an operation to recapture the extensive kingdom of Boni. Officials sent representatives to inform the old Queen of Boni about this development, which brought her great joy. The letters were signed by several Dutch officials:

• C. Rosenboom
• P.H. Langert
• C.J. Bogaard
• Hendrik van Reijd
• Willem van Duijvenvoorde

Earlier correspondence is referenced from December 16, 1740 and January 7, 1741, all written from Castle Rotterdam in Macassar. The letters mention that conditions in and around the castle were good.

On May 18, 1741, officials in Macassar reported that Arou Tanette was ready to march but seemed impatient with delays. Through his messenger, he had requested a well-armed boat loaded with rice, gunpowder, lead, money, and white cloth. The officials responded that while they couldn't provide a vessel, they would offer necessary advice and support, though they were unwilling to meet his unlimited demands.

Balinese captains and officers had complained that their dwellings were torn down and their goods were at risk. However, this claim proved false, as their houses remained untouched since their departure. Only empty guard posts near the castle walls were removed by order, except for those belonging to the Amboinese. The remaining Balinese soldiers, under their flag bearer Abdul Banghman, took over these positions.

Besides the empty guard posts, officials also removed Balinese gambling houses and cockfighting venues built from bamboo, considering them fire hazards. The usable materials were stored under the supervision of the under-mandhadoor (supervisor).

On May 18, 1741, after sending the Company's rice tax to Castle Rotterdam, the journey to Macassar began aboard the ship Noordwijkerhout, accompanied by several Company vessels. On May 20, the admiral's ship Noordwijkerhout arrived safely at Castle Rotterdam. The admiral was welcomed by several officials:

• Senior Merchant and Second-in-Command Rosenboom
• Merchant and Fiscal Officer Cornelis Jan Bogaard
• Junior Merchant and Harbor Master Hendrik van Reijd
• Chief Political Secretary Philippus Hodenpijl

They escorted him ashore with the same honors as when he departed. The document was signed by Secretary Gerrit Fek.

A letter from Bonthain dated May 14, 1741 was addressed to Admiral and Field Commander, Governor and Director of the Celebes Coast, Adriaan Hendrik Smout. It acknowledged receipt of his letter from May 9, which included a payment note for monthly allowances from the Saleijer residence. Company and Bone messengers returned on May 12 from Mandar with news that the ruler of Balanipa would gather his people after the fasting period.

Between April 2 and April 13, 1741, a fleet with ships including the Noordwijkerhout sailed from Tsjinrana Bonij. The ship Noordwijkerhout arrived at Boelecomba on April 19. In the meantime, the boat of citizen van Dorth had sunk at the beach due to leakage.

On April 15, an official met with the leaders of the Company's villages in the southern provinces. He thanked them for their assistance as loyal subjects to the Company during the last military campaign to Towadjo. He recommended them to continue their loyalty and follow the orders of the Resident as peaceful subjects.

A letter from Macasser dated May 18, 1741 mentioned that Crain Bonto Madjarnang of Goa had received a message that someone (unnamed) had reached Binaga Crain but was forced to return to Toradja. Tomilalang, Djemmatongan, and Arou Panisilie were put in charge of managing Asjinrana Bonij.

The document ends with a note about Willem Camerling, the Resident, receiving necessary orders.

• They would avoid hostilities as agreed
• They would ensure the Bone people and other allies would not attack
• Everyone would have freedom of movement
• Wajo should write to the Governor-General and Council in Batavia about problematic articles
• This would help restore peace and prosperity to the land

• Arou Loa
• Tjioe
• Tha
• Bete
• Tjala Matjena
• Souro Laouisie
• Latanie
• Sinkang
• Wotto
• Oedjong Kalakang

During a meeting in Macassar on May 18, 1741, agreements were made about ships from Wadjo. When Wadjo wanted to send ships from its own places or settlements, they could keep the privilege to give their own passes. However, if ships were prepared in Oedjong Pondang/Macassar, they had to follow the Dutch East India Company's orders and authority at sea. The Tellonpotjo officials would handle local disputes. Regarding the robbed subjects of Gamba, even though there had been cannon fire between the parties, Wadjo stated that all past incidents should be forgotten. On Wednesday, March 22, the admiral sent interpreter Willem Mulder to Arou Matoua to request a meeting for the next day at 9:00. On Thursday, March 23, merchant Hendrik Stemer, along with Captains Philip Lodewijk Vigera and Gerrit Mom, traveled to Madjo. They later submitted a written report to Admiral Adriaan Hendrik Smout. The report stated that they met with the head king and his council in Tosora. After removing many trivial obstacles, the Wadjo government promised to renew the contract from December 23, 1670. The signing and exchange of this alliance was scheduled for the 25th, with three or more of the forty kings to be sent with full authority and proper seals.

On May 18, 1741, in Makassar, a meeting took place about relations between the Dutch East India Company, Bone, and Wajo. Bone agreed to live peacefully with Wajo, but insisted that neither should rule over the other. The Tellumpocco confederation's oath had already been confirmed. Regarding Tjamba, they agreed to put aside bad matters. The Queen of Bone's goods held by Todfamalie should be collected by the Tomilalang, as they were given to him, not to Wajo, for safekeeping.

On May 20, substitute interpreter Willem Muller delivered the admiral's response: once contracts were signed and sworn, Wajo would be accepted like Bone as an ally. The signing would serve as unbreakable proof for the governor and Council of India. Wajo agreed to hand over people from Tjamba who were still there.

On May 21, three messengers - Souro Patjani, Souro Sinkang, and Souro Oedjong Kalakang - brought a letter from the Arung Matoa. The letter stated they would confirm the contracts when friendship terms were agreed upon, provided each party kept their own laws and customs, could sail freely, and maintain control over their own people and current possessions, as per Tellumpocco rights.

On May 16, 1741, officials in Macassar were informed about the retreat of the Bone army and their allies. They discussed whether to continue the war with Wadjo or make peace. The admiral explained that military operations against Tosora were impossible due to high water and monsoon rains. While the people of Bone wanted Tosora's inhabitants removed and their city destroyed, the East India Company preferred peaceful solutions with their allies.

The local ruler requested to see the contents of planned contracts, but the admiral said they couldn't be shown publicly. Later that day, he reviewed the articles with the ruler privately. The ruler thanked him and agreed to let the Bone forces withdraw the next day.

On Tuesday, May 15, military forces and ammunition were removed from earthen fortifications around Tosora. On Thursday, May 16, interpreter Jan Henrik Vol went to Tosora to present the draft contract to the Aroumatoua (local leader), requesting quick approval since their forces were withdrawing. The Aroumatoua agreed, seeing that the Company had good intentions for Wadjo.

On Friday, May 17, representatives from the Aroumatoua of Wadjo - Sourolatjani, Souro Sinkan, and Souro Oedjong Kalakang - appeared before the admiral.

On May 18, 1741, in Macassar, cannons and mortars could not do damage partly because of high water and the coming rain season, along with many European soldiers being sick and dying. The authorities decided to negotiate peacefully with the Wadjoreese people and include the Bonij court. The young King replied that he would present this to the Bonij nobles for their decision.

On Monday, May 13, the admiral sent interpreter Willem Muller to Tosora to ask the Arou Matoua for his name and those of three banner lords for the contracts. Arou Matoua replied that his name was known worldwide and that God had made him Arou Matoua of Wadjo.

On May 16, 1741, two electors from Bonij, Arou Oedjong and Arou Tanette Malolo, told the admiral that the Bonij nobles hadn't reached a decision yet but would report soon. Three mortars were retrieved from earthen fortifications across the lake.

On Tuesday, May 14, the admiral sent first interpreter Jan Hendrik to Tosora to have Arou Matoua review the draft contract. The ruler immediately returned it, saying he would agree only if the Bonij forces first withdrew from Wadjoreese territory, explaining he couldn't trust the Bonij people while they were armed. The young King of Bonij and all nobles then came to the admiral.