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On 24 December 1776, the Orphan Masters reported about estates from May of that year. They had approached the authorities with a request to take over their secured capital of 370,002 guilders, which was held in the Company's main treasury, at whatever interest rate the authorities thought appropriate. Since no other ways or means had been found to relieve the orphan chamber of its idle money in another secure manner without burdening the Company, they were now forced to present the Orphan Masters' request to the High and Noble authorities, asking them to take over the idle money at 3.5 percent interest with the Company, on the same basis as ordered by the highly respected letter of 5 July 1765. According to the account statement incorporated in the resolutions of 16 March, the Orphan Masters' capital at the end of February 1775 had increased by 1,371 guilders, 34 stuivers, and 8 pennies. This increase came from more income from various estates and collected interest than from paid-out estate debts, maintenance expenses for orphans, and chamber costs. Therefore, at the end of February, the total had risen to 12,156 guilders and 45 stuivers. The Board had received complaints that some subordinate offices were failing to comply with orders, and others were not complying at all, regarding: To ensure that widows, orphans, or others with legitimate claims would not be disadvantaged, measures were taken on 15 June through a circular letter issued that day. Extracts were sent from the letter of 3 April 1744 and from the Instructions for Orphan Masters, stating who on Java fell under their jurisdiction and how their chamber should be informed. The heads and residents were respectively instructed to ensure that testaments of Chinese and other non-Christians who died within their districts were sent to the Orphan Masters, and that estates of those who died without wills were either transferred or that orders were requested and awaited. The officers or heads of the Chinese were to be informed and given necessary instructions to ensure everything was done properly in the future. The Orphan Masters were allocated and granted a specially constructed room in the renovated city hall to serve as their chamber and meeting place.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3468 / 0217  


On 24 December 1776, the Dutch colonial administration reported on construction and military works across several locations. When work began on buildings in Djocjocarta, suitable cannons had been sent there. Repairs to the lodge and warehouses in Rembang were about to start. Work was also beginning in Soerabaija and Grissee, as authorized by a letter from 29 February of that year. Wood and other materials had been gathered at those posts. The administration reported that 28 iron cannons of 3 pound balls, sent for the new lodge in Djocjocarta, had been transported up the Solo River and properly stored. The resident there was ordered to ship the old, unsuitable cannons back, as there were more than the required 40 cannons for the lodge's defense. These were to be sent to Grissee. Permission was requested to use 16 of these old cannons to make gun carriages. The resident Domis in Grissee was also permitted to renew 5 unsuitable gun carriages there. Regarding church matters, the minister Johannes Lepscus had conducted his regular visit that year to the eastern part of the district to administer Holy Communion. There was nothing to report about justice matters. The administration then reported on other institutions. The capital of the Orphan Chamber on ultimo February 1775 had been 62,565 rijksdaalders and 31 stuivers. According to accounts received on 16 March of this year, it had increased by ultimo February of this year to 71,103 rijksdaalders and 18 stuivers due to more income than expenses. Of this amount, only 29,550 rijksdaalders were lent out on mortgage, while 41,553 rijksdaalders and 18 stuivers lay idle earning no interest. The interest income had decreased from 565 rijksdaalders and 25 stuivers a year earlier to only 121 rijksdaalders, 40 stuivers and 15 penningen by ultimo February of the current year. The Orphan Masters were concerned about this decline and feared further deterioration as the orphans' capital grew while they had no opportunity to invest the idle funds. On 4 December 1776, they passed a resolution requesting permission to accept funds at interest.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3468 / 0215  


24 December 1776, a report was made about various inspections and construction activities. 60 pounds of cotton were brought in for the construction of lodges in Surakarta and Yogyakarta. Rice was transported on the company's ships for permitted loads of authorities and brought to the main location by coastal rulers. Other goods and a large quantity of woodwork were also transported there according to 2 notices received. On 15 March of the previous year, an order had been given to promote small-scale shipping in every possible way and to encourage local traders under government guarantee to transport rice, salt, tamarind, oil, timber, and other Javanese products in large quantities. All ships arriving at Samarang from the other coast were inspected by judicial commissioners according to orders in successive resolutions. No contraband goods were brought in, but a small amount of approximately 60 pounds of cotton yarn was confiscated at Gresik because someone tried to transport it there. This was confiscated for the benefit of the Company and sent to Batavia along with other confiscated items. Regarding fortifications and buildings, lieutenant engineer Fredrik Sustman provided a written report on 24 December 1776 about which buildings were completed and construction still in progress. At the royal courts in Surakarta and Yogyakarta, lodges were being built outside the Society's costs. The renovated and enlarged hospital in Samarang was now completed according to a report from chief administrator Van Panhuis and militia commander Van Ardenne. All major works in Samarang that they had been authorized to do were finished, and the Company's buildings were generally in such good condition that, barring unforeseen circumstances, they could be maintained with ordinary repairs for a long time. At Tegal, a second warehouse was built at the regents' expense. At Pekalangan, the riverside embankment in front of the fort was also completed by the regents, and a new flagpole was erected. At Japara, the powder house was being repaired. At Juana, the flagpole was old and poor, so they requested authorization to erect a new one. The resident there, Rutgert Reijnier Keijzer, received notice on 14 November through a letter about a favorable decision regarding buildings and properties. He had taken these over from his predecessor for an assessed price of 6,850 guilders. These would have to transfer to his successor in time for the same amount, and subsequently from one resident to another.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3468 / 0213  


A report from 24 December 1776 described shipping and trade along the coast of Java. Pirates operating in local waters caused fear but did little actual damage on Java's territory because they were constantly pursued and driven away by patrol ships. In November, returning patrol vessels from the main settlement managed to capture an empty pirate boat called a panjajap west of Cheribon. The pirates escaped by swimming to a larger vessel that was positioned upwind. They left this captured boat as prize money for the patrol crews, hoping for approval from the authorities. Trade flourished during this year due to a blessed harvest of local products, especially a rich rice crop. The shipping numbers for different ports were: In total, 381 vessels arrived and 274 departed in 1775, while 422 departed in 1776. According to travel passes issued on 24 December 1776, private traders transported rice to various destinations: This totaled 2,524.5 coyangs of rice. Other private traders using their own vessels transported rice to: The total rice export from Samarang was 1,819.5 coyangs, making the overall total 4,407.5 coyangs.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3468 / 0211  


View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3468 / 0209  


On 19 November, officials examined and compared the trade books and salary books according to orders. They presented their reports to the High Noble Lords, noting some errors and differences that needed to be corrected and compensated. They requested approval for these corrections. By 24 December 1776, they gave thanks for the granted write-offs of various items. Regarding domains and leases, they reported that: had all been properly collected and paid up to ultimo December inclusive. They also expressed gratitude for the consideration given to their proposal regarding the leaseholder of sugar exported from this coast, Than Lecko. For every 6,000 picols of powdered sugar shipped from Japara to Malabar, he was to pay 21 stuivers in lease, which had already been paid to him according to the calculation. The Captain of the Chinese community in Surabaya, Hang Boeijko, submitted a request in writing. According to a secret resolution from Batavia dated 27 September 1771, he had been leasing the district Pannaroeken for 500 rijksdaalders and 2 stuivers per year until further notice. He requested to keep this lease for his entire lifetime at the same recognition payment. He also requested the privilege, either permanently or for a specific number of years, to lease the salt village Pienger pappas located in the district of Sumanap, in the same way that the salt villages Paradessie, Brahan, and Wedong on Java were leased.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3468 / 0207  


The document lists various supplies and tools requested for Samarng (Samarang). The list includes: Prices were listed in pees (pieces) and pounds for various quantities ranging from 1 to 150 pieces or pounds. The document noted that old versions of psalm books that remained in stock should not be treated unfavorably. On December 15, 1776, a request was signed by J. P. van der Burgh and J. A. van Panhuis asking for: They requested the military personnel be sent without weapons because Samarang was still well supplied with those. The document also mentioned shortages in Grisse, Sumanap, Passourouang, and Joana. On December 24, 1776, remaining craft tools were listed as being requested for Samarang.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3468 / 0205  


This document is an inventory list from December 24, 1776, comparing supplies at three different locations: one location, Samarang, and requests for new supplies.

The inventory includes:

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3468 / 0203  


The document is a detailed inventory list of military supplies and ammunition goods. The items are organized in columns showing quantities that were on hand, in Samarang, and amounts requested. The inventory includes: The document notes that some items were excused from certain requirements. The inventory was dated December 24, 1776, and refers to year 1776.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3468 / 0201  


This document is a continuation of a merchant's inventory from 24 December 1776. The list includes various trade goods with their quantities measured in different units (pounds/lb, pieces/p:s, barrels/b):

The document mentions a claim by the youngest petitioner in Samarang (modern-day Semarang, Indonesia) that was filed in November 1776.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3468 / 0200  


This document is an inventory list dated 24 December 1776 and continuing into November 1777. It records ammunition supplies and equipment goods at Semarang.

The ammunition items included:

The equipment goods included:

The document notes that all other ammunition goods were excused. It refers to remainder stocks at Semarang and a requisition from November 1776.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3468 / 0202  


The Dutch Governor at Macassar wrote on 14 June 1730 about his investigations into certain rumors. He reported that despite his efforts to uncover the truth, nothing concrete had been found. He noted that everything had remained quiet since then. The King had visited him on 24 November with the most important state officials, and again on 24 January many others had come. During these meetings, the Governor could detect no signs of dissatisfaction in anyone's words or facial expressions, even though he had been paying close attention. This was especially true during the second meeting when the King's Highness could not attend due to illness. On 18 January, the Governor had received complaints from fishermen about a certain Kraing Limbang Parang or some of his people, who had allegedly stolen 10 buffalo from them. The Governor brought this matter before the King and demanded the return of the animals. On 21 January, the animals were returned. Following the end of the fasting period, the Governor gave presents to the King and those from Boni, as was customary. He also gave two additional gifts on the occasion of the formal announcement of the death of the King's wife. The Governor requested approval for these expenses: 82 guilders and 4 stuivers for one gift, and 201 guilders and 10 stuivers for the two other gifts combined. The Syahbandar (harbor master) informed the Governor that he would try to track down the remaining stolen items. Meanwhile, the fishermen had pursued the thieves to a Macassar village called Mandella and had gotten into a fight with the inhabitants, in which 4 villagers were killed. The local ruler came to complain about this. The Governor ordered the fishermen to avoid such actions in the future and to report similar incidents to him first so he could help them properly.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3389 / 0302  


On Wednesday the 21st, the contract was fully approved and certain articles were to be expanded or changed as deemed necessary. The mentioned contract was shown in original form to the chosen king and read to him in the Malay language, with its content clearly explained. He then swore an oath on the Quran while drinking kris water. The contract was sealed with the royal seal and confirmed with his signature and those of the mentioned nobles.

This was done and signed at Castle Rotterdam in Macassar on 12 May 1773. It was signed by P. G. van der Voort, B. van Pleuren, S. W. Peters, J. Raket, and C. Krane. By order of the governor and council, signed by C. Krane, secretary.

On Thursday the 22nd, the chief interpreter Brugman was sent by the writer to the king of Bone to find out if the tomilalang and glarrang of Bontualacq could travel with him to Maros the day after tomorrow to investigate the disputes between the Company and his highness's subjects there and in the further northern provinces. He was also to request that his highness give these officials full authority so that all matters concerning his subjects could be completely settled without any appeal to his highness, to prevent unnecessary delays in dragging out disputes that sometimes had no substance and became more difficult rather than easier to resolve. Brugman reported back that the king had told him that his commissioners would be ready at the appointed time and that he had ordered this in Brugman's presence. His highness immediately had his secretary put an order in writing according to the request, of which he gave notice.

On Friday the 23rd, nothing happened.

On Saturday the 24th, in the evening the chief interpreter Brugman departed for Maros in company with the Bone tomilalang and the glarrang of Bontualacq. The first mentioned took a note with him to the resident van Rossum.

Nothing happened on Sunday the 25th, Monday the 26th, and Tuesday the 27th.

On Wednesday the 28th, the writer received a report from the under-interpreter Blij that yesterday in the province of Siang, specifically in the village of Bone Bone, the Bone prince Lawajoe Anna, also called Danig Pagoeling, a brother of Danig Mandjaroengie, had gotten into a quarrel with a Buginese ship captain Pamana at a cockfight and was stabbed to death by him. The mentioned captain was then killed in turn by Danig Pagoeling's bodyguard.

On Sunday the 1st of November, nothing noteworthy occurred.

The regent of Tanette, who had been mentioned in a letter dated the 8th of the previous month, arrived there the day before yesterday and appeared before the writer this morning. The writer had the under-interpreter Blij tell him that he could not be unaware that his subjects had for quite some time brought serious complaints about his despotic and extremely harsh way of governing. Therefore, the writer had had to decide to summon him here to hear what he might say in his defense. However, far from excusing himself on any points, he openly admitted he had done wrong and had made himself unworthy of the regency. He therefore requested to be relieved of it simply through dismissal and asked permission to live with his family on View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3389 / 0403  


On 2 February 1773, the Resident requested ammunition according to an attached list to be sent to Baros. The purpose was to carefully inspect the fortifications there and assess the enemy's strength. After evaluating the situation together with the Resident, they needed to determine whether the trading post with its current garrison could defend itself against the attacks of the mentioned Panglima Lauwt or not. If the fortifications were strong enough against the enemy's forces, the following actions were required:
  • Unload the goods from the ship for that trading post
  • Return to report findings and observations
Because there were various matters to discuss with the Radja of Baros in person, they should try their best to persuade the Radja to come along for a short voyage with them. However, if they judged together with the Resident that the enemy's strength was so great that the garrison could not possibly defend against it, and there was any reason to fear that the Company's honor and goods might be exposed to danger, then different orders applied:
  • The orders regarding unloading the ship and the voyage of the Radja of Baros would be cancelled
  • All remaining trade goods, collected products, equipment, artillery and ammunition should be loaded onto the small vessel
  • The Radja of Baros and his leaders should be informed on behalf of the High Indian Government in Batavia that because they, especially the Radja, had failed several times to fulfill their duties as an ally, the Dutch Company no longer considered itself obligated to maintain the alliance with him
  • Upon departure of the last man, the fortifications should be blown up with gunpowder
  • The buildings and houses should be set on fire
  • All personnel should come aboard the mentioned ship and return as quickly as possible
The text noted that not all possible situations and circumstances could be described in this document.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3389 / 0463  


Van der Burg sent a letter to the high authorities dated 5 April 1773.

The following documents were included:

  • A copy of a letter from Governor Van der Burg to the Sultan dated 6 February 1773
  • A letter to Soeboehoenang dated 25 February 1773
  • A letter to Sulken dated 25 February 1073
  • A letter to Sosalonang dated 26 February 1773
  • A separate letter written by Van der Burg to the commander Luzac at Surabaya dated 7 January 1773
  • Another letter from him dated 22 January 1773
  • A separate letter from Governor Van der Burg to commander Luzac at Surabaya dated 4 March 1773
  • Another letter dated 24 March 1773
  • A letter from commander Luzac to Van der Burg dated at Surabaya on 27 December 1772
  • Another letter dated 15 February 1773
  • A copy of a letter from the resident at Oeloepampang, Schopmanhoff, to the commander of the eastern corner Luzac from 30 December 1772
  • A checked copy of a register from Java's east coast
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3389 / 0465  


On 2 February 1773, officials discussed instructions for a resident and gave orders regarding a trading post (comptoir). They authorized the resident to work with local authorities in whatever situation might be found there. The officials instructed the resident to act based on good reasons and whatever circumstances would require, either to maintain or to break up the trading post. However, they strictly forbade any offensive military actions, which had to be carefully avoided. The officials wished the resident heaven's blessing and support for this task. After careful review and approval of these instructions, they decided to give them to commissioner Kaijsel to deliver to Baros. They ordered that Kaijsel should be sent to Baros as quickly as possible on the ship called the Ida Wilhelmina, which had been assigned by an earlier decision from 30 January. This decision was made at Padang on Sumatra's west coast on the date mentioned above. It was signed by Roeland Palm, A. F. Adami, I. Challier, I. Ehrentraut, and F. van Kerchem, who served as secretary. Thierens confirmed the document was accurate.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3389 / 0464  


P. Luzao wrote from Java's east coast on 5 April 1773. At that moment he received a message about a distribution from Noessa through a copy of a letter from postmaster Steenbergen at Gitten. He sent a copy of this letter to the Commissioner at Adirogo and told him that if the boats were not there, he should respond in a friendly way to invitations to submit.

In response to a letter from 27th of the previous month which was delivered on the 10th of this month by a merchant from Sourabaya, Luzao answered that he had not yet been able to accomplish anything good. He had already responded to a letter from the 17th of the previous month on the 30th. He kept the regent Pafanagara friendly and made sure that the people who had gathered from the area around Cotta were divided among the villages under their leaders to continue farming. Pafanagara would travel to Samarang to request his confirmation as regent, as requested by the governor. The governor wanted to speak with him personally about his districts and people, which pleased the regent very much. The regent was now busy placing the people. Luzao heard secretly that great preparations were being made for this journey.

Luzao hoped that by the time Pafanagara left, someone suitable could be found among the people from Balemboan who were on Madura to be trusted with the leadership over this difficult people. He would let the regent leave under the mentioned excuse without giving him anything.

Quartermaster Perk arrived safely with his cargo belonging to quartermaster Alberts. Luzao had no other information about the third boat under a sailor except that it had to turn back towards the coast. Quartermaster De Gelder also arrived safely with his 3 boats loaded with provisions and was already being unloaded as quickly as possible. Luzao let him return with the 2 boats from Pamacassang and their sailors because the west winds were already starting to come through and the journey would otherwise become difficult. He sent back the boat that belonged there, along with the sick ensign and a European servant who had been given permission by the head of the expedition to accompany him.

Regarding the treatment of this people, Luzao made every effort according to the instructions from the high authorities and the governor and director. He told the regent and other native leaders to work in the friendliest way possible. According to reports received in recent days, there was new hope that the people from Balemboan, Bappa Larat and Endo, could still be brought under control, partly through the oldest woman with a child of Bappa Endo who was brought to him on the 9th of this month by the Hebbe officials.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3389 / 0500  


On 5 April 173 (year incomplete in source), a report was sent from Java's east coast. The writer discussed plans to sail as high as possible north of Sumatra to patrol against pirates and keep watch. He requested humble information about how to handle the expenses and costs of these small ships in their records, and how their provisions should be arranged, questioning whether this should be treated as extraordinary expedition costs or regular household expenses. The writer received enclosed documents from Oeloepampang that showed how resident Schophoff was using his resources to achieve the goal regarding Javanagara. The writer had instructed Schophoff to capture and flatter Saxanagara in this manner, but under the condition that his actions be closely monitored to prevent any improper arrangements or harsh treatment of that wild community. The goal was to ensure Jacanagara became increasingly elevated and established in his opinion, so that after bringing everything into good order, he could make the journey to Samarang with his people. The writer additionally reported that the old radeen miti omantrie at Sidaijoe had communicated to him the death of the bepatti there, Soerokesoemo. To press the matter further, the writer had sent resident Schophoff a copy of a letter dated 24th of that month to quickly obtain his response and considerations. Upon receiving Schophoff's reply, the writer hoped to provide his humble considerations about Maas Alit and Bachus Manonrono, and whether it would be most advisable to appoint 1 or 2 regents over those districts.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3389 / 0499  


  • On 5 April 1773, P. Luzac wrote a letter from Java's east coast.
  • He confirmed receiving letters dated 21st and 24th of that month.
  • He reported that instructions regarding the positions of local officials in Balambangan, Lamadjang, Sanaroekan, and Malang had been shared for observation.
  • Information about an expedition was given to Captain Lieutenant Heinrich.
  • On that day, local forces departed for Balambangan, consisting of:
    • Madurese leaders Brajasinga and Sirnataka
    • 7 common officials
    • 60 Madurese soldiers with muskets
    • 440 soldiers with pikes
  • He included a copy of a letter from a commander dated 30 December 1772.
  • He reported that local forces were mostly sick, the people from Sumanap had returned home under Heinrich, and the Madurese had all deserted.
  • According to an enclosed strength report from Adirogo, ensign Fisser received little support from Surabaya, Sidayu, and Pasuruan.
  • He therefore quickly arranged for reinforcements from Sumanap, which he expected had already been dispatched.
  • He did not expect any attacks from Nusa on the Javanese coast and saw little remaining danger from Baju.
  • He requested permission to keep commander Fisser's letter until the Sumanap forces arrived.
  • He reported the arrival of Radin Ayu Ceylon and informed about the departure from Madura of messengers from the sultans and the regent of Djipan, according to a letter from ensign Mier dated 11th of that month.
  • He had received no objections regarding Wangso Coesoemo and the request from the regent of Pamacassan.
  • Ship officers could not safely transport the most important criminals still held there.
  • He humbly requested permission to execute these criminals locally and display their heads as a warning to others, as they were otherwise a burden and wasted resources.
  • He requested approval to deploy the arrived vessel De Brak and another expected ship to Balambangan to spend the west monsoon season there, partly for show and partly to patrol with some cruise vessels between Cape Sundana and Katapan along the Bali coast.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3389 / 0497  


On 5 April 1773, I. R. van der Burgh wrote from the east coast of Java about some letters that did not contain any information. He was waiting for clarification about how something was arranged in a previous expedition and which article in a contract with a prince was being referred to before he could make a statement about rice. He signed the letter as a good friend.

On 24 March 1773 in Samarang, van der Burgh confirmed the accuracy of the document.

Pieter Luzac, who held a position of authority, wrote from Soerabaja on 27 December 1772. He had received a separate letter dated 15 December containing an extract from a letter from the high authorities dated 9 December 1772. Most of the content concerned Balemboangang, so he immediately sent a full copy to the resident there. He was waiting to hear about dealings with the temporary regent of Jaxanagara. Since he had nothing important to report at that time, he respectfully signed the letter as an obedient servant.

In response to separate letters dated 21 December and 24 December, he confirmed receiving the instructions from the authorities' letter of 9 December. The instructions concerned the customs posts at Balemboangang, Lamadjang, Panaroekan, and Malang, which he forwarded to the relevant officials. He also provided extracts to captain lieutenant Heinrich about the expedition. On that same day, an expedition force was organized consisting of Madurese leaders Braja Singa and Sianataka, 7 common officers, 60 Madurese musketeers, and 440 pikemen, along with their provisions.

Another copy of a letter from the same authority was dated 30 December 1772.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3389 / 0495  


On 5 April 1773, a letter was sent from Java's east coast. The writer stated he would wait for further explanation to support certain opinions, and hoped to find another person for an unspecified task. He expressed regret about the poor condition of the crew of a boat called the pantjallang, as he could not replace them with other sailors. However, he noted that local deserters could be publicly punished on the parade ground with cane beatings to discourage them from running away.

The writer was disappointed that a detachment under ensign Dijkman, which had been searching for rebel leaders Bappa Larat, Bappa Endo, Pa Som, Promp, and Wilondo, had returned without finding anything. Since a group of rebels had been discovered near the Klonkong river, showing they still had supporters, it was clear that complete peace could not be expected until all rebels were defeated. Therefore, it remained necessary to continue searching for them with willing troops to either capture them or prevent them from gathering and causing trouble again.

The writer noted that the Madurese soldiers had long been unwilling and useless according to reports, and their desertion was being overlooked. However, they should not be sent back, as that would give them an excuse in the future. Instead, the writer wanted to keep the option to demand others if necessary. Meanwhile, the Sumanapper forces at Adirogo needed to be brought up to full strength, as the 3 companies of Malays or Easterners currently in the Balembangan area were said to be very useful.

Regarding the island of Noessa, the writer approved orders to prevent the chief Bappa Janie from attempting a landing on Java. He agreed it was time to force the islanders, who would not listen to friendly requests, into submission through military force. He found the plan proposed by the Passoeroan commander Van Rijcke in his letter of 25 February acceptable. The willingness of the regent Nitinagara and the commander's request to both personally carry out the plan also deserved consideration. The writer would wait for detailed orders about the timing and method of the operation, including how many troops and boats would be needed, and whether the patrol boats that the regents in the east had to provide should be doubled.

A joint letter of that day showed that important payments had been granted to some regents, especially those of Sourabaija, to restore the land to its former state. These regents, now that they were on equal footing, had to completely fulfill their annual obligations without fail. This would apply this year if they kept their promise to ensure 500 koyangs of rice would come in before New Year from each regent, otherwise they would face unpleasant consequences.

The writer had questioned the prince of Madura about advancing 100 koyangs of rice to his chiefs. The prince confirmed receipt but claimed repayment had never been discussed. The writer wondered if each person could be employed with a couple of European sailors and other necessary supplies, in which case, while waiting for approval from their high authorities, preliminary arrangements could be made.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3389 / 0493  


  • On 5 April 1773, from Java's east coast, a letter was written stating that master carpenter D. Ester would soon arrive, but since there was no other carpenter or mason available, local workers would have to be used, and careful watch should be kept on Mannong Cesums.
  • The letter was signed by I. R. van der Burgh as a good friend.
  • A copy of a separate letter dated 12th of that month and an enclosed copy of a letter from resident Schophoff of Bulu Pampang dated 25 February showed that the subordinate heads of Balembangan were very willing to accept Maas Alit as their regent, which gave a favorable outlook.
  • Schophoff described the officials currently in charge after the departure from Laxanagara, namely Dueru Kontjie and Bawalaxana, as faithful and vigilant people.
  • Schophoff suggested that the selection could be postponed until the common people and their villages were inspected and placed under minor heads.
  • The writer believed it was wise to examine, weigh and consider everything carefully before making hasty decisions.
  • Therefore, he would not yet make a final decision about Maas Alit or about the proposed land division.
  • The proposal involved appointing 2 regents: one for the eastern part and one for the western part of Balembangan, with the latter position to be given to the former guardian of the second Surabaya regent, named Sumodirono.
  • Regarding Maas Alit, the writer would await the results of further investigation that resident Schophoff was to conduct among the common people, including checking whether the 2 mentioned officials continued to give satisfaction and could be trusted if elected, since the success depended much on the youth of Maas Alit.
  • The writer would postpone his judgment on other matters until the rebel leaders were no longer a threat, the land was brought to full peace, and knowledgeable people had investigated the extent and condition of the lands, the location, size and population of the villages.
  • This investigation was needed to determine with good foundation whether the division could and should take place, and whether negative consequences like those in 1771 could be avoided.
  • In 1771 there had been an unqualified decision to separate 8 villages, including Centong, from Panarukan and place them under Balembangan.
  • The writer noted that the same Centong was now proposed to be placed back under Panarukan for a reason that was valid then and now: namely that it was closer to Panarukan than to Lamadjang and even much closer than to Balembangan.
  • In a separate letter dated 27 January, it had been stated as a necessary requirement that whoever was entrusted with governing the western part of Balembangan, as well as whoever was appointed over the eastern part, must be a native of Balembangan, beloved and respected by the people there.
  • However, now a Javanese person from Surabaya was being proposed, despite recent experience showing that the people of Balembangan did not favor such a leader.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3389 / 0491  


On 5 April 173 (year incomplete), a letter was sent from Java's east coast. The writer had requested someone to prove alapalap's wrongdoings. The writer approved all friendly methods being used to bring the people of Noessa back under the Company's obedience. However, the writer did not approve of other approaches, especially not the plan of the resident Schophoff of Oeloepampang. According to his letter dated 4 February to the commander Sisser of Adirogo, Schophoff wanted to send a new expedition there. The addressee had apparently been gathering light vessels for this purpose, as shown in their letter of 20th (month not specified). The writer strongly objected to this because it went directly against the orders, intentions, and special wishes of Their High Honors in Batavia. These orders had been sent in a separate letter dated 9 December and forwarded to the addressee in extract form, along with the writer's own letter of 15th (month not specified). The writer suggested that the addressee had either forgotten these orders or understood them as poorly as the resident of Oeloepampang and the commander of Adirogo, with whom the orders had also been shared. The writer strongly recommended strict observance of these orders. The writer repeated Their High Honors' wishes:
  • Nothing should be undertaken against Moetsa without their special authorization
  • If it became necessary to remove the mandarins from there, permission must first be requested from the illustrious assembly
  • Before undertaking anything resembling violence, the addressee should first provide considerations to the writer, who would then present them to Their High Honors
The writer could not overlook that ensign Cispoa had, without proper authorization and in cold blood, had hapo logo, the former chief of Dejemberse, executed. Since Cispoa was not authorized to do this, the writer had sharply reprimanded him and seriously warned him not to undertake anything similar again, or else he would face very unpleasant consequences. The writer wanted to oversee the agreed-upon repairs and renovations of the warehouses in Sourabaija and Gaissee.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3389 / 0490  


I. R. van der Burgh wrote from Java's east coast on 5 April 1773 and 7 April 1773. He mentioned that they were being assisted with rice from Rawa. When the opportunity arose, all required timber for the eastern corner would be sent at once without loss. He would arrange for a skilled carpenter and copper coins as requested. He signed as a good friend.

Van der Burgh was still waiting for the promised consideration about a new regent for Balemboangang, with Maas Alit being a candidate. He had been pleased to learn from letters dated 27 January and 5 February about the departure of the former regent Jaxanagara from Oeloe Pampang to Costij. He recommended treating Jaxanagara kindly and suggested keeping him there until the shipping route opened, when he could travel by sea. However, Van der Burgh thought it best to keep the suspicious Krinkdono and 4 fugitives to Bali in custody. He also wanted Boedjaar, who claimed to have been a servant, and captain Alap sent overland immediately to confront Alap Alap, who was currently with his master's entourage and lying about everything, so he could be corrected for his bad behavior.

In another letter from Java's east coast dated 5 April 1773, Van der Burgh discussed the escape of the rebel Larat after he had been caught. This did not surprise him but raised harmful suspicions about those responsible for guarding him. He considered it necessary for resident Schophoff to investigate the matter thoroughly. Those who had given Larat the opportunity to escape or had not taken proper care should not be trusted but watched carefully. The women and others from the rebel's group who had been captured would be sent by sea.

Van der Burgh would present the account of extraordinary expenses to their High Honors and request reimbursement. Following the request, he would provide the eastern corner with military support as soon as Batavia enabled him to do so. With one of the first ships arriving on the coast to load cargo, he intended to have the timber currently stored in Japara, Joana, and Rembang for Soerabaja and Crissee collected and transported there. Care should be taken that a full ship's cargo of rice was in stock before the shipping route to Batavia opened, as the regents had promised. The opposite would not please their High Honors, especially since there was no precedent for Soerabaja delivering less rice than during this period, particularly in 1772. As a result, counting the quota for 1773, Soerabaja was now behind by approximately 2,500 kojangs of rice.

According to separate letters dated 20 February and 22 February and their attachments, Van der Burgh approved the measures planned and implemented in Balemboangang to track down and capture the still-wandering main rebels Bappa Larat, Bappa Endo, Pa Simpring, and Wilondo. He very much wanted to hear about the desired outcome. After resident Schophoff had informed about the general opinion regarding Maas Alit as a candidate for regent instead of Japanagara, who was currently in Soerabaja

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3389 / 0488  


On April 5, 1773, a letter was written from the east coast of Java. The ratoe (a local ruler) informed a woman that he was learning to make decorative trimmings and asked if she could kindly provide him with some lace, which he needed for this work. He sent greetings to the brother, the woman, and the children. This letter was written in Surabaya on the second day of the month Bazar 1698 and was translated by C. P. Boltze, who worked as a translator. J. A. van der Burgh confirmed the translation was accurate.

In response to letters from December 27 and 30, 1772, the writer stated he was pleased to hear about the sending of more than 500 Madurese people to Valemboangang. He hoped to soon receive news that followers of Sumanappers for Adirogo and illnesses among the local people would have stopped. When this happened, people from Surabaya, Grisee, and Sidayu, especially those from the first location, should be sent home. However, ensign Tisscher would need to stay there with some Europeans until further orders, because the authorities could not yet trust the local district leaders in that area.

The writer discussed prisoner transport. The question was not whether the authorities of the ship Velsen were willing to transport prisoners, but how many war prisoners they could safely take to Banda. The ship Vlietlust would transport 42 prisoners from there, and the writer believed the Velsen would have room for at least the same number. The writer stated he was not authorized to allow certain prisoners to be executed and have their heads displayed, but prisoners who could not be transported to Banda should be sent back when shipping resumed.

Several vessels (the pantjallang, the bark, and the Bestendigheid) were sent to be used wisely where the Company's interests required it. When these vessels served Balemboangang, that location should also bear the costs of the expedition. The writer trusted this had always been observed, even regarding the pantjallangs that belonged to the recipient, when something extra was provided for service or the journey to Oeloepampang. The letter was signed by I. R. van der Burgh in Samarang on the date mentioned above.

In a separate letter from January 22, 1773, written by governor Van der Burgh to commander Luzac in Surabaya, Javanese letters were enclosed. These were letters exchanged between ensign and commander at Adirogo, Frederik Tisser, and the head of the island Noessa, Juragan Janie. The content contained little of substance. It appeared Juragan Janie had no intention of submitting to the Company but seemed to be hiding other objectives through deception. Therefore, if ensign Tisser met with Juragan Janie at the Soeger river as requested and their conversation had no effect, it would be best to cut off all correspondence with those islanders. They should prevent all travel to and from Java and especially stop the transport of provisions there. The writer expected further investigation would be done into whether this was truly necessary.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3389 / 0486  



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