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On 26 May 1679, a report from Makassar was sent regarding several political and trade matters in the region.

• A man named Boetelje was to receive money to pay off debts he claimed to have. Without this payment, the ship would have had to return empty-handed.
• The kingdom of Boelmisoro was under siege in Kalonkong by forces from Tambora, aided by warriors from Bima and Dompo. It was unlikely Boelmisoro could hold out much longer. The king of Tambora allegedly sought help from the Dutch, but the writer advised against supporting him. The kings of Bima, Dompo, and Tambora seemed to ignore their mutual defense agreements, which could encourage rebellions from groups like the Boehis, Jenelis, and Toerelis.
• Due to this conflict, the king of Tambora failed to deliver 400 piculs (a unit of weight) of sappanwood (a type of dyewood) he owed to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) for a previous loan of 400 rijksdaalders (a currency).
• The region was otherwise stable, though envoys from small rulers like Radja Palacca Aroe and others occasionally arrived in Makassar, claiming authority over people in the area. To prevent unjust demands, the king of Bima was told not to accept such envoys unless they had official, sealed letters from the VOC proving their authority.
• Crain Jeremila, a representative sent to persuade exiled Makassares to return, had grown wealthier—possibly from marrying the old queen of Sambauwa or from misusing his position. He promised to return soon with the next full moon but was likely waiting for an official letter (like the one given to Dain Tololo the previous year) to confirm his mission. His departure would not be missed by the people of Bima, as the king compared him to a leech.

On 26 May 1679, officials from Macassar (now Makassar) responded to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) about unpaid debts. They admitted that delaying payments was unfair and harmful to the VOC, especially since valuable resources were being wasted. The officials claimed they had been busy with farming and rice cultivation, which was unusually successful that year. They promised to gather the overdue sappanwood (a type of dyewood) within three months after the harvest and notify either the VOC’s fortress or the resident in Bima so the company could arrange transport.

For now, the VOC had to settle for only 400 and 3 piculs (a weight measurement) of sappanwood, worth 352 and ⅛ taels (a currency unit). After deducting this from the total debt of 3,645 and ⅝ taels, the remaining debt was 3,342.25 rixdollars (another currency unit), not including accumulated interest as per an agreement from 8 August 1678.

The officials from Macassar argued they shouldn’t be held responsible for the interest because the people of Sumbawa had caused the delay in delivering the wood. The VOC representative countered that the main debt had to be paid first before discussing who owed the interest, so the argument was put on hold.

The deposed king of Sumbawa was in Salenparang (now Sape) attending the funeral of the recently deceased queen of Bima, so he couldn’t be approached about paying his debt of 800 rixdollars and 15,000 piculs of sappanwood, which he had guaranteed for the leaders of Salenparang. The VOC representative left instructions for local officials to demand payment upon the king’s return, though it was doubtful anything would be paid soon.

The VOC representative also advised the resident in Bima to urge the king to pay his debts and to send any ships arriving in Bima for sappanwood directly to Batavia (now Jakarta), as there was no surplus of the wood in Sumbawa or Bima.

After leaving Sumbawa on 27 April, the VOC representative arrived off Bima on 30 April. There, he bought 5,931 piculs of sappanwood from a Portuguese man named Pasquael Madeeren, who had recently moved to Bima. The wood cost ⅔ taels per picul, totaling 814 and ⅛ taels. The VOC paid 437.5 taels in company goods for 500 piculs and issued a debt note for the remaining 431 piculs (worth 37 and ⅛ rixdollars), to be collected in Batavia by Pasquael’s father, Giliam Doetelje.

On 26 May 1679, a report from Macassar detailed payments made by various local leaders to the Dutch. The total recorded payments amounted to 26,344 gantings (a local currency), broken down as follows:

• Boelecombers (a group of leaders) paid a total of 19,004 toabo (another currency or unit of value).
• Oedjong Lobo and his people paid 4,540 arou.
• Brouw Tourae paid 700 arou.
• Mannegan paid 1,000 arou.
• Tokana paid 700 arou.
• Galaran Salankele paid 100 arou.
• An additional 300 gantings were recorded, bringing the subtotal to 7,340 gantings.

The total sum collected was 26,344 gantings. Some boats in areas like den wangh and Welno had not yet paid, and attention was required for these outstanding amounts.

Three leaders from Kalmisse—Jomane, Tosakim, and Tosa Paloij—had already delivered 300 bundles of rice. The other two leaders were expected to provide updates. Suppliers were instructed to deliver payments in Calekonkon, where they were to be received exclusively.

A corporal named van Loenen was sent to Saleijer to fetch Radja Biera. Upon his return with the cargo, he was to join the first galarang (a type of ship) heading to the Castle (likely a Dutch fort). The writer, Paulus de Bock, emphasized the need for careful management of the company’s rice and other goods. The letter was signed in Calekonkon on 6 January 1679.

The total of 26,344 gantings from Macassar, including additional goods from various places, was expected to amount to about 40 last (a unit of weight, roughly 120,000 lb). The report noted preparations for returning and mentioned that Arouw Thioballo had traveled overland, facing difficult conditions due to strong opposition, but arrived safely.

Another report, dated 10 January 1679 and signed by Paulus de Boeg, was addressed to higher authorities in Macassar.

Additionally, Adriaen van Daelen, a merchant in the service of the Dutch company, submitted a report to Iacob Cops, the Governor of Amboina and surrounding islands, who was also the President and supreme authority in Macassar. The report concerned van Daelen's mission to Sumbawa and Bima.

On 8 April of the previous year, van Daelen received his instructions and departed early the next morning aboard the fluyt ship Janskercker. He arrived at the river of Sumbawa near Laboe Politi on 20 April. Upon arrival, he was disappointed by the poor supply of firewood on the shore, despite earlier assurances from the local ruler, Moor Codja Derwits, and the government of Sumbawa, who had promised adequate provisions the previous year.

On 26 May 1639, a report from Macassar (modern-day Makassar) was written, detailing instructions and financial records related to the Dutch East India Company (VOC).

• The writer instructed Tadja Biera and his first gallarangh (local official) to inform Oedjongh Pandongh that she should come to settle her disputes with the VOC in a fair and peaceful manner.
• An assistant named Joan Ongewa, working for the VOC in the province of Boelecomba, reported that he had set up a warehouse to store taxes paid in kind (likely spices or crops).
• Four soldiers—Carel Carre, Hemmingelant, Jan Cornelisse Verstraat, and Jan Haskamp—were assigned to guard the warehouse.

The document also lists outstanding payments owed by various local rulers and communities to the VOC as of 26 May 1679:

• Radja Tieko-Marijo and his people: 1,010
• Takko: 1,723
• Aroucajo: 2,100
• Kalekoekan: 1,680
• Topadaija and his people: 1,400 (in salenkete, a type of payment)
• Tosamalim: 580
• Toijsa: 780
• Topaliera: 1,300
• Tobielo: 694
• Marassie: 370
• Aroubansir: 590
• Carre Gappa: 250
• Dani Manassa: 218
• Poanna Radja: 100
• Radja Laijos and his people: 166
• Maroangij Tosietij: 60
• Tomarro: 1,250
• Panjallo: 1,445
• Toepa: 297
• Aroujoujola: 1,232
• Unnamed: 1,260

The total recorded debt was 19,004, with an additional 2,719 still expected from Lalonkon Toabo.

The writer noted that while collecting these debts was difficult, the local people were generally willing to pay.

On 26 May 1679, a report was sent from Macassar detailing events in the region. The writer had summoned people from Boelecomba through a messenger named Galarang Lijolo, who was sent on 20 May to collect rice taxes. When they failed to appear, the writer decided to send Corporal Jacobus van Loenen with assistants on 30 May to ensure compliance. The goal was to bring in Crainbiera, who had been repeatedly summoned.

The region of Geln produced very little rice, making tax collection difficult. The writer suggested that instead of collecting a tenth of the harvest, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) might consider stationing a small ship there. The poorest locals often worked in Boerecomba, trading cloth for food. The area of Tiko, consisting of six villages (Tiero, Lange, Bero, Kiavasse, Laijkan, and Kadjangh), was located northwest of the Bay of Bone and was known for its high-quality timber, often transported to Bieka.

The local rulers, or bugis, caused problems similar to those in Biera, where the king had already submitted to the VOC. The writer believed a small permanent post in Boelecomba could help manage these issues, as it was centrally located between Biera and Tiko.

The writer’s mission to collect the VOC’s share of the harvest had failed by 6 January because of bad weather. Unable to wait indefinitely, they returned to the castle, leaving Adjutant Johannes Ongena with 4 soldiers to guard the collected goods and continue demanding payment. A written order was left detailing the amount of rice owed to the VOC and the remaining unpaid taxes.

• On 26 May 1639, a report from Macassar described events in Boerecomba (now part of Sulawesi, Indonesia). The Dutch were collecting harvests and taxes on rice fields, known as thulide.
• A market stall, called a bancksael, was set up in Kalekonkon on 20 October of the same year. The writer then traveled to Denewangh, the main river area of Boerecomba, leaving assistant S:t Ioannes Onglia with 6 men to continue collecting taxes in Kalekonkon.
• Sergeant Elias Vreedenhof and Corporal Van Loen, along with the remaining soldiers, were sent along the coast to guard the rivers of Boerecomba and prevent rice from being smuggled out by boat.
• By 3 January 1640, the local farmers had brought their rice taxes to Kalekonkon, as requested. The Dutch found that a significant amount of rice, owed as tax to the Dutch East India Company (VOC), had already been taken away, likely to places like Bone.
• The report described the conditions in several villages:
  • Gantaran: Many farmers had fields here, and the area was in decent shape. The Bugis people (from Sulawesi) caused little trouble because the village was still well-populated. Only the main village, where the king lived, was excused from paying the full rice tax.
  • Boelecomba: Dutch farmers dominated the area, outnumbering locals by about 30 to 1. The locals also had to pay extra taxes in rice, pepper, and stamps to the palace of Palacca. Many farmers from other old villages planted crops here, but about a third of the fields were still unused. Much of the harvest had already been taken to Bone and elsewhere, costing the VOC a significant portion of its taxes. The report suggested that tax collection should start earlier in the future.
  • Biera: The local king was not in his kingdom but had fled to his father-in-law, Radja Boukijt, in Salehijes. This was because a nobleman named Towasingh, supported by some of his followers, had taken over a fort called Towasingh. This fort had originally been seized by a Bonese warrior named Tokabingh, who was sent by Arouw Tanete. Though Towasingh was partly of local descent (through his mother), he had rebelled. Despite serious summons, Towasingh and other rebels from Biera did not appear before the Dutch until 10 December.

On 26 May 1679, a report from Macassar was written about a meeting with local leaders and farmers in the Raedja Palaccas area.
The Dutch official met with several leaders, including:
• Gantaran, a king’s representative
• Arou Maroi, Arou Boeloe Topa Daja Mian, Arou Balick, Aroumarouangij, Aroukajo, Arou Teko, Toijsa, Arou Caliebon Dain Manassa, Arouw Toulougan, Arouw Mariou, and Lakoukiou
The official announced that the Dutch East India Company (VOC) had sent him to collect a 10% tax on their harvests, which the farmers legally owed. He asked them to pay in rice or another crop immediately.
The leaders:
• Requested time to discuss and postponed their answer until evening.
• Later claimed they could not pay because most of their people had already returned to Bone.
• Gave excuses and refused firmly, even when offered a 20% discount on the tax.
• Threatened to abandon their lands and leave for Bone if the VOC took their crops.
The official warned them that their refusal would be reported to Macassar for further action.
On 7 December 1679:
• A reply arrived via Arou Thoballo at Khalekonkon.
• The same leaders finally agreed to pay the tax in rice (instead of their harvested crops) but still refused the 20% discount.

On 26 May 1679, a report was sent from Macassar by Claes Bollaert, a merchant, detailing his journey and activities in the region. The report was originally delivered on 16 December 1678 at Castle Rotterdam in Macassar to Jacob Cops, the governor of Amboina and the highest authority in Macassar, by Paulus de Boeg, another merchant and second-in-command.

• Bollaert left Castle Rotterdam in Macassar on the evening of 16 November 1678 and arrived in Bontheijn on 18 November.
• On 20 November, Bollaert and Claes Bollaert (likely a subordinate) continued to Saleijer, then traveled to Boelecomba the next day, arriving at the Kalekonkon River, the main harbor of the province, where most plantations and planters were located.
• They found 33 local ships near the village, some fully loaded with rice, while others were still being loaded. Several small ships (prauws) had already left for Bone and other places with rice for the Dutch East India Company (VOC).
• Bollaert warned the local leaders not to send any more ships until the VOC confirmed its rights to the rice, as it was needed but not yet officially permitted.
• That night, a fully loaded prauw ran aground near Tanebero and was captured by the Spanish. Upon hearing this, the Dutch confiscated the rudders and sails of the remaining ships for safekeeping.
• Despite earlier notices sent from Bontheijn asking local leaders from Boelecomba, Gantaran, Biera, and Tiero to meet in Kalekonkon, only one representative, Elliek (Toabo), also known as Dainkaloela (Bawang), the uncle of the king’s mother, appeared on 28 November.

On 26 May 1679, a meeting was held in Macassar with several local rulers. The kings of the following regions were present:

• Bontebange
• Tehnette
• Gantarangh
• Kadja Bockit
• Battenatte
• Belleboele
• Ontongh
• Poetebange

The kings of Lijole, Bonteboris, and Barrin Barringh were absent because their kingdoms were too far away. The meeting discussed a trade agreement involving fabrics sent by the Dutch. These fabrics were to be exchanged for local cloth, as had been done before by the junior merchant François Prins. The rulers requested that the fabrics be divided among them, with a portion set aside for the three absent kings until they could attend.

The following items were traded at these prices (in guilders):

• 40 pieces of blue guinees cloth at 5.5 guilders each: 220 guilders
• 600 pieces of plain moerisseh cloth at 1 guilder each: 600 guilders
• 400 pieces of mixed guinees cloth at 2.5 guilders each: 160 guilders
• 240 pieces of bethilles cloth at 4 guilders each: 33 guilders
• 198 pieces of fine moerissen cloth at 6 guilders each: 10 guilders
• 120 pieces of Zarassa ciauw cloth at 6 guilders each: 60 guilders
• 2 rolls of Persian silk at 17 guilders each: 34 guilders
• 125 pounds of red scarlet cloth at 1 guilder per pound: 125 guilders

The total value of the trade was 1997 guilders.

The rulers agreed to pay their outstanding debts by March or at the latest early April of the following year. They also agreed that the cloth they provided in return would meet the previously agreed-upon quality, length, and width. Some of the cloth could be women's clothing.

The three absent kings arrived on 27 May and apologized for their late arrival, explaining that the long and difficult journey had delayed them. They were satisfied with the division of goods and the conditions of the agreement.

After the meeting, preparations were made for a journey to the castle. The trip was delayed due to bad weather, and the ship had to anchor near the island of Drie Gebroeders on 2 May. The journey continued, and by 3 May, they reached the village of Halekonkong.

• On 26 May 1679, a ship called a chialoup from Macassar had to leave behind some of its cargo—wax and kottangh (a type of wood)—because there wasn’t enough space. Each crew member was given 10 vaders (a unit of measurement) of these goods as a sample.
• Bintrottangh (a type of wood) was very rare and expensive, costing 12.5 rijksdaalders (Rx) per 1,000 pieces, compared to the previous price of 7 tales (tx) per 1,000 paid by the Dutch East India Company (VOC). The wood was now cut longer (3 vaders instead of 2), making it more valuable. If large amounts of this wood or tin were needed, orders would have to be placed with the prince of Saleyer half a year in advance.
• The prince of Saleyer was present with his envoy, Petrowangsa, who was sent to Batavia and Balenpapan. They brought a letter for the Honorable Governor General Gillot, explaining why the prince couldn’t help place Sulawesi (Soelon) under Dutch control at that time—it was too late in the year to gain the emperor’s support.
• At the request of the chialoup crew, who had gone without pay since July, the prince gave each crew member two months’ worth of wages in cloth from the ship’s cargo, totaling 152.8 tales. The writer asks for this amount to be reimbursed in rijksdaalders.
• With little business left, the writer, Francoijs Prins, requested and received permission to leave Macassar on 26 May 1679. He departed on 25 October and arrived safely at Fort Rotterdam in Macassar on 5 November 1678, where he submitted this report.
• A separate report by Claes Bollaert, an under-merchant, was given to Jacob Cops, the Dutch president and commander in Macassar, about his mission to the island of Saleyer.
• After receiving orders on 16 November, Bollaert sailed from Fort Rotterdam to Bantheijn on the same day, arriving on 18 November. On 21 November, he received documents from Monsieur de Bocq and sailed to Saleyer on the chialoup Nagelboom, anchoring near the VOC fort on 23 November.
• On the same day, Bollaert ordered all local kings to gather at the VOC fort by 26 November.

In a letter from Macassar dated 26 May 1673, the writer discusses interactions with pirates and local leaders, including a figure called the Pangchan (local ruler). The writer chose not to express distrust toward the Pangchan to avoid conflict, especially since the pirates had recently arrived with stolen goods—specifically, wax and enslaved people taken from a nearby area.

• The pirates, led by Dain Lobocq and Dain Rijole, were denied access to the harbor and river by the Pangchan due to their crimes. Without trade opportunities, they were forced to wait.
• The Pangchan mentioned that these pirates were staying on Coetij (likely a nearby island or region).
• Trade in Passir (a nearby trading location) involved wax, gold, and some textiles, with annual sales reaching around 10,000 to 12,000 rixdollars (a type of currency). However, competition from free traders from Batavia and Malacca made it difficult for the Dutch East India Company (VOC) to sell textiles at good prices.
• The writer suggested establishing a permanent VOC trading post in Passir to take advantage of peak trading seasons (March and April), when merchants from Polot Mindanauw and other places arrived. However, the Pangchan and his advisors resisted this idea, fearing they would be held responsible for any debts or issues caused by VOC representatives.
• Instead, the Pangchan proposed that the VOC trade directly with him and his officials, ensuring better prices and avoiding risks. He suggested the VOC send two ships annually—one to collect returns from the previous year and another to bring new goods—so that traders would not have to wait long for their cargo.
• The letter also notes that around 100 units of Zaleijerse (a type of cloth) could be sold yearly in the region, likely at higher prices if timed well. Other goods, like red women’s cloth, could also sell if marketed properly to local leaders.
• There was enough harpuijs (a type of resin or gum) available to fill an entire ship’s cargo, purchasable for less than half a guilder per unit, though the writer notes some had already been bought at slightly higher prices.

• On 26 May 1679, a trading record from Macassar listed sales and returns of various goods, totaling Rx 4967 (likely rijksdaalders, a currency). Key items included:
  • Textiles: 359 pieces of staffachelas (fabric), 96 pieces of niquanias, 1 piece of Rouwe bethilles, and others like cambaarseh, Roode moeris, and perpetuaan.
  • Sold to Pangeran (a local ruler or noble) at fixed rates, e.g., 100 pieces of tapesarassa at 17 corgie (another term for currency or weight).
  • Other goods: 3032 pieces of Saleijerse cleeden (clothing), 97 pieces of dragam maleije (likely a type of fabric or garment), and 20 pieces of cusi taffachelas.
• The return goods (to offset the total) included:
  • 224 pieces and 483 cattij (a weight unit) of wax at 15 rijksdaalders per piece.
  • 250 bundles of passirse bintrottangh (likely a type of rope or fiber) at 12½ per hundredweight.
  • 10 picols (a weight unit) of harpuijs (likely a type of resin or gum).
  • An outstanding debt owed by Pangeran, valued at Rx 1564.
• Additional goods listed separately included:
  • 78 pieces of Guinees lijnwaat (linen) at 5½ stivers (a small currency unit) per piece.
  • 293 pieces of kannekijns (likely a type of cloth) at 11 rijksdaalders per corgie.
  • Smaller quantities of other fabrics like Sarassa chiauw, blauw bethilles, and grauw laeken (gray cloth).
• A note from 26 May 1639 (likely a scribal error for 1679) mentioned an outstanding debt tied to unsold goods in Macassar, including:
  • 36 corgie of Saleijerse cleeden (clothing), 100 pieces of tapesarasses, and 173 pieces of dragam maleije.
  • The local king (Conincq) promised to repay half in gold and half in wax by April at standard market prices, as confirmed in his letter.
• Regarding Hoover Soelon (likely a person or group) and his followers:
  • Pangeran claimed no control over Poeloehout (an island or region), as it fell under Banjermassingh's jurisdiction.
  • Pedro Wangsa, Pangeran's envoy, suggested Soelon was under Pangeran's influence, supported by the fact that Soelon had never attacked ships under passir (likely Pasisir, a coastal region) authority.
  • A ship from Macassar heading to Batavia had hired a passir steersman (navigator), indicating ongoing trade connections.

On 26 May 1639, a report from Macassar described a meeting between a Dutch representative and Pangeran Maes, a local ruler acting on behalf of the king.

• Pangeran Maes received a letter from the Dutch and had it read aloud to a crowd of hundreds. He acknowledged the Dutch request to trade but warned that:
• The amount of goods brought was too large to sell entirely in Macassar.
• He could provide a pilot for traveling north, as requested, but advised against it due to unrest in the northern regions.
• Rebellions near Coetij had disrupted trade, ruined villages, and made travel dangerous.
• Despite the risks, Pangeran Maes left the decision to the Dutch, offering:
• A pilot if they still wished to go north.
• Permission to trade locally in the meantime.
• A temporary house for the Dutch merchants to stay and store goods.

The Dutch representative then gathered information from locals and other traders about:

• Prices of goods in the market.
• Potential for better trade opportunities further north.

However, the reports confirmed Pangeran Maes's warnings:

• Little hope for profitable trade in the north due to ongoing conflicts.
• Travel risks, especially around December and January, when heavy rains made rivers impassable for large vessels.

Because of these challenges, the Dutch decided to:

• Stay in Macassar and sell as many goods as possible locally.
• Inform the king, who approved of the plan.
• Begin trading immediately, exchanging cloth for wax, gold, or cowrie shells (Schiepatshoorn).
• The wax was priced at 15 sx (a weight unit) and 8 picols (a smaller weight unit) per unit.

On 26 May 1679, a report from Macassar described rising tensions between Dutch officials and local leaders. The Dutch suspected that the locals were preparing to flee, likely due to unrest. To prevent conflict, the Dutch asked Raja (the local ruler) to meet at the castle to peacefully resolve misunderstandings. The Raja delayed his response, requesting patience and postponing the meeting until the following Friday (which had already passed by the time of the report). The Dutch agreed but noted that around 40 armed men—some with painted socks, others with firearms—were seen at the Raja’s residence, along with a known sorcerer named Jaga. The Raja’s forces, including about 300 armed men from a nearby mountainous region beyond Goa, appeared ready for confrontation. The Dutch also observed that the Raja and his men were armed, raising further concerns.

The Dutch commissioners, having completed their task, left by boat in the evening and returned to their ship near Sadrebonij (likely a misspelling of Banten or another location) around midnight. The report was formally submitted at Castle Rotterdam in Macassar on 3 November 1678 by Paulus de Docq and Nicolaes Pleun.

A separate report by Francoijs Prins, a junior merchant, detailed his mission to Passir (on the east coast of Borneo). He departed on 25 August (year not specified but likely 1678 or 1679) and, after some delays, reached the Passir River on 6 September. The next day, 7 September, he formally announced his arrival to the local king or leader, referred to as the Panghan.

On 26 May 1639, a ship left Macassar (modern Makassar) after saying goodbye to the king of Bima. The journey continued overnight with land winds, and the next morning, they met the small ship De Spieringh, which had come from Banda to get rice and horses in Bima. Nothing else notable happened until they arrived at Macassar on 13 October 1678 near Castle Rotterdam. The report was signed by Adriaen van Daelen and handed over by merchant Paulus d’ Bock and Captain Jacob Nicolaes Pleun to the governor of Amboina (modern Ambon).

Following orders, d’ Bock and Pleun traveled to Sadrebonij (modern Sulawesi) on 1 November (year not specified but likely 1678 or 1679). They arrived around midnight and found Crain Mandelique and Crain Mangallie with their followers, who had come to demand the crown and royal ornaments of Radja Goa (a local ruler). These two had imprisoned two local leaders (paggers) in the village. The next day, they sent an interpreter, Jan Japon, to announce their arrival to Radja of Macassar.

Radja replied that they could come ashore whenever they wished. When they arrived, they were greeted by Crain Mangallij, Mandelique, and the royal children, who were waiting in a house outside the fortress. After exchanging polite greetings, they explained they were sent by authorities from Oudjongh Pandang (modern Ujung Pandang) to discuss important matters with Radja.

Radja agreed to listen and called his advisors, including Radja Tello, Crain Bontesongo, and others like Crain Popo and Crain Bontetengo (the current ruler of Sadrebonij). Once everyone was gathered, the envoys delivered their message: they had noticed and seen the growing distance between Radja and the royal family because he had taken the crown and royal ornaments of Macassar—which were entrusted to him—and gone to Sadrebonij. Rumors about this had been spreading.

In a letter from Macassar dated 26 May 1679, concerns were raised about the ruler of Bima and his ability to control the island of Sumbawa. The writer believed that the ruler’s limited forces would struggle to fully subdue the region, especially after recent conflicts that had likely emboldened the Sumbanese people and weakened his own followers. Without assistance from the Dutch East India Company (VOC), the writer doubted that trade goals would be achieved in Bima. The ruler of Bima was focused on building a fortress and had requested help from the VOC for materials, which was partially granted by replacing the resident Eijckmans with Johannis Steur, who received goods worth 844.5 rixdollars for trade.

A troublemaker named Balnisoro (formerly in charge of Calonkon) was causing unrest in the kingdoms of Dompo and Tambora. Despite repeated warnings to leave and settle in Bima, he refused, even when offered a chance to defend himself in Batavia or Macassar. The VOC then banned him from Tambora and authorized the local rulers to remove him by force if necessary. Balnisoro sought protection from a subordinate leader in Sangar (under Dompo) by marrying his daughter there. The VOC urged the rulers of Bima and Dompo to act against Balnisoro if he caused further trouble, as he was considered deceitful. Any harm he suffered would be seen as self-inflicted, and his remaining goods in Calonkon could be confiscated with the approval of Tambora’s ruler.

In a letter from Macassar dated 20 May 1679, a debt of 3,194 1/8 tx (a currency unit) was still owed, plus an additional 500 sx (another currency unit) from Singerswarongh, as noted in an agreement from 8 August 1658. The writer had previously reported how the king of Sumbawa had acted dishonestly, as detailed in letters sent on 22 July and 19 August.

• The king of Sumbawa promised to pay 800 sx but had not yet done so.
• He also avoided paying for 15,000 pieces of sappanwood (a type of dyewood), claiming the debt was conditional on Captain Jan Franck controlling Salamparangh (now ruled by the Baliers).
• The writer bought 142 coyangs (a unit of measure) of rice from the kings of Binia, Dompo, and Tambora at 24 sx each, bringing 77 coyangs back but leaving 61 with the king of Binia, who delayed delivery, claiming the rice would spoil.
• Payments were made in goods and 800 Spanish reales (coins), except for 300 rx (another currency) owed to the king of Dompo at his request, to be collected in Macassar or Batavia.
• An extra 225½ tx was paid for a debt from the previous year, linked to envoys (Lebe Adoe and Lebe Camboe) who were killed by inhabitants of Madura after their ships wrecked.
• Dain Tololo (a local leader) had left Sumbawa secretly, possibly heading to Crai or Jerenka, and was expected to return soon. He had married the mother of the king of Sumbawa.
• 300 pounds of gunpowder, a gift from Batavia to the king of Tambora, were delivered and well-received.
• The situation in Snuba remained unresolved, with envoys from Bima leaving empty-handed last year. The king of Bima planned to try again with force next year.

In a letter dated 26 May 1679, officials in Macassar reported to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) that their people had been brutally murdered. The local king promised to capture the killers and hand them over to the VOC once they were caught. If the VOC wanted to transport the prisoners, they should be secured in irons and brought to the sender’s location. The king’s envoys had earlier requested help in the form of firearms and gunpowder to forcibly arrest the murderers, but the VOC was advised not to get involved unless absolutely necessary.

The letter, signed by Paulus de Boeq at Fort Rotterdam in Macassar on 9 October 1688, also included a report by merchant Adriaen van Daalen to Jacob Cops, the acting governor of Amboina and surrounding islands, currently stationed in Macassar. The report summarized events during his mission to Bima, Dompo, and Sumbawa.

• The ruler of Codja Toeboe paid a debt of 2,400 pieces of sapanwood (a valuable timber) in July 1679, loaded onto the ship Buuren bound for Batavia.
• The king of Bima also paid part of his debt—only 860 pieces of sapanwood—on the ship Gooijlant. He had earlier promised to pay 5,000 rixdollars (a currency) but refused to honor the full agreement, claiming his envoys lacked authority. His debt stemmed from an old contract requiring 1 rixdollar per picol (a unit of measure).
• A debt of 500 taels (another currency) owed by a deceased ruler named Singerewarongh remained unpaid. Codja Derwits took responsibility for this debt, but the VOC was still shortchanged.
• The VOC had been misled into believing large quantities of sapanwood were available, but the ships Hasenbergh and Gooijlant could only load a total of 2,063 pieces, worth 18,058 taels at the rate of 1/8 rixdollar per piece.
• Despite payments, the VOC was still owed 5,000 rixdollars from debts in Batavia and Japara.

The letter ended with general advice to stay alert, maintain discipline among crews, and lead by example, as the VOC’s reputation across India depended on it.

On 26 May 1679, a letter from Macassar was sent regarding a trade agreement. The key points were:

• Toeriliagampo had borrowed 4 small boats (scomp) from Captain Jan Francen years ago, which now needed to be returned.
• The letter included Assistant Philip Castel, who could be employed as needed, along with a small cargo of fabrics valued at 800 Dutch guilders (RD), including:
  • 100 red moeris (fabrics) at 2.5 stivers each
  • 80 red salempoeris at 3 rijksdaalders each
  • 40 decorated blankets at 3 stivers each
  • 200 suratse chiauw (fabrics) at 5 rijksdaalders each
  • 20 gingans salpicados (fabrics) at 4.5 rijksdaalders each
• If the goods couldn’t be sold, they were to be left with a trusted person under a receipt, and the sender expected a quick return.

A separate note instructed Cornelis Múts, captain of the ship ’t Casteel Rotterdam, to sail to Caijelij (likely Kaili, near Macassar) to collect 4,500 jars of coconut oil. Key details included:

• The king of Palo had already agreed to the deal, and a partial payment of 45 stivers per jar (totaling 100 rijksdaalders) had been received.
• Pieter Tomeij, a helmsman familiar with the route, was sent to assist.
• The ship carried empty containers: 20 large jars, 1 small half-barrel, and 12 small barrels.
• Additional goods were provided for trade:
  • 150 small black jugs (exchange rate: 25 jars of oil per jug)
  • 10 red moekis (fabrics, exchange rate: 125 jars of oil per piece)
• Claas Hansz van Slooten, a Macassar resident traveling with the ship, was to help negotiate, as he had prior experience in Caijelij.

The following is a summary of a 26 May 1679 letter from Macassar regarding trade and political issues in the region:

• The rulers of Salemparang were fined but refused to pay, claiming their agreement was conditional. They argued that their promise depended on Captain Cain Tololo staying away from Salemparang, which he did not. However, officials believed this excuse was made up to avoid payment, as earlier records showed no such condition. The rulers had even admitted their debt in past discussions.
• Crain Jerchnika was expected to be found on Sumbawa and could provide more details about the situation. His failure to return to Macassar as promised was surprising and disappointing, as he had given his word. Officials hoped he had not been forced to stay away and urged him to keep his promises to maintain trust.
• While on Sumbawa, efforts were to be made to gather enough sappanwood (a valuable dyewood) to fully load the ships waiting in Codja. These ships, coming from Banda and Timor, should not leave empty, as this would harm both the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and the reputation of local traders.
• A specific order was given to collect 400 piculs (61,440 kg) of sappanwood owed by the King of Tambora. This debt was for goods received in November 1678, including:
  • 40 pieces of fine Dutch linen, valued at 220 real (a currency unit).
  • 27 pieces of white salempouri cloth, valued at 81 real.
  • 99 real in cash.
  The total debt amounted to 400 real.
• On the return journey, the writer was instructed to stop at Dompo to pick up kamboe (likely a type of resin or trade good) if time allowed. They were also to sail near Bima or Gunung Api to safely navigate the Postiljon Islands.
• In Bima, the writer was to report their findings to the local Resident (a VOC official) so that he could assist the arriving ships with fishing supplies if needed.
• The conflict between the King of Tambora and Boeni Soro was also a concern. If Boeni Soro had not yet been defeated, the kings of Bima and Dompo were to be urged to take stronger action against him. Boeni Soro was seen as a troublemaker who could destabilize the region, including Kalou Kong and Tambora.
• If Boeni Soro was found in Bima, the writer was advised to bring him to Macassar to answer for his actions.

On 20 May 1679, officials in Macassar sent a report about two letters they had received on 31 October of the previous year via a Dutch ship called the Annagloda (nicknamed Jintje Solongh). These letters were addressed to the Governor-General and the Director-General of the Dutch East India Company (VOC). Along with the letters, the ship carried a gift of four horses: two chestnut and two brown. The ship had originally intended to sail to Batavia but was delayed by the monsoon winds and instead arrived in Macassar.

The ship also transported several passengers at the request of local leaders:

• Three nobles from Crain Bonij's people (sent at his request to Crain Bissij).
• Four subjects of Dani Malewva (also called Crain Geissons' wife).
• Eight prisoners with their chains.

The report was signed by Jacob Cops, Paulus de Boeg, Claes Dloen, Adriaen van Daelen, Frans Prins, Adriaen van Haeren, and Herman Hansen, with C. F. Cox present as a witness in Fort Rotterdam, Macassar, on 28 May 1679.

A separate memo instructed Adriaen van Daelen, a VOC employee, on his tasks in Bima and Sumbawa. On 26 March, the ship Janskercken had arrived in Macassar with orders to unload quickly and then sail to Sumbawa to load sappanwood (a type of dyewood) before heading to Batavia. The officials decided to send Van Daelen to Sumbawa to:

• Oversee the loading of 3,694.75 pikuls (a weight unit) of sappanwood onto the ship, priced at 8 reals per picul, as agreed in a contract from 8 August 1678. This was to repay a debt, including interest, owed to the VOC.
• Ensure an additional 500 taels (a currency unit) worth of sappanwood was provided for Singerawarongh, as previously promised to Salr Hartouwer.
• Demand 800 pikuls of sappanwood from the deposed king of Sumbawa to cover a debt of 800 reals borrowed from Captain Jan Francen.
• Collect another 15,000 pikuls of sappanwood, for which the same king had acted as guarantor.

The officials urged Van Daelen to push the locals to fulfill these obligations quickly, as they had been slow in the past.

On 26 May 1679, officials in Macassar (modern Makassar) reported several matters to the Dutch East India Company (VOC):

• A man had publicly mourned the death of his still-living wife, which was widely known in Macassar. The officials assured the VOC they would address the issue with local leaders, including Arouw Tjeballe and Elik Topan, who would provide further details.
• The VOC had requested clarity on financial records related to the Macassar trade. The merchant and assistant Paulus de Bocq was tasked with responding about a Malay letter and its translation concerning Sara, the daughter of Crain Bontesonge. Local leaders (the Marosse chiefs) were consulted but provided disappointing information.
• A reimbursement of 74 tahils (currency) was made to ship captain Jan van der Wal. This sum had been paid in April 1670 by the free burgher Pieter Jansz van der Burgh for a sugar shipment. The cargo included:
  • 100 baskets of black sugar,
  • 200 baskets of white sugar, and
  • 80 baskets of rock sugar.
  The total cost was 348 stivers (another currency). The sugar and jatij wood were sold to the VOC, but 173 baskets of white sugar and 80 baskets of rock sugar remained unsold. The 74 tahils would be deducted from local accounts.
• The officials mentioned a large quantity of lead buried near Goa, discovered with the help of Radjabonij. They excavated 262 pieces weighing 11,739 pounds in total. They awaited the VOC’s instructions on how much credit the Goa government should receive for it.
• Additional metal items were found, including:
  • A 6-pound brass basin, and
  • Three other metal basins weighing 2,263 pounds total.
  These had been transferred to the VOC during the last war but were not yet credited. The 6-pound basin was kept in Macassar, while the rest were sent on the ship Sint Janskercke for better use elsewhere, including:
  • 468 pounds of metal shot, and
  • 1,317 pounds of other metal items.

In a letter dated 26 May 1679 from Macassar, officials reported several key events:

• A local leader called the galarang had earlier taken hostages from Biera due to a conflict. After the King of Biera returned and resolved the issue, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) removed the galarang from his position. He was banned from Biera under threat of death and forced to live near the VOC castle in Ternate. He claimed he didn’t know Biera was fully under VOC control.
• Due to a weak garrison and peace in Saleijer, VOC troops were moved to Boelecomba. Only a small force remained in Saleijer: 1 sergeant, 1 corporal, 1 junior surgeon, 1 marksman, and 6 soldiers. This was considered enough for peacetime.
• The regions of Maros, Siang, Segeri, and Labaccan had delivered 461,806 bundles of rice the previous year, worth about 210 last (a unit of weight). Including rice from Boelecomba, the VOC’s total rice tithe (tax) for the year was nearly 255 last, mostly stored in VOC warehouses.
• The current year’s rice harvest looked promising, though rats were a threat. To reduce VOC labor, the people of Maros were ordered to pay their tithe in processed rice (not raw rice), as they had previously done for the King of Macassar.
• A letter addressed to the VOC president was opened, revealing a personal letter from the wife of Claes Bollaert (a junior merchant) to Raphel Speckman, who had arrived in November 1678. The letter was confiscated until Bollaert (stationed in Saleijer) could confirm its authenticity. Speckman questioned whether Bollaert’s wife was still alive, but the president believed she was.
• Bollaert had married the daughter of Abraham Pittavin about 3 years earlier. His wife had a 5-year-old daughter from a previous marriage to a deceased bookkeeper, Livinus van Harpen. Bollaert had behaved respectably during his time in the region.

On 26 May 1679, a report from Macassar described ongoing tensions involving the Dutch East India Company (VOC), local rulers, and the Bugis people. The report highlighted several key issues:

• The Bugis were frequently involved in theft, selling stolen goods to traders in Malay and other regions. This was so common that it was barely noticed or reported.
• A letter from the ruler of Boni and another from Tadja Boni to Tadja Loubou were intercepted. This led to Radja Loubou and his wife arriving at the VOC fort in Macassar with a slave and goods as a fine.
• The VOC assured Radja Loubou of their goodwill, noting he was highly regarded by Radja Boni.
• Rumors suggested Boni was preparing 30 ships with around 1,500–1,600 people, possibly planning to bypass the VOC fort rather than confront it directly.
• A sergeant in Boelecomba reported that a messenger from Arou Sawalaba (the current ruler of Boni) ordered local leaders—including Toabo, Crain Cantarangh, Crain Palioij, and Crain Talla—to prepare their people to sail to Java with the Bugis that month.
• The VOC ordered the sergeant to prevent any departures without their permission, reminding the locals they were subjects of the Company, not allies of the Bugis.
• The VOC also planned to station a sergeant, a corporal, and 6 soldiers in a Macassar house to monitor activities and protect nearby regions like Biera and Tiera.
• The influence of Boni had grown so strong that they intended to declare Galarangh as king, forcing the king of Biera to flee to Salehjer.

• On 26 May 1639, a group of pirates from Macassar, led by Corabbi and Touira, raided the village of Malawa. They kidnapped 9 people (4 men, 5 women) and 5 buffaloes after burning down a church and 4 houses.
• The pirates claimed they were ordered by Arouw Sawalaba, a ruler under the Dutch authority in Chindrana. The people of Malawa took the pirates to Arouw Sawalaba, who denied giving such orders.
• The pirates were then taken to Chindrana, where they confessed to Topali (a high official) and Radja Bonij. They returned 7 people and all the buffaloes, but 2 people remained missing. One was reportedly sold in Chindrana, but their whereabouts were unknown.
• Radja Bonij negotiated and sent 2 girls and a letter from Arouw Sawalaba as compensation, along with a fine of 56 pieces of gold. The Dutch kept the girls and the messenger until Arouw Malawa could receive them.
• On 26 May 1679, Crain Tallas and three envoys from Labouaija complained that a pirate named Touassingh and others under Arouw Tanetiliga had stolen a slave named Balibi.
• The slave was taken to Chieluba, where Radja Labouaija and 40 of his people tried to recover him. The people of Chieluba refused, saying they feared Radja Bonij more than Radja Labouaija.
• The Dutch summoned the people of Chieluba (under Dutch East India Company rule) and ordered them to return the slave or pay compensation.
• On 19 May (same year), Boutonsh Orangkaija Panglima Besie, an envoy from the King of Bouton, reported that he was sent to Sulidrana in Bonij to find 6 escaped slaves.
• He recovered 6 men in Chindrana, but they escaped again. When he asked Arouw Sawalaba for help, he was refused.