Under
9 August (date mentioned as "passato"), the ship de Trouwe arrived from
Banda carrying 94 bags of mace. The ship brought news that no expedition to
Tiloron could be made due to bad weather and that all ships from
Banda had departed except the ship Oudt Hoorn, which was ordered to remain until
15 August to collect the remaining mace and nutmeg.
On
21 August, a small junk arrived at
Bantam with some English people and people from
Banda coming from
Auloron to seek new help.
On
26 August, the yacht Nassau arrived with 6 bags of cloves, which was the rest of what was expected from there. About 50 to 60 bags of cloves were left behind due to lack of yachts or sloops.
In
Burro, 2 junks had been present:
- One from Jortan
- One from Macassar
These junks bought cloves at 80 per bag. Lieutenant Commander
Speul sent a boat and corre corre there, but they could not accomplish their mission due to bad weather and high water.
Quimella Daija, in the name of the King of
Ternate, had ordered the people of
Burro to protect foreigners against the Dutch.
Later,
Speul sent a junk with soldiers to the islands to intercept the 2 junks and seize illegal goods. While they were there, they chased a
Macassar junk coming from
Puloron. The junk ran aground and sank, full of mace and nutmeg. The Dutch only recovered 2 to 13 wet bags of mace. They saw some bags of mace marked with English marks and letters.
The people of
Hottomour had rebelled against the castle of
Amboijna. After they had taken a head from their own people, they took a head from a subject of the castle. Lieutenant Commander
Spepeuer called together all the heads of the subjects and explained how necessary it was to punish such rebels. They agreed to carry out the punishment. Three groups from
Soijo,
Haeloe, and
Pima, which had rebelled before, made the first expedition and brought back 9 heads with 11 prisoners. Others were wounded and drowned while fleeing. This represented about an eighth of the whole group from
Hottomouri. Other subjects of the castle, together with 400 men, also made an expedition.
Paul Reael and Admiral
Verhagen had departed from
Amboijna to the
Moluccas.
The yachts Den Arendi and Den Groenen Leeuw had previously departed from
Japara with the ambassador from
Colloresel to sail to
Bima,
Solor, and
Timor. In
Bima, they would leave some people to obtain rice for when ships might be sent there later.
Although it was necessary and profitable to send ships to
Arabia,
Suratter, and the coast of
Coromandel, they had not yet dared to send any for fear of causing too great a shortage in the
Moluccas,
Amboijna, and
Banda.
On
19 August (referenced as "deser"), the yacht Cleer Vlissingen departed from
Bantam to
Ticco,
Priaman
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1068 / 0602
The document dated
19 May 1702 from
Amboina recorded population information for 26 households, totaling 240 people including Moors and slaves.
Abloem Makatita, born in
Amboina and son of
Lipytan from
Kelang, was banished by lord
De Vlaming as a hostage. His household included:
- 1 wife
- 2 daughters
- His brother's children, including a son named Teinolen Abdul and their elderly mother
- 2 male slaves
- 2 female slaves
- 1 slave child
Alloua Nahoukoly from
Kelang came with his late father called
Alawanij Mahoe. He had a wife from under the
Guatahoedi, 2 sons, and 1 daughter.
Hitilis from
Loehoe first lived in
Hitoelamma with his late uncle
Tamaelatale. During
Hustaert's time he lived under the
Guatahoedi, and under Governor
Hurt's rule he came under
Orangcai Norletten and remained there. He married the daughter of the hostages and had 2 sons:
Honary (the eldest) and
Tatia, who married a woman from under the
Guatahoedi and had 3 children together.
Barang-haddy Talawara, born in
Amboina, was the son of
Talawaran from
Lissijdi, who first lived under the
Guatahoedi and became a messenger under
Norletto. His mother lived with him. She was a daughter from under the
Guatahoedi. He had 4 younger brothers, 1 sister, 2 male slaves, 2 female slaves, and 1 slave boy.
Nieramauw from
Banda was banished to
Batavia during Governor
Van Zeijl's time for publicly practicing the Muslim faith in
Banda. When his ship arrived in
Amboina, Commissioner
D'Hals allowed him to remain and placed him under
Norletto. He had a wife who was a daughter of
Norletto's brother, 2 male slaves, and 4 female slaves.
Latti Mauw from
Kelang was captured during the war in
De Vlaming's time and made a Company slave. Governor
Hurt freed him according to a document dated
27 September 1673 to live where assigned. He lived at
Rodenberg since then. Due to old age he was no longer capable of service and requested release from garden duty. He had fished for the Governor's table during tribute collection. His brother's son
Robo lived with him.
Soulapela, born in
Amboina, was the son of
Tamala Palis from
Henateloe who lived under the
Guatahoedi. He was raised by
Norlette, his mother's brother. He lived alone in
Norlette's camp and did no garden service.
The people under
Norlette consisted of
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1662 / 0042
On
6 February 1614, the islands of
Banda were visited by the ship
Hasewint. The castles and soldiers were found to be in good order, though the castle was missing a quarter of its lime and stone, which workers were making 2 lime ovens for.
Upon arrival, it was learned that they were at war with the Bandanese people. The commander
Steven Doensen and his council decided that the ship
Hasewint should position itself to intercept Bandanese boats. Between then and
10 March, 8 or 10 boats coming from
Macassar and
Gresik were captured. From these, about 200 loads of rice were purchased from 2 boats from
Soela, along with 90,000 sago for supplies for the
Moluccas.
On
11 March in the morning, the Bandanese attacked with 21 war boats in 3 groups positioned under
Gunung Api and
Neira. They used a large war boat disguised as a regular boat as bait. When the signal was given, the lieutenant with 25 men and a sergeant with 18 men each went out in a boat. The lieutenant
Ebert Jansen and the ship's captain decided to pursue the decoy boat, while the sergeant was ordered to sail through
Sonnegat.
However, the sergeant with his boat entered
Sonnegat first and encountered about 15 war boats. When he tried to escape, he fell into the third group of 8 war boats. In the fighting on land, 12 men including the sergeant were killed by the Bandanese, and the boat was lost. 6 men escaped with great difficulty.
Meanwhile, the lieutenant and captain pursued the decoy boat from outside
Gunung Api to
Sonnegat, where they witnessed the terrible scene. The 15 war boats and the decoy boat immediately attacked them. They could not escape because some war boats from
Lontor cut off their path. With only 4 or 5 muskets in their boat, they could not resist. The Bandanese overwhelmed the boat, killing the captain and 9 others. 2 men escaped through the forest, and the lieutenant escaped to the ship
Hasewint with his boat.
This caused great alarm in the castle. Commander
Doensen immediately departed with a company of soldiers to help the survivors and attack the enemy, but he arrived to see the enemy victoriously leaving with the heads of the Dutch dead. Only 5 or 6 men remained on the ship
Hasewint.
This incident showed how dangerous the Bandanese were and how little they respected the Dutch and their castles. Currently, no Bandanese came to the castle, and none had done so for a year.
The writer believed the war could end quickly if the island of
Pulau Ai, which was the center of resistance, were conquered with about 300 men. All boats first stopped there to learn the situation in
Banda. By capturing that island and using 2 rowing boats, they could easily block supplies. This would force the Bandanese, who could not feed their population from the island alone, to come to the Dutch for food.
The writer noted that the General and Commander
Steven Doensen, who had lived there long, could inform the authorities better about all this.
Regarding the castle and place of
Solor, the writer had hoped to find it in better condition than reported, as the Portuguese and the governor had established another place on an island about 3 miles from the castle.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1057 / 0371
25 May 1668, from
Macassar: His divine majesty blessed the efforts with a desired victory under the good leadership of Commander
Jan Albertsz Sloot. They asked for continued divine help and support in this region against unfortunate incidents, which they could not yet foresee but might still happen. These could not always be prevented through careful planning, especially since there was no shortage of holy or rebellious spirits in the area who, through their own actions or those of others, could be driven to the greatest excesses in the world. They would try to watch carefully against this. Above all, they would ensure that no cause or opportunity for such outrages would be given.
The president would particularly make sure that no displeasure among the princes would be caused by private quarrels or matters of little importance, and certainly not by personal greed, with which he claimed never to have been infected, as his wallet still bore the best memory of this. Although the authorities did not strictly require this, he considered it more honorable to continue this way rather than help the Company into work, trouble, and wars through the mentioned reasons. He understood that these matters must be burdensome to the Company, without their servants needing to provide motives for them.
They requested respectfully that the authorities remain assured that through the negligence of the commanding head and the other officers there, the soldiers of this garrison would not be permitted such a wild and dissolute life that they would commit such improprieties and behave so licentiously that the local people would develop an aversion to them, just as very serious complaints had come from
Bantam and along the entire coast of
Java.
To prove this and to show that they took to heart maintaining the Company's possessions in peace and the fruits of the treaties and alliances made with the respective kings and princes of this land, through exercising justice and righteousness, they had recently on
9 March punished two willful vagabonds as an example:
- Joseep Duwat from Brussels was executed by hanging because during the night between 5 and 6 February, while on guard duty in the ravelin outside the land gate of the castle, around midnight he had abandoned his post without his officers' knowledge, and moreover used an unauthorized passage by climbing over a certain fence that closed off the south side of the guard post. Additionally, he was a habitual thief who had already been convicted of 3 separate thefts within 3 years. During this time he had dared to steal a bundle with various goods from a small vessel belonging to poor people near the Buginese passage. He kept this property through physical resistance and violence with a certain kris, inflicting several blows on the naked skin of the owners with his side weapon, brought it inside through the unauthorized route used before, and sold it the next day, as was shown more extensively in the delinquent's own voluntary confession.
- Jan Provoo from Kortrijk had a nearly similar confession. The difference was that he could not be charged with any previous committed theft nor seemed guilty of the violent aggression that the other had used against the owner of the stolen goods. Therefore he was only punished with a severe whipping and branding under the gallows with the rope, and furthermore locked in chains for 10 years to work at the common works in the mine on the west coast without pay. He was now being sent to the authorities with the request that their judgment be enforced by the authorities' authority, so that the president and the other members of the council, to whom the authorities entrusted the Company's welfare and who were obliged to care for it with all diligence, could maintain good order among their subordinates.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 8166 / 0016
The writer reported that he had read and reread an instruction multiple times. The masters had noted in the margin that they had communicated its contents with him and that he should explain their meaning and intention more broadly. He therefore felt compelled to include his advice about the affairs of
Banda in detail, as he had written before, and sent a copy with this letter.
He urgently requested that special attention be paid to the matter of
Banda, as the masters considered it very important. Things were going very badly with
Banda, as mentioned before, and this needed to be addressed quickly or else the situation would deteriorate completely. He noted that actually being in the
Indies and dealing with matters was very different from sitting and commanding from afar, as the masters had suggested. He thanked God for the inspiration behind the appointment, saying nobody else could be found who would handle all matters with such dedication.
Since so many important and weighty matters were arising, the writer advised that the council members now with the governor should be shown the secret instruction that the masters had carefully prepared. By reading and rereading this instruction along with other orders, they could focus on the most necessary points, as this important
Indian state was in their hands. This would greatly relieve the governor, and the council members would better understand their duties and what the masters most recommended, especially since some council members were inexperienced in
Indian affairs.
He warned that otherwise much could be neglected and honor diminished.
Banda had made their affairs known to many kings and potentates of the
Indies, and the Portuguese and Spanish were using this to criticize them. Therefore, they should use the authority of the
Ternatean King, in whose protection they had placed 8 fortified castles in
Moluco through his earnest request and at great cost to their Prince. This would make matters clear.
The writer stated he would work on this to the best of his ability wherever he went, as he considered it very useful. He thought it would be advantageous to promote some authority for the
Ternatean King in
Banda, as the
Ternateans were greatly feared by the
Bandanese. If they could get a capable leader like a
kimala harij or
sebadin with 20, 30, 40, or 50 other
Ternateans and some slaves who could be recruited from
Buro,
Manipe, or other places under the king's command, he believed it would be beneficial. The masters also recommended this in their orders.
Furthermore, since Lieutenant
Christoffel Voeth had been authorized as captain in
Banda and
Adam Verhult as chief merchant, the writer suggested it would be useful to send another general commander there who would also be given command and government over
Amboina, thus binding the sovereignty together.
Amboina would then take better care of
Banda, which was also the masters' intention. Some people should go with this commander to fill positions when those currently holding offices died, because
Amboina and
Banda were too poorly provided with commanders, as could be clearly seen from who had been left there. He expected there would be enough personnel, especially merchants and commissioners.
He was very eager to learn whether the truce negotiations with the Spanish had been completed. If they were willing to be reasonable, the masters had given such complete authority that there was little to discuss. However, if an honorable agreement could be reached, it would be advisable to pursue the affairs of
Banda with all strength, as this would bring special honor and more advantage and profit for the Company than the
Manila voyage, which would consume much power and time. He offered his advice subject to better judgment, while noting the express orders of the masters.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1053 / 0426
On
16 May 1612, a letter was written from someone aboard a ship near
Banda. The writer referred to a previous letter sent with ships to
Banda and wanted to update his superior about recent events.
On
30 April, after a long period of silence, the ship Amsterdam arrived at anchor in
Banda. There they learned with great sadness about the following problems:
- Governor Nicolaes Prins had died
- Over 30 soldiers had died since the previous departure
- Many people were still sick and weak in Coeye
- The watches (guard duties) became a heavy burden on the healthy soldiers
- There were few people available to fill empty positions
- Lieutenant Christoffel Voeth had suffered from fever for a long time
This was very distressing because they had brought few or no supplies to help and strengthen the people there, who desperately needed support. The ship Amsterdam was planning to leave as quickly as possible because it needed a new main mast and other necessary repairs. This was understandable given the ship's size and cost, but it meant the fort would be without ships, yachts, and sloops for a long time.
There was concern that the people of
Banda would start a war again, because they were no longer afraid now that the late governor was gone. Several Javanese junks had arrived at
Pulowan,
Contor, and
Waijer, with some Portuguese or mestizos aboard. These would take away as much mace and nutmeg as they wanted. When people from the fort told the people of
Banda not to allow this, they answered they were free people and could let anyone come to their land who wished to do so. They were bolder because they saw that due to lack of resources, the Dutch had to tolerate this. The people of
Puloway had not come to the fort until that day and had not brought any nutmeg or mace for sale. This was not surprising since when they sailed past with the Leeuw, they had seen 8 junks pulled up on dry land in various places, which could easily carry away their goods.
The writer believed the ship Banda had made a great mistake by not stopping at the
Banda Islands, even though it had stayed in
Amboina for about 5 weeks without doing anything there. The writer could not understand the reasons for this. The ship Banda had meat, bacon, oil, vinegar, wine, cheese, barber supplies and medicines, cotton cloth, and hats on board that were meant for
Banda but were left in
Amboina to be transported later. This seemed absurd, especially because the Council member
Mr. Doensen had come from
Banda to
Amboina and had been aboard the ship Banda. He must have known about the condition of the castle and the sickness among the people, as well as the poor health of the governor and lieutenant. He should have handled the matter differently according to his duty. The writer assumed
Doensen knew how highly the masters valued
Banda, since they emphasized it strongly in all their writings, letters, and instructions. The writer did not want to complain too much about this but hoped his superior would understand he was being sincere and acting from an honest heart for the Company's greatest profit and the common welfare of the fatherland.
The writer and his crew tried their best to make up for previous mistakes. Since the recovering sick people in the fort constantly desired meat, bacon, cheese, and wine (which suited the Dutch nature and was also good medicine), and since they learned the ship Amsterdam could spare these items, they transferred supplies to the fort:
- 1 barrel of Spanish wine
- 1 barrel of oil
- 1 barrel of vinegar
- 3 barrels of meat
- 3 barrels of bacon
- 30 good Dutch cheeses
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1053 / 0423
In
October 1636, a mission was sent to bring something to
Macassar, but when they reached the village of
Rakit (where all the runaway people from
Banda had gathered and built a fortified place), the highest and most important local leader
Patij Combangh, who had been involved in this mission, died there. Because of this, the people from
Ceram were very afraid that the people of
Macassar would blame them for poisoning this leader and would cause them trouble. However, these remained just rumors among the local Muslims without consequences (which God granted), and in the meantime the Dutch forts were kept well-guarded and secure.
Not until
1 June did the boat
Banda return to
Nera after long waiting due to continuous west winds, carrying letters from preacher
Jan Jansz and junior merchant
Pieter Paulusz written from the village
Mare on
Kei on
27 May. They informed Governor
Acoleij that following orders, they had anchored near the village
Clat at the beginning of the west monsoon season, but had been in great danger of death from
Balij, who lived in the mountains and was the brother-in-law of their friend Admiral
Narra Ringi Ringi. The Dutch had caused problems by too hastily trying to obtain a stone house and showing the golden capital they had brought with them. This hasty request had offended
Balij, and when he saw the gold, he was moved to kill the Dutch. However,
Ringi and several other local leaders prevented this and advised the Dutch to move 3 miles north from
Clat to the village
Mare. They did so and found better treatment there than in
Clat.
Paulusz had successfully traded his cargo for slaves and other goods and sent a beautiful bird called a Cortorre along with the boat to
Banda. He promised to send the rest of the return cargo soon and reported that not only could costs be covered, but the company could also make profits on their cloth trade. However, preacher
Jan Jansen feared that little spiritual progress would be made in bringing Christian knowledge to these people, since he found dealing with people difficult, knew nothing about the local character, and lacked the gift of winning hearts. Moreover, he was so discouraged that he could not learn the language or make himself pleasant to the local people. He despaired and declared that even if he lived there for 30 years, he would achieve no results. Therefore, he decided to return to
Banda on the first available boat from
Kei.
As mentioned earlier in reports from
Amboina,
Jan Jansen sailed past
Banda and ended up anchored at the island
Nosselauw, where the rebellious inhabitants captured him along with 2 other Dutch soldiers and all the people from
Kei, treating them as hostages. According to Governor
Acoleij's orders, the son of Admiral
Narra Ringi Ringi and 3 other young men from
Kei had arrived in
Banda with the boat to be sent to school, even though one was already of adult age, to see what would come of it.
Besides the sad death of Commander
Gerrit Thomasz Pool at the coast of
New Guinea, the governor received news through the same boat that a certain citizen from
Banda named
Claes van Gelder had sailed to
Goram and from there to
Kei to search for some of his runaway slaves. Between the villages
Elat and
Mare, he rested for a while
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1119 / 0844
31 October 1679, a report was written in Macassar containing instructions for assistants Philippoe Fastel and Wilhelm Eijkmans about how to behave during their stay on Biema.
The instructions about unloading ships coming from Banda to get rice and food supplies had already been given in writing during a recent trip to Kalonkon, so these were not repeated.
The assistants were especially informed that the Dutch East India Company in Macassar had no salt at all. For weeks, requests had been made to the king and important people to deliver salt, and they kept promising to do so. However, because the writer could not wait any longer for their slow response (as his presence was urgently needed in Macassar to send his report to Batavia on time), the assistants had to:
- Collect and keep ready 10 kojangs (a measure of weight) of salt as quickly as possible
- Send the salt to Macassar when a Company ship appeared
- Not take any salt away from these 10 kojangs if ships from Banda arrived first, even though those ships also needed salt
The Banda ships could wait a few days because they could not return to Banda until the west monsoon passed anyway. The Macassar sailors could not wait that long because they risked being blown off course.
The writer had stopped the fighting between Boemi Soro and the king of Tambora. The decision about their disputes was placed in the hands of the kings of Biema and Dompo, to be handled in the presence of the assistants. To help them better understand the nature of these conflicts, the writer explained that when the people from Macassar ruled over these lands, they were in charge.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1347 / 1055
- Intje Noela, a Malay resident of Macassar, received permission on 12 October 1718 to sail to Batavia for trade using a boat belonging to the Bimanese prince Caraijn poeanna Raga. The boat was approximately 3 lasts in size and had a crew of 11 people. However, due to strong opposing winds and currents, he only made it as far as Madura.
- To sietie, a Buginese resident of Macassar and servant of the King of Tambora, sailed with a boat of 5 lasts and a crew of 21 people on 10 October in the same direction. On 6 January, their honors gave him permission to return.
- The document was signed at the Company's camp in Bima on 1 October 1719 by I. Hk Breuning.
- On 14 February, damage was reported to vessels, sails, and strength due to strong opposing winds and currents near Samarang, Japara, and Grissee.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 8186 / 0252
From Macassar at the end of June, the Company's servants were counted both outside and inside the castle.
The Company's subjects and mountain peoples lived on Maros.
On 14 August, the Company's subjects were counted in the districts of Tambora, Baro, Maloeco, Dompo, and Glisson, located south under this castle.
At the end of September, the following groups were counted:
- The Company's subjects from Glisson
- People from Macassar and Buginese people there
- The Company's subjects from Poelembankeng
- People from Macassar and Buginese people there
- Free people from Macassar and Buginese people
- Chinese and mixed-race people
- Highland dwellers
- Highland dwellers in the plains
In February 1730, the following groups were counted:
- The Company's subjects on Zaleijer
- Muslims and local religious leaders
- People from Ambon and Bandanese people
On 1 April, people from Bonthain, Boelecomba, Malays, and citizens were counted.
A document from 24 October 1730, signed by I. Wognu at Macassar in Castle Rotterdam, provided a summary count of all the Company's territories, including the areas of Glisson, Poelanbankeeng, Maros, Zaleijer, and Boelecomba on both the north and south sides, along with citizens, Chinese people, and their slaves.
The total population count showed 9,817 to 11,345 people across different categories, with a final total of 16,798 free persons and 2,306 slaves, including men, women, sons, daughters, and children.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 2163 / 0266
From
Macassar dated
24 October 1719.
Toselis Gouginees, a resident of
Macassar and servant of his highness the king of
Bima, departed for
Batavia on
25 September 1718 using the gonting (a type of boat) of the mentioned king, measuring approximately 8 lasten (a unit of cargo capacity) and crewed by 20 men, for trade purposes.
Tosietie Bougingees, a resident of
Tambora, departed for
Batavia on
10 October using a gonting measuring 5 lasten, crewed by 21 men, on account of the radja (ruler) of
Tambora for trade, carrying 7 codjangs (units of measurement) of rice.
A list of departing and arriving vessels to and from
Batavia and the east coast of
Java from
25 September of the previous year until
14 February most recently consisted of 10 pieces carrying:
- 10 slaves
- 60 pieces of deer meat
- 6 Buginese people traveling as passengers
Jntje Noelas, a Malay resident of
Macassar, departed for
Batavia on
12 October 1719 using the gonting of the Bimanese princess
Caraijn Potanna Raga, measuring approximately 3 lasten and crewed by 11 men, carrying 3 lasten of rice.
Tosesie, a Buginese resident of
Macassar and servant of his highness the king of
Bima, returned from
Batavia on
8 January using his master's gonting measuring approximately 8 lasten, crewed by 20 men. He had departed on
10 October of the previous year and was permitted by their high honors to return on
13 December.
A servant of the Bimanese nobleman
Djeneli Sapij returned from
Batavia using a gonting measuring approximately 4 lasten, crewed by 14 men. He had departed on
20 September 1717 and was permitted by their high honors to return on
5 March 1718, but according to notes on the back of his travel pass, he had been delayed since that time due to lack of water.
Jntje Maralie, a Malay, returned from
Batavia on
13 January.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 8186 / 0250
On 10 October, the secret departure to Chinrana was discussed and thoughts about this were delivered to the Castle in Macassar. On that same day in the afternoon, Radja Goa also had his letter brought to them through Crain Jerenika in the Castle. On 10 October in the morning, he had left for Chinrana without the knowledge of their people, and he had not appeared again at Mangelicana after receiving the last letter from 18 October. The reason for his departure could not be determined, but it was believed that he went to seek advice from Radja Boni about what to do regarding the news of the arrival of a governor with 2 ships and soldiers. This news, especially arriving against the monsoon season, seemed very strange to many and had caused some fear among certain people from Macassar and Bugis. It could also be that Radja Goa traveled to Chinrana to have his letter to them first reviewed by Radja Boni, since he had also sent their latest letter to him through Crain Jerenika to Chinrana to communicate it to Boni, according to the Macassar daily register dated 16 June 1694. He arranged everything according to what Radja Boni decided. Under the excuse of illness, together with Radja Tello, he did not welcome the merchant Schenkenberg until 5 August, even though he had been properly informed of his arrival on 23 June through 2 messengers. Radja Goa's intention might have been to stay in Chinrana until the governor's arrival, so he could come to the Castle to welcome him only together with Radja Beri or with his excellency's permission. Time would tell. They very much wanted to know when the large fishing ship with the yachts Sillida and Wiltschut would appear at Macassar, and what the purpose was of their arrival and of the 200 soldiers who were sent along.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1540 / 0211
A report from
Macassar dated
24 October 1719 provided a general overview of the population in the area. The document listed different groups of people living in and around Castle Rotterdam and the surrounding regions.
The population was divided into several categories:
- Chinese people, Moors, and Codjas, along with their slaves
- Boat owners, Malays, Ambonese, and Bandanese people
- The Company's subjects in the villages of Linques, Bero, Malocco and subordinate peoples from the Company's province of Glissong
- Buginese and Macassarese people who had moved to Glissong on their own initiative
- The Company's subjects living in the district of Polonbankeeng
- Buginese and Macassarese people who had settled in the district of Polonbankeeng of their own free will
- The Company's subjects under Boelecomba
- The Company's subjects living in the village on the island of Zaleijer
- The Company's mountain peoples in the district of Maros
- The Company's subjects in the flat lands of the district of Macassar in Castle Rotterdam
- Free citizens
The document included detailed population counts of the Company's servants, citizens, and slaves in and around Castle Rotterdam and in the regions of
Glissong and
Polonbankang. The total population count was 38,571 people. The report was signed by
P. V. D. Snippe, secretary, and dated
24 October 1719.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 8186 / 0248
8 February 1785, a copy was made of a letter that had been sent from Batavia in the Castle on the last of January 1705. It was signed by C. Besuijen and E. de Clerk from Soerabaja. The letter was addressed to Captain and Commander Willem Sergeant and the Council.
The letter referred to an earlier message from 29 January that had been sent by boat. It noted that within 7 to 8 days, 60 to 70 people from Makassar would be sent along with supplies and necessities that had been requested. However, instead of the promised people from Makassar, 68 people from Banda were being sent.
The following supplies were being sent:
- 1 barrel of liquor
- 5 containers of arrack
- 4 cans of wine
- 50 ordinary muskets
- 25 musket locks
- 600 pieces of flint stones
- 6 carbine slings
- 6 hooks
- 20 cartridge bags
- 20 bandoliers
- 25 carrying straps
- 18 powder horns
- 18 copper loading tools
- 30 wooden cartridge cases
- 2 bundles of cork
- 3 copper beer taps
- 1 powder sieve
- 240 pounds of iron
- 4 jacks
- 10 wooden grain shovels
- 10 sheets of Persian leather
- half a barrel of tar
- 1 ream of large median paper
- 1 ream of small paper
- 2 containers of small format paper
- 100 pieces of shafts
The total value was 1,915 guilders and 1 stuiver. The ship needed to be unloaded immediately upon arrival so it could continue its journey to Makassar, then to Banda, and finally to Ambon.
A copy of a letter from a Balinese ensign named Waijkan Kakaran Jbraham, who had been sent to Soerabaja, was also included.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 7622 / 0389
The ship Buyren arrived successfully in Banda on 16 July near the north coast of Ceram. After sending supplies, at the urgent request of Governor Jochum Roeloffsz, the ships Amsterdam and Wesel sailed to Amboino. When the ship Buyren departed, Banda still had 461 loads of rice and paddy remaining, which would likely be consumed by January. Therefore, an early shipment of 750 to 800 loads of rice was needed to provide Banda with supplies for 2 years against all possible incidents.
During most of the east monsoon season, especially after the departure of the ships Leeuwinne and Leijden, Banda experienced very unstable bad weather with extraordinary heavy rain. This caused great damage to the crops that had looked so promising when flowering, with much fruit falling off. However, the trees still carried enough fruit that if God granted suitable weather conditions, a significant harvest could still be picked by December. Due to the stormy weather, little or no progress had been made on planned construction works.
In trade matters there was no particular change and things continued as before. The condition of the churches remained flourishing in peace and love. The commissioners in the church assembly attended without objection and kept perfect minutes of everything that happened.
The preacher Doctor Johannes Heemstede, who had previously been inclined to return to the fatherland after the death of his partner, was about to remarry a young woman. This meant that Banda would continue to benefit from his good abilities, particularly his knowledge of the Malay language and his familiarity with the nature of the inhabitants.
On the other hand, on 9 September the preacher Doctor Anthonio vander Hagen, who had served on Lontor, died after 18 days of illness from a severe fever combined with severe diarrhea. He left behind a widow and orphan.
The livestock that had previously been placed on Rossingeijn, the Gonongh Apij, and Neyra were increasing well in breeding. Slaughtering was still being avoided, so that after some years Banda would be well supplied with large livestock, pigs, goats, and so on.
According to the muster roll and perfect record sent, the islands of Banda on 31 August were occupied and populated with 3,842 souls:
- 351 Dutchmen in service of the Company
- 91 Dutch free people outside the Company's service
- 20 Dutch women
- 77 Dutch children
- 50 men, 133 women, and 97 children who were free natural Bandanese
- 186 men, 319 women, and 328 children of all kinds of free nations
- 53 men, 158 women, and 69 children who were Bandanese slaves
- 782 men, 723 women, and 405 children of all kinds of nations who were slaves
Of the 560 natural Bandanese consisting of men, women, and children, both free and unfree, who still remained in Banda, no one had been eager to come here with the ship Buyren.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1119 / 0841
The passage describes several Dutch colonial concerns in
Ternate and surrounding areas during the 17th century:
- The Dutch believed the King of Macassar might be planning to retrieve escaped Bandanese people. Governor Willem Jansz was warned to be on guard.
- The yacht Gouda, which had been sent by Lefebure on 15 November with letters to go north of Celebes to Costij, was forced to return due to contrary streams and wind. Later, an express boat brought news that the letters had been captured.
- The incident occurred because the boat carried no prince's flag. People from Lissebatta attacked the vessel and killed one of the Mardijkers (local Christian soldiers). The letters got wet and were opened, causing part of them to be lost. When the Lissebatta people learned the letters belonged to the Dutch, they let the messengers go.
- Through these letters, the Dutch learned that the Ternatans in the Moluccas had first made peace with the Tidorese and then with the Spanish enemy, against Dutch wishes. Kitchil Alij seemed strongly opposed to this. He claimed this was the work of the Gonjonger and the king's staff, without the king's knowledge.
- The Dutch complaints received no response except that the king and council appeared very displeased about the actions of Tymola Leluatto. They promised to address the matter, but the Dutch suspected they were being deceived with talk while the Ternatans tried to gain an advantage.
- There were rumors that the people of Louhou and the Ternatans might be willing to establish friendship and build a wooden lodge for the Dutch again, but reportedly would not agree to a stone one. Most of Louhou had been abandoned, with people now living on Lissiella, a fortress on a high mountain about half a mile from Louhou.
- Ships named Wourden, Amsterdam, and the flute Edam arrived safely, bringing letters dated 26 September, 23 October, 14 January, and 20 February, received on 2 December, 7 December, last of January, and 14 April respectively.
- The Dutch were shocked by the shameless and arrogant demands from the English Company servants, who did not hesitate to excuse their treasonous acts and even dared to ask by whose authority the conspirators had been executed.
- The Dutch noted that 2 years earlier, the English commissioners had not questioned them when Davidt Joosten was executed after he killed an English assistant in a duel over an insult. At that time, the English had urgently requested justice and threatened that if no justice were done, they would hold the Dutch responsible for any resulting incidents.
- Now that their own treasonous acts had been punished, the English were very angry. However, the Dutch believed they had a righteous case and that impartial and wise people would praise their handling of the conspiracy and thank God for opening their eyes and protecting them from the bloody plot.
- After 14 or 15 days, Mr. Sil delivered a document written in English, which he said was a protest from President Brockedon on behalf of the English Company. He also presented the keys to their lodge, along with some letters he said were debt obligations and an inventory of their remaining goods. The Dutch official responded that he would have the protest translated, whether into Dutch, Spanish, French, or Malay, since none of them understood English.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1083 / 0781
The Dutch officials discussed their difficult military situation with limited forces. The people of
Ternate and
Johor, despite having over 150 bahars of cloves that year, did not deliver any to the Dutch. Instead, they brought everything over the mountains to
Lessydij and
Orang and sold it to the
Macassar traders. These traders had 22 to 23 junks there with 5 to 600 well-armed men equipped with cannons and muskets.
The Dutch were secretly told that the people of
Lessydij had sworn on their mosque that they would assist the
Macassar traders if attacked. However, the leaders of
Lessydij visited the Dutch several times to make excuses, claiming they did not sell cloves to foreigners. They said the
Ternate people brought the cloves over land at night and traded them for rice and slaves.
The Dutch went out with 10 to 12 small vessels to try to intercept the cloves, as they were being transported at night by boats to
Bouro,
Manippe,
Kelang and
Assehoudij. They had a spy who promised to provide good information in exchange for a reward.
If they could not obtain the cloves, they planned to send 2 yachts to the strait of
Bouton to patrol at the north end and watch for enemy vessels coming from the
Moluccas. These yachts also carried trade goods to buy slaves in
Bouton, along with a gift of 3 barrels of gunpowder for the King of
Bouton in return for a slave he had sent the previous year. The King of
Bouton was being threatened by the
Macassar people and urgently requested Dutch help, but the Dutch ordered the vessels to return as soon as their business was finished.
Their spy from
Hittoe reported that
Captain Hittoe was only pretending to wage war against the
Ternate people to deceive the Dutch. This seemed believable because
Hittoe had recently asked permission to go to his fortress with his wife and children, which showed how unreliable Muslim promises were.
The Dutch had written a letter in Spanish to the King of
Macassar with a Chinese junk they had given a pass 2 years earlier, and they were waiting to see what response would follow.
They had sent
Captain Vogel with 2 small vessels to the
Manipes 2 months earlier because reports from there sounded suspicious, especially since the
Ternate people had been to
Tonuwaire and given them gifts.
Vogel was sent to prevent the
Ternate plans. When
Vogel arrived, he found the situation was not as bad as the reports suggested. They had instructed
Vogel to stop at
Bouro and
Amblaeuw along the way to keep their vessels ready.
On his journey,
Vogel encountered 2
Macassar junks that claimed they were going to
Seram and had letters from the King of
Macassar to the fugitive
Banda people.
Captain Vogel fought these junks from morning until evening without gaining an advantage, mainly prevented by shallow water and nightfall. They later learned that the junks had over 20 dead.
There had been rumors for some time that the King of
Macassar wanted to send 40 small vessels to
Seram to fetch the fugitive
Banda people. The Dutch did not believe this, but rather thought that the
Banda people and people of
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1083 / 0779
On April 1738, the Chinese person Onkoiko left with permission for Lisao on a boat belonging to Oeijn Honko with 9 sailors to collect sandalwood that had been negotiated for purchase.
On Tuesday the 22nd in the morning, a drummer named Buttener suddenly became unable to speak and paralyzed and was brought to the hospital, where he died around noon. A sailor named Doerang returned from Aloer, where he had gone on 12 February.
On Wednesday the 23rd, Cornelis Zegers received a pass to sail to Lifao with his small boat and 12 men to trade.
On Thursday the 24th, sailor Frans Tollenaar received permission to sail to Rottij with the boat of Philipboelijn and 7 men to exchange food supplies. The Chinese person Tiontoko returned from Toebang Jhan with his boat full of sandalwood, where he had been allowed to sail on the 6th.
On Friday the 25th at 5 o'clock in the morning, drummer Buttener died in the hospital without making a will or leaving anything behind.
On Saturday the 26th at 10 o'clock before noon, the pardoned Bandanese citizen Wouter Tempezel arrived from Lifao with his own boat and crew after being summoned. The sailor Euwe, who had gone there on the 9th, also arrived. Permission was again granted to sail to Lisao and Toelang Jhan with sailors from Solor on the boat of Tion Toko to collect his negotiated sandalwood.
On Sunday the 17th, after the sermon, the reverend Van Ommeren baptized many children again.
On Monday the 28th, the regent of Thie, Benjamin Messa, arrived with the sons of the regents of Lando and Het Eijlandje Dauw to welcome the reverend and the new visitor of the sick, Swaans.
On Tuesday the 29th in the morning at daybreak, a small boat was seen at sea without their knowledge.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 8331 / 0191
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