Transcriptions » Recently created summaries of historical documents

On 27 June 1679, officials in Makassar reported that Arou Matouaij, the first king of Wajo, arrived at the castle, seeking a meeting to discuss unspecified matters. He agreed to return the next day for further talks.

By 24 June 1679, Arou Matouaij appeared again, and officials planned to meet with him to address multiple complaints. Two other leaders, Arou Sawalaba and Arou Mampo, also arrived, claiming they wanted to assist the Dutch East India Company (VOC) but likely aimed to learn whether the VOC would detain or release 21 ships (with more expected).

Officials reviewed orders from 10 March, instructing them to discreetly encourage the people of Boni to prepare for military action. The rulers of Boni, Radja Loeboe and Radja Bellemipa, had received three identical letters ordering them to send as many forces as possible to Batavia. Additional reports from Major Christiaan Poleman in Surabaya (25 April) noted enemy movements, while a 26 March update confirmed tensions with Bantam remained unresolved.

Local forces included:

• 1,224 VOC troops,
• 1,300 Bugis fighters, and
• 1,900 unreliable Javanese allies.

Officials feared the Bugis near the castle, now low on supplies, might resort to theft or desertion. They emphasized the need for caution in handling the situation.

On 27 June 1679, a report from Makassar described tensions involving local rulers and the Dutch.

• Radja Bonij, a local ruler, had left Makassar after receiving permission from the Dutch. Before leaving, he gave strict orders to his officials, including Arou Tieballe (his deputy), not to act without the Dutch president's approval. He also named the president as the guardian of his estate if he did not return from war, serving the Dutch East India Company (VOC).
• Earlier conflicts between Radja Bellenipa and the kings of Mandar had been resolved. Meanwhile, forces from the Boni highlands (21 boats and 626 men), summoned by Radja Palacca, arrived at the Dutch fort. The Dutch and Arou Tieballe debated whether to keep them at the fort or send them to Java. Arou Tieballe warned that these forces followed their king’s orders under threat of death or confiscation of goods and children.
• The Dutch later learned from Arou Sawalaba and Arou Mampo (relatives of other officials) that Radja Bonij had secretly ordered his people to obey only the Dutch during his absence. This confirmed the Dutch authority over Boni matters in his absence.
• The Dutch had received many complaints about the people of Boni, particularly from officials like Arou Mario and Arou Lamouerou, who were left in charge by Radja Bonij.

On 5 June 1679, a report from Makassar noted that around 40 ships from Malay, Moorish, Banten, and other regions were docked to trade for clove oil. The traders competed fiercely, with some offering a vaam (a unit of cloth) while others doubled the price. The Dutch feared that stopping this trade by force would cause trouble, so they planned to ask the King of Palu in their next message to discourage these traders.

The report was signed by Jacob Lops, Claas Ploen, A. van Dalen, Frans Prins, Maxe, Herman Hansen, and G.S. Lox at Castle Rotterdam in Makassar.

A list of documents sent to Batavia on the ship Buuren via Sourabaya was included, addressed to Rijckloff van Goens (Governor-General) and the Council of the Dutch Indies. The documents were:

• Original letter from Jacob Cops (President of the Council at Castle Rotterdam) dated 27 June 1679.
• Copy of a letter from the same, dated 5 June 1679, mentioning 380 items.
• Report from Claas Bollaart (Assistant Merchant) on his activities in Buton and nearby, dated 16 June 1679.
• Invoice for the shipped cargo on the Buuren.
• Bill of lading for the same cargo.
• Documents related to goods seized from the Portuguese trader Balthasar Pinto, with an inventory for the Council.

On 27 June 1679, another letter was sent to Rijckloff van Goens and the Council. It mentioned a previous letter sent on 5 June with Raphal Speckman, a free citizen of Makassar, traveling via Sourabaya. The letter noted that Radja Beldupa had asked, through an envoy, when the summoned traders from Boni and Radja Louw would arrive at Castle Rotterdam.

On 5 June 1679, a shipment from Makassar was documented, including wooden planks and ribs taken from the yacht De Parel (which had arrived from Amboina). The yacht De Parel and another yacht, Rotterdam, were expected to arrive with their cargo within 10 to 12 days, based on their good condition when last seen.

• The general accounting office in Amboina recorded a credit of ƒ1295,5,- for timber purchased there, including:
  • 1260 planks at 15 pieces per guilders: ƒ945,-
  • 237 ribs at 15 pieces per guilders: ƒ177,15,-
  • 25 ironwood beams at ƒ6,- each: ƒ150,-
• Additional costs for repairing De Parel and its boat were listed, including:
  • 3 heavy keels at ƒ6,1 each: ƒ18,-
  • 1 anchor with stock (weighing 700-800 pounds)
  • 4 barrels of tar, 6 barrels of pitch, 20 pounds of assorted nails
  • 4 coils of rope, and ironwork by the smith (60 pounds of iron for 4 boats with rings, bars, 2 brackets, a swan's neck, 3 pairs of hinges, 2 boat hooks, and a bucket with fittings) at 1½ stuivers per pound: ƒ4,10,-

The total for these items was ƒ1295,5,-, with an additional untaxed amount of ƒ3,79,-.

Though the last two entries were operational costs rather than part of the invoice, they were included in the Amboina records. This may have been because the ship’s captain, Frans van Hijs, left his bookkeeper and some sailors ashore at Buru Island, preventing proper documentation. To align with Amboina's records, these costs were also included in the general accounting office’s ledger.

The general accounting office was debited a total of ƒ6184,12,2 for:

• 83 loads and 2442 pounds of rice (both Binaia and Buru varieties) sent to Amboina on De Parel.
• A bill of exchange worth 410 sterling (equivalent to ƒ474,10,-), paid by Hendrick Lijdecker, a free citizen of Amboina, on 11 May into the company’s cash fund. This amount was to be repaid to Paulus de Bocq.

The general accounting office was also credited ƒ800,- paid by Raphael Speckman, a free citizen of Makassar, into the company’s cash fund. A bill of exchange was issued for this amount, with a request for payment.

A free citizen from Makassar arrived in Cayeli within 3 to 4 days and reported news from there.

On 5 June 1679, officials in Makassar wrote about their dealings with local leaders and political tensions in the region.

• The Dutch had expected Crain Jernika to arrive in Makassar by the full moon, as he had promised in writing and through his son’s message. However, travelers from Bima reported that he was not preparing to come. The Dutch suspected he might instead go to Crain Glisson (his relative by marriage) unless deterred by rumors of Crain Glisson's death.
• The bookkeeper Philippe Castel and merchant Adriaan van Dalen had earlier asked Crain Jernika to prepare for the trip, but he gave vague responses. The Dutch feared he might avoid them entirely.
• The king of Bima had questioned why Crain Jernika had killed a man named Kilo and taken his slave. Crain Gerrika (likely a local official) admitted to the act but justified it, claiming Kilo had deserved it.
• On the 2nd of the month, a messenger named Dain Mabela (a son of the late Radia Soping) reported that Radia Soping had been brought back to Soping by royal family members, except for his sister Datou Watou (married to Radia Bonij).
• Dain Mabela also mentioned a letter from Radia Bonij to his wife, stating that the people of Soping were expected to go to Batavia. The letter suggested Arou Bela (eldest son of the late Radia Soping) should lead them, which was shared with Strou Bela for consideration.

On 5 June 1659, Dutch traders returning from Mandar with a shipment of salt reported that a feast hosted by Radia Bellenipe—celebrating his ally Conden's recovery—had reignited tensions between the kings of Mandar and Radia Bellenipe. The two sides were now at war, though the exact cause remained unclear. The Dutch concluded that no reinforcements from that region could be expected without explicit orders from Radia Bonij.

A ship, the DChialoup de kalckhoen, arrived on 30 May carrying letters:

• A letter dated 27 March from the Dutch authorities.
• A letter from Anthonij Hurf, aboard the yacht Noortwijck near Indramayu, dated 29 March.
• A report from Major Poolman and his council in Surabaya, dated 29 April, with attachments.

The Dutch were relieved that relations with Bantam remained stable for now, hoping the unrest would subside at least until the Sousoehoenang (a Javanese leader) could regroup. However, they doubted whether their small force of 1,224 soldiers (as counted by Major Poolman on 20 April) could succeed, especially given disease and high casualties. The Javanese under the Sousoehoenang had roughly 1,900 men, bringing the total Dutch-allied strength (including 1,300 Bugis warriors) to about 4,400. Reports from Lacapper suggested Cramn Glisson and his forces in Telolo matched this number, creating a risky stalemate.

The Dutch wished for reinforcements and ships to transport troops, which would allow Major Poolman to quickly bolster his ranks and end the difficult war. They also relied on Arou Bacques' promise to contribute 1,000 of his best soldiers. Combined with troops from Maros, Siang, Sigeri, Labacoan, and Boele Comba, plus local allies (like the Boniers and Loubounesen), this could form a strong, experienced force.

A translated copy of a letter from Cramn Glisson and his allies in Surabaya, dated 8 March and addressed to Arou Amalij, revealed their hostile intentions toward the Dutch VOC (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie).

On 5 June 1679, a document from Makassar mentioned that a group called the Dutch East India Company (VOC) had previously claimed taxes (called thiende) from a local community (negorij). This community argued they were exempt, but another group from the same area had already paid 1,153 bundles of rice to the VOC the year before. This was the only community in Bungaya claiming such an exemption.

On 30 May, a man named Arou Tieballe arrived with his second-in-command, Topan, and a messenger named Gloudio (also called Radia Maumam), sent by Radia Bellenipa. They asked whether Radia Loubou and the people of Boni had arrived at the fort yet. They requested that, once they did arrive, the VOC inform Radia Bellenipa. The VOC suspected this was just an excuse, as they had not yet received letters sent by Aron Ponij from Radia Loubou to Radia Bellenipa.

Arou Tieballe and the messenger claimed that Radia Bonij had ordered Radia Bellenipa to come to the fort and join Radia Loubou and the people of Boni before traveling to Batavia. However, this did not match earlier instructions from the VOC, which stated that the people of Boni should wait at the fort for further orders—either to go to Batavia or return home. The VOC decided not to interfere with Radia Bonij's orders, as the local leaders should decide for themselves.

After further discussion, the VOC agreed to the request, provided that Radia Bellenipa and his people kept their flags ready and stayed prepared to move. The messenger left, but just two days later, more news arrived.

On 5 June 1679, a report from Makassar detailed the status of seven villages originally given to Sara by her brother, the King of Goa. These villages—Katchitje, Kadjetonge, Sangeringang, Tamanjingera, Nassikebo, Tapie, and Tammatte—were once populated by free people (called Bata-Bata), but their populations had drastically changed due to war and migration:

• Sangeringang: Once home to about 20 people (a mix of Bugis, Malays, Kumbavers, and others), all had scattered or returned to their homelands.
• Tamanjingera: Around 10 people remained, but their fate was unclear.
• Nassikebo: Roughly 100 mixed-ethnicity inhabitants (men, women, and children) had also left due to war.
• Tammatte: Occupied by about 100 Maros soldiers serving as bodyguards for the King of Goa. Initially led by Crain Cronron, they later fell under Radia Tello when Cronron was exiled. When Cronron regained favor, the soldiers returned to his command—until Maros came under the control of the Dutch East India Company (VOC). Only 8 soldiers remained, and they eventually dispersed.

The report questioned why Sara (along with Cunnen Eijsschen and Crain Lincques) would claim rights over additional inherited villages—Tabang, Tamboij, Samangi, Sorrogierang Maranne, and Tiendrana—since these had been legally acquired by the VOC through war. The document suggested consulting Crain Lincques, who had the best knowledge of Maros, for further clarification.

It also warned that approving Sara's request could set a problematic precedent, encouraging others like Dani Talilla (who had gifted Sara a small village called Bontepanne, allegedly inherited from her parents) to make similar claims.

On 5 June 1679, a document from Goa (via Macassar) described a land dispute involving a village called Sanderingan on the island of Maros. The key details were:

• The village originally belonged to Crani Sandernigan (mother of Dani Sara) and was inhabited by local Maros people.
• By this time, no original Maros residents remained. Instead, about 30 Bugis people (men, women, and children) lived there in 6 or 7 houses.
• The lands around the village were mostly controlled by the Bugis.
• Coemena Bappa Balvena had reportedly received the village from his sister (Crani Sandernigan) along with about 25 Maros people—not as slaves, but as servants under his authority.
• Additionally, Comina, a lappankano (local leader) under the King of Goa, had placed 70 Maros soldiers (previously under Crain Cronrons) under Crain Bontesonge to serve as guards and assist the King of Goa when needed.
• These 70 soldiers had been relocated after Cronron was ordered by the ruler of Macassar to leave the area. They stayed under Bontesonge until the Dutch East India Company (EComp) took control of Maros by force.
• After the Dutch conquest, the people scattered without oversight, and no further claims were made—except during the time of the late Governor Dubbeldekop.

A later meeting on 26 May (year not specified) involved Frain Fronron visiting the President at around 5 PM. After a brief exchange with tea and betel nut, no serious matters were discussed. When pressed about Dani Sara's claim, Fronron initially hesitated, fearing Dani Talille, but eventually admitted he had no real knowledge of the claim.

On 5 June 1679, a letter was received in Batavia (now Jakarta) on 6 July 1679, sent from Macassar (now Makassar) by Raphal Spekman, a citizen overseeing the east coast of Java. It was addressed to Rijckloff van Goens, the Governor-General, and the Noble Lords of the Council of India.

The letter mentioned a previous communication sent on 26 May 1679 via the ship St. Janskercke. The writers promised to provide further advice regarding a claim made by Radia Bonij on behalf of Dani Sara, daughter of Crai Bontebongo. Dani Sara was demanding around 50 people who, according to Radia Bonij, belonged to her.

Local leaders from Macassar were consulted about this claim, including:

• Lommo Maros, chief of Nassikebo
• Train Simbangh, chief of Suwbang
• Mangetani, chief of Cassiwarang
• Elders like Ange Sitti from Camariangh, Ange Assang Souregirang, and others

These leaders reported that, after careful discussion, only 21 people were found in Maros who could be linked to Dani Sara’s claim. The breakdown was as follows:

• Under Crai Sumbang: 5 men
• Under Lommo Maros: 4 men and 1 woman
• Under Mangevanij: 8 men
• Under Sabandaar Bellone: 2 men and 1 woman

About three years earlier, 7 people (men and women) had been allowed by Crai Bontesonge (with approval from His Highness Palacca) to serve Dani Lara in Maros. They were explicitly forbidden from being transported or sold. Of these 7, only 2 remained with Dani Sara’s people in the village of Tamatte; the other 5 had either died or gone elsewhere.

The leaders also explained that Dani Sara’s claim came from her mother, who was the sister of Crai Bisfij’s father (they shared the same father but had different mothers). Dani Sara’s grandfather was Comena Bappa Batoena, a past king.

Beyond the 21 people mentioned, the leaders knew of no other individuals connected to Dani Sara’s claim.

On 26 May 1639, a letter from Macassar discussed the situation in Bima and financial matters involving the Dutch East India Company (VOC).

• The King of Bima requested permission for two individuals, Crain Popo and Crain Bontesonge, to travel on a VOC ship to Batavia. The writer, Adriaen van Dalen, doubted their usefulness due to the historical influence of the Macassars in the region. He feared that if the Macassars continued their frequent visits, the people of Bima might easily switch their loyalty back to them. As evidence, he mentioned Toerelia Gamipo, a local leader who had kept four metal basins (weighing 217 pounds or 173.4 kattis) given to him by the VOC but later requested to keep them in exchange for sandalwood or money. Van Dalen considered him honest and suggested the request could be granted, pending further review.
• Before leaving Bima, Van Dalen left instructions for the local VOC resident to collect a total of ƒ3,710.4.9 (guldens), including ƒ2,448.19.3 for capital and ƒ1,261.5.6 in remaining funds. From this amount, 437½ reals (paid for 931 pounds of sandalwood) and daily expenses needed to be deducted. He asked the VOC leadership in Batavia to decide by 1 July 1679 whether more action was needed.
• Van Dalen departed from Bima on 9 June and arrived at the Castle Rotterdam in Macassar on 14 May 1679.
• A later note from Philippe Castel, dated 6 June 1679 in Diema, mentioned that the ship Westervelt had arrived safely in Bima on 22 May. The ship carried a letter from Cornelis van Quaelbergen, the governor of Bima, urging the quick shipment of sandalwood. There was also news from Sumbawa that the Moor Cooja Derwits had prepared wood there. Since the ship was deemed unnecessary to enter the bay, it continued to Batavia to avoid extra costs.

On 26 May 1679, a report from Makassar was sent regarding several political and trade matters in the region.

• A man named Boetelje was to receive money to pay off debts he claimed to have. Without this payment, the ship would have had to return empty-handed.
• The kingdom of Boelmisoro was under siege in Kalonkong by forces from Tambora, aided by warriors from Bima and Dompo. It was unlikely Boelmisoro could hold out much longer. The king of Tambora allegedly sought help from the Dutch, but the writer advised against supporting him. The kings of Bima, Dompo, and Tambora seemed to ignore their mutual defense agreements, which could encourage rebellions from groups like the Boehis, Jenelis, and Toerelis.
• Due to this conflict, the king of Tambora failed to deliver 400 piculs (a unit of weight) of sappanwood (a type of dyewood) he owed to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) for a previous loan of 400 rijksdaalders (a currency).
• The region was otherwise stable, though envoys from small rulers like Radja Palacca Aroe and others occasionally arrived in Makassar, claiming authority over people in the area. To prevent unjust demands, the king of Bima was told not to accept such envoys unless they had official, sealed letters from the VOC proving their authority.
• Crain Jeremila, a representative sent to persuade exiled Makassares to return, had grown wealthier—possibly from marrying the old queen of Sambauwa or from misusing his position. He promised to return soon with the next full moon but was likely waiting for an official letter (like the one given to Dain Tololo the previous year) to confirm his mission. His departure would not be missed by the people of Bima, as the king compared him to a leech.

On 26 May 1679, officials from Macassar (now Makassar) responded to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) about unpaid debts. They admitted that delaying payments was unfair and harmful to the VOC, especially since valuable resources were being wasted. The officials claimed they had been busy with farming and rice cultivation, which was unusually successful that year. They promised to gather the overdue sappanwood (a type of dyewood) within three months after the harvest and notify either the VOC’s fortress or the resident in Bima so the company could arrange transport.

For now, the VOC had to settle for only 400 and 3 piculs (a weight measurement) of sappanwood, worth 352 and ⅛ taels (a currency unit). After deducting this from the total debt of 3,645 and ⅝ taels, the remaining debt was 3,342.25 rixdollars (another currency unit), not including accumulated interest as per an agreement from 8 August 1678.

The officials from Macassar argued they shouldn’t be held responsible for the interest because the people of Sumbawa had caused the delay in delivering the wood. The VOC representative countered that the main debt had to be paid first before discussing who owed the interest, so the argument was put on hold.

The deposed king of Sumbawa was in Salenparang (now Sape) attending the funeral of the recently deceased queen of Bima, so he couldn’t be approached about paying his debt of 800 rixdollars and 15,000 piculs of sappanwood, which he had guaranteed for the leaders of Salenparang. The VOC representative left instructions for local officials to demand payment upon the king’s return, though it was doubtful anything would be paid soon.

The VOC representative also advised the resident in Bima to urge the king to pay his debts and to send any ships arriving in Bima for sappanwood directly to Batavia (now Jakarta), as there was no surplus of the wood in Sumbawa or Bima.

After leaving Sumbawa on 27 April, the VOC representative arrived off Bima on 30 April. There, he bought 5,931 piculs of sappanwood from a Portuguese man named Pasquael Madeeren, who had recently moved to Bima. The wood cost ⅔ taels per picul, totaling 814 and ⅛ taels. The VOC paid 437.5 taels in company goods for 500 piculs and issued a debt note for the remaining 431 piculs (worth 37 and ⅛ rixdollars), to be collected in Batavia by Pasquael’s father, Giliam Doetelje.

On 26 May 1679, a report from Macassar detailed payments made by various local leaders to the Dutch. The total recorded payments amounted to 26,344 gantings (a local currency), broken down as follows:

• Boelecombers (a group of leaders) paid a total of 19,004 toabo (another currency or unit of value).
• Oedjong Lobo and his people paid 4,540 arou.
• Brouw Tourae paid 700 arou.
• Mannegan paid 1,000 arou.
• Tokana paid 700 arou.
• Galaran Salankele paid 100 arou.
• An additional 300 gantings were recorded, bringing the subtotal to 7,340 gantings.

The total sum collected was 26,344 gantings. Some boats in areas like den wangh and Welno had not yet paid, and attention was required for these outstanding amounts.

Three leaders from Kalmisse—Jomane, Tosakim, and Tosa Paloij—had already delivered 300 bundles of rice. The other two leaders were expected to provide updates. Suppliers were instructed to deliver payments in Calekonkon, where they were to be received exclusively.

A corporal named van Loenen was sent to Saleijer to fetch Radja Biera. Upon his return with the cargo, he was to join the first galarang (a type of ship) heading to the Castle (likely a Dutch fort). The writer, Paulus de Bock, emphasized the need for careful management of the company’s rice and other goods. The letter was signed in Calekonkon on 6 January 1679.

The total of 26,344 gantings from Macassar, including additional goods from various places, was expected to amount to about 40 last (a unit of weight, roughly 120,000 lb). The report noted preparations for returning and mentioned that Arouw Thioballo had traveled overland, facing difficult conditions due to strong opposition, but arrived safely.

Another report, dated 10 January 1679 and signed by Paulus de Boeg, was addressed to higher authorities in Macassar.

Additionally, Adriaen van Daelen, a merchant in the service of the Dutch company, submitted a report to Iacob Cops, the Governor of Amboina and surrounding islands, who was also the President and supreme authority in Macassar. The report concerned van Daelen's mission to Sumbawa and Bima.

On 8 April of the previous year, van Daelen received his instructions and departed early the next morning aboard the fluyt ship Janskercker. He arrived at the river of Sumbawa near Laboe Politi on 20 April. Upon arrival, he was disappointed by the poor supply of firewood on the shore, despite earlier assurances from the local ruler, Moor Codja Derwits, and the government of Sumbawa, who had promised adequate provisions the previous year.

On 26 May 1639, a report from Macassar (modern-day Makassar) was written, detailing instructions and financial records related to the Dutch East India Company (VOC).

• The writer instructed Tadja Biera and his first gallarangh (local official) to inform Oedjongh Pandongh that she should come to settle her disputes with the VOC in a fair and peaceful manner.
• An assistant named Joan Ongewa, working for the VOC in the province of Boelecomba, reported that he had set up a warehouse to store taxes paid in kind (likely spices or crops).
• Four soldiers—Carel Carre, Hemmingelant, Jan Cornelisse Verstraat, and Jan Haskamp—were assigned to guard the warehouse.

The document also lists outstanding payments owed by various local rulers and communities to the VOC as of 26 May 1679:

• Radja Tieko-Marijo and his people: 1,010
• Takko: 1,723
• Aroucajo: 2,100
• Kalekoekan: 1,680
• Topadaija and his people: 1,400 (in salenkete, a type of payment)
• Tosamalim: 580
• Toijsa: 780
• Topaliera: 1,300
• Tobielo: 694
• Marassie: 370
• Aroubansir: 590
• Carre Gappa: 250
• Dani Manassa: 218
• Poanna Radja: 100
• Radja Laijos and his people: 166
• Maroangij Tosietij: 60
• Tomarro: 1,250
• Panjallo: 1,445
• Toepa: 297
• Aroujoujola: 1,232
• Unnamed: 1,260

The total recorded debt was 19,004, with an additional 2,719 still expected from Lalonkon Toabo.

The writer noted that while collecting these debts was difficult, the local people were generally willing to pay.

On 26 May 1679, a report was sent from Macassar detailing events in the region. The writer had summoned people from Boelecomba through a messenger named Galarang Lijolo, who was sent on 20 May to collect rice taxes. When they failed to appear, the writer decided to send Corporal Jacobus van Loenen with assistants on 30 May to ensure compliance. The goal was to bring in Crainbiera, who had been repeatedly summoned.

The region of Geln produced very little rice, making tax collection difficult. The writer suggested that instead of collecting a tenth of the harvest, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) might consider stationing a small ship there. The poorest locals often worked in Boerecomba, trading cloth for food. The area of Tiko, consisting of six villages (Tiero, Lange, Bero, Kiavasse, Laijkan, and Kadjangh), was located northwest of the Bay of Bone and was known for its high-quality timber, often transported to Bieka.

The local rulers, or bugis, caused problems similar to those in Biera, where the king had already submitted to the VOC. The writer believed a small permanent post in Boelecomba could help manage these issues, as it was centrally located between Biera and Tiko.

The writer’s mission to collect the VOC’s share of the harvest had failed by 6 January because of bad weather. Unable to wait indefinitely, they returned to the castle, leaving Adjutant Johannes Ongena with 4 soldiers to guard the collected goods and continue demanding payment. A written order was left detailing the amount of rice owed to the VOC and the remaining unpaid taxes.

• On 26 May 1639, a report from Macassar described events in Boerecomba (now part of Sulawesi, Indonesia). The Dutch were collecting harvests and taxes on rice fields, known as thulide.
• A market stall, called a bancksael, was set up in Kalekonkon on 20 October of the same year. The writer then traveled to Denewangh, the main river area of Boerecomba, leaving assistant S:t Ioannes Onglia with 6 men to continue collecting taxes in Kalekonkon.
• Sergeant Elias Vreedenhof and Corporal Van Loen, along with the remaining soldiers, were sent along the coast to guard the rivers of Boerecomba and prevent rice from being smuggled out by boat.
• By 3 January 1640, the local farmers had brought their rice taxes to Kalekonkon, as requested. The Dutch found that a significant amount of rice, owed as tax to the Dutch East India Company (VOC), had already been taken away, likely to places like Bone.
• The report described the conditions in several villages:
  • Gantaran: Many farmers had fields here, and the area was in decent shape. The Bugis people (from Sulawesi) caused little trouble because the village was still well-populated. Only the main village, where the king lived, was excused from paying the full rice tax.
  • Boelecomba: Dutch farmers dominated the area, outnumbering locals by about 30 to 1. The locals also had to pay extra taxes in rice, pepper, and stamps to the palace of Palacca. Many farmers from other old villages planted crops here, but about a third of the fields were still unused. Much of the harvest had already been taken to Bone and elsewhere, costing the VOC a significant portion of its taxes. The report suggested that tax collection should start earlier in the future.
  • Biera: The local king was not in his kingdom but had fled to his father-in-law, Radja Boukijt, in Salehijes. This was because a nobleman named Towasingh, supported by some of his followers, had taken over a fort called Towasingh. This fort had originally been seized by a Bonese warrior named Tokabingh, who was sent by Arouw Tanete. Though Towasingh was partly of local descent (through his mother), he had rebelled. Despite serious summons, Towasingh and other rebels from Biera did not appear before the Dutch until 10 December.

On 26 May 1679, a report from Macassar was written about a meeting with local leaders and farmers in the Raedja Palaccas area.
The Dutch official met with several leaders, including:
• Gantaran, a king’s representative
• Arou Maroi, Arou Boeloe Topa Daja Mian, Arou Balick, Aroumarouangij, Aroukajo, Arou Teko, Toijsa, Arou Caliebon Dain Manassa, Arouw Toulougan, Arouw Mariou, and Lakoukiou
The official announced that the Dutch East India Company (VOC) had sent him to collect a 10% tax on their harvests, which the farmers legally owed. He asked them to pay in rice or another crop immediately.
The leaders:
• Requested time to discuss and postponed their answer until evening.
• Later claimed they could not pay because most of their people had already returned to Bone.
• Gave excuses and refused firmly, even when offered a 20% discount on the tax.
• Threatened to abandon their lands and leave for Bone if the VOC took their crops.
The official warned them that their refusal would be reported to Macassar for further action.
On 7 December 1679:
• A reply arrived via Arou Thoballo at Khalekonkon.
• The same leaders finally agreed to pay the tax in rice (instead of their harvested crops) but still refused the 20% discount.

On 26 May 1679, a report was sent from Macassar by Claes Bollaert, a merchant, detailing his journey and activities in the region. The report was originally delivered on 16 December 1678 at Castle Rotterdam in Macassar to Jacob Cops, the governor of Amboina and the highest authority in Macassar, by Paulus de Boeg, another merchant and second-in-command.

• Bollaert left Castle Rotterdam in Macassar on the evening of 16 November 1678 and arrived in Bontheijn on 18 November.
• On 20 November, Bollaert and Claes Bollaert (likely a subordinate) continued to Saleijer, then traveled to Boelecomba the next day, arriving at the Kalekonkon River, the main harbor of the province, where most plantations and planters were located.
• They found 33 local ships near the village, some fully loaded with rice, while others were still being loaded. Several small ships (prauws) had already left for Bone and other places with rice for the Dutch East India Company (VOC).
• Bollaert warned the local leaders not to send any more ships until the VOC confirmed its rights to the rice, as it was needed but not yet officially permitted.
• That night, a fully loaded prauw ran aground near Tanebero and was captured by the Spanish. Upon hearing this, the Dutch confiscated the rudders and sails of the remaining ships for safekeeping.
• Despite earlier notices sent from Bontheijn asking local leaders from Boelecomba, Gantaran, Biera, and Tiero to meet in Kalekonkon, only one representative, Elliek (Toabo), also known as Dainkaloela (Bawang), the uncle of the king’s mother, appeared on 28 November.

On 26 May 1679, a meeting was held in Macassar with several local rulers. The kings of the following regions were present:

• Bontebange
• Tehnette
• Gantarangh
• Kadja Bockit
• Battenatte
• Belleboele
• Ontongh
• Poetebange

The kings of Lijole, Bonteboris, and Barrin Barringh were absent because their kingdoms were too far away. The meeting discussed a trade agreement involving fabrics sent by the Dutch. These fabrics were to be exchanged for local cloth, as had been done before by the junior merchant François Prins. The rulers requested that the fabrics be divided among them, with a portion set aside for the three absent kings until they could attend.

The following items were traded at these prices (in guilders):

• 40 pieces of blue guinees cloth at 5.5 guilders each: 220 guilders
• 600 pieces of plain moerisseh cloth at 1 guilder each: 600 guilders
• 400 pieces of mixed guinees cloth at 2.5 guilders each: 160 guilders
• 240 pieces of bethilles cloth at 4 guilders each: 33 guilders
• 198 pieces of fine moerissen cloth at 6 guilders each: 10 guilders
• 120 pieces of Zarassa ciauw cloth at 6 guilders each: 60 guilders
• 2 rolls of Persian silk at 17 guilders each: 34 guilders
• 125 pounds of red scarlet cloth at 1 guilder per pound: 125 guilders

The total value of the trade was 1997 guilders.

The rulers agreed to pay their outstanding debts by March or at the latest early April of the following year. They also agreed that the cloth they provided in return would meet the previously agreed-upon quality, length, and width. Some of the cloth could be women's clothing.

The three absent kings arrived on 27 May and apologized for their late arrival, explaining that the long and difficult journey had delayed them. They were satisfied with the division of goods and the conditions of the agreement.

After the meeting, preparations were made for a journey to the castle. The trip was delayed due to bad weather, and the ship had to anchor near the island of Drie Gebroeders on 2 May. The journey continued, and by 3 May, they reached the village of Halekonkong.

• On 26 May 1679, a ship called a chialoup from Macassar had to leave behind some of its cargo—wax and kottangh (a type of wood)—because there wasn’t enough space. Each crew member was given 10 vaders (a unit of measurement) of these goods as a sample.
• Bintrottangh (a type of wood) was very rare and expensive, costing 12.5 rijksdaalders (Rx) per 1,000 pieces, compared to the previous price of 7 tales (tx) per 1,000 paid by the Dutch East India Company (VOC). The wood was now cut longer (3 vaders instead of 2), making it more valuable. If large amounts of this wood or tin were needed, orders would have to be placed with the prince of Saleyer half a year in advance.
• The prince of Saleyer was present with his envoy, Petrowangsa, who was sent to Batavia and Balenpapan. They brought a letter for the Honorable Governor General Gillot, explaining why the prince couldn’t help place Sulawesi (Soelon) under Dutch control at that time—it was too late in the year to gain the emperor’s support.
• At the request of the chialoup crew, who had gone without pay since July, the prince gave each crew member two months’ worth of wages in cloth from the ship’s cargo, totaling 152.8 tales. The writer asks for this amount to be reimbursed in rijksdaalders.
• With little business left, the writer, Francoijs Prins, requested and received permission to leave Macassar on 26 May 1679. He departed on 25 October and arrived safely at Fort Rotterdam in Macassar on 5 November 1678, where he submitted this report.
• A separate report by Claes Bollaert, an under-merchant, was given to Jacob Cops, the Dutch president and commander in Macassar, about his mission to the island of Saleyer.
• After receiving orders on 16 November, Bollaert sailed from Fort Rotterdam to Bantheijn on the same day, arriving on 18 November. On 21 November, he received documents from Monsieur de Bocq and sailed to Saleyer on the chialoup Nagelboom, anchoring near the VOC fort on 23 November.
• On the same day, Bollaert ordered all local kings to gather at the VOC fort by 26 November.

In a letter from Macassar dated 26 May 1673, the writer discusses interactions with pirates and local leaders, including a figure called the Pangchan (local ruler). The writer chose not to express distrust toward the Pangchan to avoid conflict, especially since the pirates had recently arrived with stolen goods—specifically, wax and enslaved people taken from a nearby area.

• The pirates, led by Dain Lobocq and Dain Rijole, were denied access to the harbor and river by the Pangchan due to their crimes. Without trade opportunities, they were forced to wait.
• The Pangchan mentioned that these pirates were staying on Coetij (likely a nearby island or region).
• Trade in Passir (a nearby trading location) involved wax, gold, and some textiles, with annual sales reaching around 10,000 to 12,000 rixdollars (a type of currency). However, competition from free traders from Batavia and Malacca made it difficult for the Dutch East India Company (VOC) to sell textiles at good prices.
• The writer suggested establishing a permanent VOC trading post in Passir to take advantage of peak trading seasons (March and April), when merchants from Polot Mindanauw and other places arrived. However, the Pangchan and his advisors resisted this idea, fearing they would be held responsible for any debts or issues caused by VOC representatives.
• Instead, the Pangchan proposed that the VOC trade directly with him and his officials, ensuring better prices and avoiding risks. He suggested the VOC send two ships annually—one to collect returns from the previous year and another to bring new goods—so that traders would not have to wait long for their cargo.
• The letter also notes that around 100 units of Zaleijerse (a type of cloth) could be sold yearly in the region, likely at higher prices if timed well. Other goods, like red women’s cloth, could also sell if marketed properly to local leaders.
• There was enough harpuijs (a type of resin or gum) available to fill an entire ship’s cargo, purchasable for less than half a guilder per unit, though the writer notes some had already been bought at slightly higher prices.

• On 26 May 1679, a trading record from Macassar listed sales and returns of various goods, totaling Rx 4967 (likely rijksdaalders, a currency). Key items included:
  • Textiles: 359 pieces of staffachelas (fabric), 96 pieces of niquanias, 1 piece of Rouwe bethilles, and others like cambaarseh, Roode moeris, and perpetuaan.
  • Sold to Pangeran (a local ruler or noble) at fixed rates, e.g., 100 pieces of tapesarassa at 17 corgie (another term for currency or weight).
  • Other goods: 3032 pieces of Saleijerse cleeden (clothing), 97 pieces of dragam maleije (likely a type of fabric or garment), and 20 pieces of cusi taffachelas.
• The return goods (to offset the total) included:
  • 224 pieces and 483 cattij (a weight unit) of wax at 15 rijksdaalders per piece.
  • 250 bundles of passirse bintrottangh (likely a type of rope or fiber) at 12½ per hundredweight.
  • 10 picols (a weight unit) of harpuijs (likely a type of resin or gum).
  • An outstanding debt owed by Pangeran, valued at Rx 1564.
• Additional goods listed separately included:
  • 78 pieces of Guinees lijnwaat (linen) at 5½ stivers (a small currency unit) per piece.
  • 293 pieces of kannekijns (likely a type of cloth) at 11 rijksdaalders per corgie.
  • Smaller quantities of other fabrics like Sarassa chiauw, blauw bethilles, and grauw laeken (gray cloth).
• A note from 26 May 1639 (likely a scribal error for 1679) mentioned an outstanding debt tied to unsold goods in Macassar, including:
  • 36 corgie of Saleijerse cleeden (clothing), 100 pieces of tapesarasses, and 173 pieces of dragam maleije.
  • The local king (Conincq) promised to repay half in gold and half in wax by April at standard market prices, as confirmed in his letter.
• Regarding Hoover Soelon (likely a person or group) and his followers:
  • Pangeran claimed no control over Poeloehout (an island or region), as it fell under Banjermassingh's jurisdiction.
  • Pedro Wangsa, Pangeran's envoy, suggested Soelon was under Pangeran's influence, supported by the fact that Soelon had never attacked ships under passir (likely Pasisir, a coastal region) authority.
  • A ship from Macassar heading to Batavia had hired a passir steersman (navigator), indicating ongoing trade connections.

On 26 May 1639, a report from Macassar described a meeting between a Dutch representative and Pangeran Maes, a local ruler acting on behalf of the king.

• Pangeran Maes received a letter from the Dutch and had it read aloud to a crowd of hundreds. He acknowledged the Dutch request to trade but warned that:
• The amount of goods brought was too large to sell entirely in Macassar.
• He could provide a pilot for traveling north, as requested, but advised against it due to unrest in the northern regions.
• Rebellions near Coetij had disrupted trade, ruined villages, and made travel dangerous.
• Despite the risks, Pangeran Maes left the decision to the Dutch, offering:
• A pilot if they still wished to go north.
• Permission to trade locally in the meantime.
• A temporary house for the Dutch merchants to stay and store goods.

The Dutch representative then gathered information from locals and other traders about:

• Prices of goods in the market.
• Potential for better trade opportunities further north.

However, the reports confirmed Pangeran Maes's warnings:

• Little hope for profitable trade in the north due to ongoing conflicts.
• Travel risks, especially around December and January, when heavy rains made rivers impassable for large vessels.

Because of these challenges, the Dutch decided to:

• Stay in Macassar and sell as many goods as possible locally.
• Inform the king, who approved of the plan.
• Begin trading immediately, exchanging cloth for wax, gold, or cowrie shells (Schiepatshoorn).
• The wax was priced at 15 sx (a weight unit) and 8 picols (a smaller weight unit) per unit.

On 26 May 1679, a report from Macassar described rising tensions between Dutch officials and local leaders. The Dutch suspected that the locals were preparing to flee, likely due to unrest. To prevent conflict, the Dutch asked Raja (the local ruler) to meet at the castle to peacefully resolve misunderstandings. The Raja delayed his response, requesting patience and postponing the meeting until the following Friday (which had already passed by the time of the report). The Dutch agreed but noted that around 40 armed men—some with painted socks, others with firearms—were seen at the Raja’s residence, along with a known sorcerer named Jaga. The Raja’s forces, including about 300 armed men from a nearby mountainous region beyond Goa, appeared ready for confrontation. The Dutch also observed that the Raja and his men were armed, raising further concerns.

The Dutch commissioners, having completed their task, left by boat in the evening and returned to their ship near Sadrebonij (likely a misspelling of Banten or another location) around midnight. The report was formally submitted at Castle Rotterdam in Macassar on 3 November 1678 by Paulus de Docq and Nicolaes Pleun.

A separate report by Francoijs Prins, a junior merchant, detailed his mission to Passir (on the east coast of Borneo). He departed on 25 August (year not specified but likely 1678 or 1679) and, after some delays, reached the Passir River on 6 September. The next day, 7 September, he formally announced his arrival to the local king or leader, referred to as the Panghan.