Users of Open Archives can have summaries generated from the recognized texts (transcriptions) produced through text recognition (OCR) and handwriting recognition (HTR). Neither of these artificial intelligence tasks is perfect, but they are often more than sufficient to make the historical document understandable. In the transcripts, names are underlined in green and clickable (to search the personal entries on Open Archives for the name in question), the recognized dates have a light gray background and recognized place names have a light purple background. The results of the application of (European) artificial intelligence have not been verified by a human.
This appears to be a Dutch tax or census record listing personal payments ("hoofdgeld") and slave taxes ("slaaven") in unknown date. The amounts are recorded in Pesos. Notable entries include:
The document shows payments for both personal tax and slave ownership, with amounts ranging from 1 to 40 pesos. The records mention many Jewish names, suggesting this was from a community with a significant Jewish population. The total amount being transported ("Transporteere") was 1560 pesos.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.05.01.02 / 225a / 0026
In a list of residents from Curaçao, various people are recorded along with numbers that likely represent household members or enslaved persons. Notable entries include David Sterling, Jacob Sterling, and the Senior family members including Isaac, Abraham, and Nicolaas. Several widows are mentioned, including those of Solomon Senior, Benjamin de Solas, and David Suaris. The de Veer family appears to be significant with Johannes de Veer and Abraham de Veer having larger numbers associated with their entries. The list also includes several prominent Dutch and Portuguese Jewish names, reflecting the diverse population of colonial Curaçao. The entries include numbers that add up to running totals, suggesting this may be a tax record or census document. Multiple individuals named Suaris, Thijssen, and van Uitrecht are listed, indicating the presence of extended family groups in the colony.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.05.01.02 / 225a / 0012
In a report from
Ceylon dated
November 30, 1719, officials documented their inspection of a wilderness area called Kattoegawale in the village of Degambade, located in Hewa Gamcorle. Following orders from the governor on
January 12, 1719, they surveyed approximately 1.25 ammonam of land. The document lists the following trees that needed to be cut down:
- 5 old large cinnamon trees
- 260 hedeweke trees (large and small)
- 170 aloebod trees (large and small)
- 100 godeparas trees (large and small)
- 80 dieparaas trees (large and small)
- 10 mililes trees
- 30 hanpaleda trees
- 50 bookeres trees
- 60 vanoekeres trees
- 50 welipianna trees
Among the wild and non-useful trees were:
- 30 kekoene trees
- 20 pelen trees
- 150 badoelle trees
- 100 malebatte trees (large and small)
- 40 kirchimdie trees
- 20 omkende trees
- 10 ettembe trees
In total, 1,185 trees were counted, both useful and non-useful. The document was signed in
Colombo on
January 15, 1719. The translation was certified by
L. Paulusz and
R. Maten, clerk. The original Sinhalese document was from
Deneweke-appohamij, a resident of the village of
Berles-migamoewe in Salpittij Corle.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 8934 / 0215
In a letter from
Ceylon dated
November 30, 1759, officials discussed seeking information from
Rama Chittij and
Pettij Chittij regarding a proposed marriage arrangement. This matter was meant to be addressed before an upcoming diplomatic mission to the royal court.
I. A. Rumpf wrote from
Colombo on
October 24, 1719 that transportation could be arranged via small boats, but not larger ships. The letter was witnessed by village officials including:
The document was certified by clerk
Ad. Maten.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 8934 / 0214
The text discusses cotton production and yarn spinning in
Java in the Dutch colonial period. Officials (Residents) and local leaders (Regents) were working to improve the quality of yarn production, except in
Tagal, where it was deemed impossible due to the predominance of fishing villages. They had to obtain cotton from the
Paccalongang district instead.
The administrators agreed that while initial yarn quality might not match the desired samples perfectly, they would accept it as long as there was visible improvement. The example of
Samarang was used to demonstrate that significant progress could be made with serious effort and fair payment to common workers.
The officials promised to:
- Do everything possible to meet production intentions
- Increase delivery quantities within the year
- Improve yarn quality where possible
- In Tagal, focus on producing finer yarn despite being unable to increase quantity
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3866 / 0202
The East India Company made payments for cotton yarn, of which one quarter was considered reasonable as payment after deducting raw cotton costs, workers' food, and equipment wear. If the Regents handled these expenses, a fixed price system would need to be established. To prevent the Regents from experiencing losses or reduced profits since cotton yarn delivery had been done as an unpaid service until then, a general promise was proposed. This promise stated that those who significantly increased deliveries and best met fineness and quality requirements would receive special recognition for their efforts.
At the start, both Residents and Regents raised several objections:
- They claimed no women could be found with the knowledge to spin yarn as fine as the provided samples
- They were already very busy
- The quantity could not be increased because they were already struggling to meet existing obligations
The writer believed these difficulties could be overcome with time.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3866 / 0201
In a letter dated
July 26, 1790, the governor of
Java,
Greeve, wrote about improving cotton yarn production and delivery. He mentioned his previous letter from
May 19 about methods to:
- Expand cotton yarn supply
- Improve yarn winding
- Make threads finer and more even
This was in response to demands from the Dutch East India Company masters for the year
1790.
Greeve believed these goals could not be achieved under the current system, where:
- Women in rural areas did the spinning and winding without proper supervision
- Quality depended on how much effort each worker chose to put in
- Workers were forced to produce cotton yarn as a service to their rulers
- People received very little payment for their work
He noted that this system caused both women and men to be unmotivated in their work, whether in spinning, winding, or growing cotton.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3866 / 0197
Local leaders, who mostly lived in large houses, were advised to set up workplaces in their homes in well-located spots. Women from villages in their districts would work there under supervision of either the leader's wife or someone else with the required knowledge. These supervisors would teach the women to spin fine and even thread.
The women were expected to work for a full week at these locations. Every Saturday when going home, they would receive their wages directly from the leader. The payment was calculated based on the price the Company paid for each picol of cotton yarn, which could be converted into skeins.
After one week, a new group of women would replace them. The system was arranged so women who worked for one week could stay home for two weeks before returning to work.
This plan was expected to face many difficulties at first:
- Women could not be away from home for so long
- They needed to go to the market
- They had to cook for their husbands
- They had to take care of their children
- For many, the workplace was too far away
- Husbands were reluctant to let their wives go so far
- Most importantly, it was not traditional custom
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3866 / 0198
In
Java in
1314, there were challenges with local customs (adat) and work habits. Although the Javanese people were seen as stubborn and idle by nature, and strongly attached to their ancestors' traditions, they could be motivated to work harder if they saw clear benefits. This was proven by their successful return to coffee cultivation.
The main reason for their perceived laziness was that common Javanese people received very little of the money that the Company paid for their products. They accepted this situation without complaint due to their complete obedience to their
Regents.
This led to:
- A harmful indifference towards work
- People feeling they had worked enough once they could provide basic necessities
- No possibility to save money
The text suggests that if regular weekly payments were made for yarn production:
- These problems would quickly disappear
- Women would become more diligent and attentive
- Men would share in their wives' earnings
- Men would put special effort into cotton cultivation
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3866 / 0199
In 1822, H. Kleyn van de Poll requested access to printed documents concerning the Cirebon case that were produced for members of the States General. The text mentions several other individuals including J. van de Poll, G. van de Poll, W. Poolman, and H. W. C. Potthast. Potthast was a concessionaire for the construction and operation of a railway from Samarang to the Principalities in Java. A sergeant was proposed for an honorable reward. The document also references:
- Matters relating to the timing of salary payments for a clerk to be appointed at the Department of Colonies
- Traditional inheritance law (adat poesaka)
- Justice and Police matters
- Transportation systems
- Honorary decorations
View transcript NL-HaNA / 2.10.02 / 6310 / 0281
In
Ternate, on
August 14, 1693, they received a Malay letter that had been sent by
King Laloda Mockoago of
Magondo. The letter was addressed to
P.A.I. Steijnkuijler, who was the head official in
Manado. The letter, dated
July 18, 1693, mentioned that people from
Magondo had recently learned about something that happened on
July 14 of that year. The letter referred to 40 people from
Magondo and mentioned someone called
Harmen Jansz Steijnkuijler who was the head in
Manado.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1554 / 0885
The King of
Tomini sent a letter to a corporal in
Tontoli, which was received on
August 14, 1693. A Dutch translation was made of this letter. Later, rulers called
Sowohi Adi and
Ngofamanjira Moesoe wrote to the King of
Ternate,
Toloko. This letter was delivered on
September 8, 1693 and was also translated into Dutch. The document was recorded at Castle
Orangie in
Ternate on
July 15, 1693.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1554 / 0882
During the rule of Governor Cornelis van der Duijn, various Malay letters were received in Manado between August 14, 1693 and September 8, 1693. These included:
- A letter from King Laloda Mockoago of Magondos to Manado's chief H.I. Steijnkuijler, written on July 18, 1693 and received on August 14, 1693
- A letter from the King of Taboecan, written on June 22, 1693
- A letter from the old King of Manganitoe, written on June 2, 1693
Dutch translations were made of all these letters.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1554 / 0881
This appears to be just a header or title line in Dutch from August 14, 1693 to September 4, 1693 about various received Malay letters from several native kings, but there is no actual content to summarize. Without the actual letters or content below this title, I cannot provide a meaningful historical summary.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1554 / 0877
In a letter dated
April 30, 1694,
Datoe Boeisan writes that while he admits to having little, he has given everything to his son
Sam Sialam, who holds the title of kaischiel (chief). He requests the Dutch East India Company (VOC) not to believe those who spread malicious stories about him, but rather to first check with him whether such stories are true. He signs off as their friend, with his signature on the side of the document.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1554 / 0874
The King Dato Boeisan wrote to Governor Cornelis van der Duijn, who governed the lower regions of Celebes. The King received the Governor's letter requesting him to come over. However, due to his old age and inability to endure sea travel, he asked to be excused. Instead, he sent his son Kitjil Samsialam to appear before the East India Company. The letter also mentioned amber and included a Malay translation. It was received by Governor Van der Duijn on May 21, 1694.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1554 / 0873
On April 30, 1694, Dato Boeisan wrote a letter to the Dutch East India Company. He expressed his loyalty as an ally, mentioning that even though there were some small conflicts, he remained faithful. He mentioned sending his son Samsialam to demonstrate this loyalty. He warned the Company not to believe rumors and lies about him, suggesting they should ask him directly if they heard such stories. He signed off with many greetings as their friend.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1554 / 0872
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1554 / 0871
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1554 / 0870
In this letter, Princess
Dona Madalena Linkakoa addresses a nobleman regarding a schoolmaster. She requests the nobleman to release someone from chains and send him to them, promising to pay any legal debts. She expresses disappointment in the schoolmaster who, despite being expected to enlighten people about religion, keeps them in pagan customs. The princess asks for the return of marriage gifts if possible, as she holds the schoolmaster responsible for
Laombas's misfortune and damages. She concludes by entrusting the matter to the nobleman's fair judgment and offers a prayer for his physical and spiritual blessings.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1554 / 0869
In the
Caidipan community, a wife's repeated misconduct was well-known to all the people. Her husband became angry about the shame and committed a wrongdoing because of his wife's actions. Married couples were also known to separate in
Bool,
Attingola, and
Dauw, where both men and women would remarry others. Since the East India Company never punished these practices, they did not stop
Augustin Laomba from following the same path. The people asked their lord for mercy and requested him to listen to their appeal.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1554 / 0868
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1554 / 0865
Augustin Laomba's wife, the daughter of teacher Johannes Tais, had an affair with Laloengolij. Before their marriage, according to local custom in Leiden, they had exchanged wedding gifts including a gold coin, a Patola cloth, a double-strand gold coral necklace, and a heavy Caidipan cloth worth 3 units. They married after a courtship of 11 months. After discovering his wife's infidelity, Laloengolij was punished and had to pay 15 Caidipan cloths. This incident caused conflict between husband and wife. Later, Corporal Reitsen Reijniersz and some Caidipan people brought Augustin Laomba to his wife, but she refused to reconcile with him.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1554 / 0867
In a letter dated March 15, 1694 (received May 19, 1694), Princess Dona Madalena Linkakoa from the village of Boelangitang and her chiefs (Bobatos) wrote to Governor Cornelis van der Duijn, who ruled on behalf of the Dutch East India Company at Castle Oranje on Ternate island. The letter concerned matters regarding Augustin Laomba and his wife Saniki.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1554 / 0866
Here is the summary in HTML:
In Bool and Attingola, some married couples were separating permanently from their spouses. The husbands became angry and ashamed when their wives repeatedly committed adultery. The men then went on to marry other women, while their former wives did the same with other men. When this was discovered, no punishment came from the Company (Dutch East India Company) authorities. Because of this lack of consequences, Augustin Laomba and Sahoeroeff followed these examples and did the same thing.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1554 / 0863
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