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On 6 January 1717, a list was made of the children, daughters, and nephews left behind by Pangerang Adivattij Soero Dimongolle after he died in Samarang. The list was provided by the First Deputy To. Iudo on 8 January 1717 from Java's East Coast. The deceased had 9 sons:
  1. Maas Soumengoreg Soemo Nogara, from Kanbal, 2 years old
  2. Rabeen Sommargang Soeme Dinip, from Danak, 31 years old
  3. Maas Anjo Adiradjo, 10 years old
  4. Maas Sakin, 16 years old
  5. Maas Sammir, 12 years old
  6. Maas Sarif, 11 years old
  7. Maas Agoes, 10 years old
  8. Maas Tamman, 9.5 years old
  9. Maas Adie, 1.5 years old
He also had 8 daughters:
  1. Maas Aojeng, 21 years old, married to Maars Tommongong Tommangong Djoijo Dirono, the second Regent of Sourabaija
  2. Radeen Aijoe Sumanap, 19.5 years old, married to the Regent of Sumanap
  3. Raden Aijde Paccalongong, 14.5 years old, married to the Regent of Paccalongang
  4. Maas Alijab, 11 years old, unmarried
  5. Maas Kadanijas, 8 years old
  6. Maas Kadi, 5 years old
  7. Maas Kaimab, 4 years old
All these children were born from concubines. The deceased's illegitimate brother was Maas Jngabij Wirat Madja, 64 years old, who had always lived quietly, never held any position of authority, and stayed among the priests. The sons of the deceased's earlier deceased brother Jngabij Soemo Joedo, who had been village head of Goemoelak, were:
  1. Maas Jngebij Djaijo Nagara, 49 years old, from a legitimate marriage, and was a village head of Torbaija
  2. Maas Manto Dipouro, 35 years old, illegitimate
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0189  


I. R. v. d. Burgh wrote a letter from Java's east coast on 8 January 1717. He mentioned that Tommongong Tjitro Soema was regent in Japara with the title and name given to him. The authorities had allowed him to propose a suitable person to fill the position in Lamongang.

He thankfully proposed the younger brother of the replaced regent, the Ingebij Cromo wiedjojo. He explained that while some regents on Java were of illegitimate birth, this man was a legitimate son according to the country's customs. His father was Adigattij Tjitao Soema, the former first regent of Japara who had always been loyal to the Company. The proposed candidate was also a brave, watchful and hardworking person.

However, if the authorities did not wish to accept this proposal, van d. Burgh asked permission to propose the Ingelij Soema Dirana as regent of Lamongang instead. This man was a former Bepattij and also guardian of the current second regent in Sourabaija.

He requested that whichever of the two candidates the authorities preferred should be honored with a certificate as Tommongong and given the name they would choose.

The letter was written from Samarang on 8 January 1717. In a postscript, van d. Burgh mentioned that he also included a letter from the emperor and one from the Sultan, both addressed to the authorities.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0187  


On 8 January 1717, a report was sent from Java's East Coast regarding regent appointments. The writer requested that whichever person the authorities chose to favor should be given the title of Adipattij and appointed as Regent of Samonang and the following areas: The writer requested that the trading posts Carang-pain and Carang bemoen, which had accidentally come under the control of the deceased Head-Regent but actually belonged to Damak, be returned to Damak's regency. The writer asked for permission to transfer these two trading posts to the Regents of Damak. With the position of widow-regent over Damak, Calinoengo, candal, Batang, pacalongong, and wieradessa remaining unfilled, there would no longer be any widows of the Company along Java. The Head-Regent had declared before his death that he had not received or obtained 60 carbines in Batavia, and the writer reported this in response to the authorities' letter of 11 December 1746 requesting collection and payment. The Panembahan of Madura had returned from Batavia since the writer's report of 24 December. At his request, the writer proposed Demang wirja Nagaria, the chief Mantrie there, to become roevattij in Madura to replace the deceased Radeen poispa Nagara. The writer considered him fully capable, unless he misused the Prince's great trust. The writer would have preferred someone else if another suitable person with the necessary skills could be found in Madura, but no such person was known there. The testimonies of the Sourabaijs commander of Niepoort and Bantallangs Commander Morgenstern supported this choice, and the writer could not recommend anyone better than wirja Nagarna. A general letter from the authorities dated 27 December of the previous year had just arrived the day before, concerning the appointment of Lamongangs regent Djaija Pantika as second regent.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0185  


Johannes Vos, an extraordinary council member, left behind a report about several young people and children aged 10 to 1.5 years old. Of the two sons mentioned in the report:

Of the daughters, the three oldest were married:

  1. The first to Maas Tommongong Djoijo Dirons, second Regent of Surabaya
  2. The second to Pangovang Notto Coessoemo, Regent of Sumanap
  3. The third to Radeen Adijpattij Jaija Ningrat, Regent of Polalongong, who was the only one among the sons and sons-in-law (though all were present) who indicated he wanted the succession

The only surviving legitimate brother, Maas Ingebij Wirat Midja, was not suitable for this position. Of the nephews, only Maas Djoijo Nagaraa Ingebij of Surabaya could be considered. He was the oldest and only son of the deceased's oldest full brother Ingebij Soenio Poedo, former chief officer at Goemoelak, who had died long ago.

The writer stated that on 8 January 1717 from Java's East Coast, the Chief Regent of Samarang needed to be well respected by other regents and even by princes. He should be a man of insight and judgment who, through knowledge, capability, and vigilance, had enough experience to handle daily matters promptly and courageously. The writer testified that among the sons and other relatives of the late Pangerang Adipattij Soero Dimongollo, no one possessed these qualities as much as Maas Djoijo Nagaraa Ingebij of Surabaya. Therefore, the writer felt obliged to recommend him for the succession as a sensible person, well-regarded by both Europeans and locals according to his status. If the authorities decided to look outside the deceased's family, the writer could suggest no more capable person among all the Company's coastal regents than Adapattij Soera Diningaat, Regent of Pattij, or Sommongong Wirja Dinagara, Regent of Batang, both of whom he knew well.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0183  


The Regent of Saman, Sangerang Abdipattij Soero Dimongollo, who was also protector of Damak, Calivoen, Candal Batang, and Pacalongangen, had returned from Batavia feeling unwell. He continued to be sick and died on 3 January from a severe fever. The writer informed the High Nobility of this death and reported that no unusual disturbances had been observed because of it, and no harmful consequences were expected.

From 8 January 1777 onwards, the Regent's duties were being carried out by the Bupati Sudo, under the writer's personal supervision. To prevent conflict between the oldest son and the illegitimate sons (who did not get along) and to protect the interests of the other children, the writer appointed commissioners to make an inventory of the estate:

The estate would then be divided among the heirs according to Muslim law. The deceased had made no arrangements or instructions about either his estate or who should succeed him as Regent.

The writer included a list prepared by Bupati Sudo of the deceased's children, brother, and brother's children. The deceased Regent left behind 9 sons and several daughters, all of whom were illegitimate children. Of these, only 2 sons were of appropriate age.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0181  


Secreete Brieven en Bijlagen (secret letters and attachments) were received from Java's east coast. Sangerang Adijpattij Soero Dimongolle, the regent of Saman and its districts, as well as protector of Damak, Caliwvoen, Candal Batang, Paccalongang, and Wienadesse, had returned sick from Batavia. He had been ill since then and died on the 3rd of the month from a severe fever. The writer informed his high authorities of this death and reported that no unusual disturbances were noticed or expected as a result of this event, and no harmful consequences were foreseen. The leadership of the regency was being handled according to instructions.

The following documents were included:

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0179  


View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0177  


  • A separate letter copy from Governor van der Burgh to Their High Excellencies dated 8 January 1777, page 1
  • A list of family members left behind by Pangerang Adipattij Soero Dimongollo after his death
  • A separate letter copy from the same Governor to Their High Excellencies dated 15 March 1777, page 13
  • Four loyalty agreements:
  • A separate letter copy from the same Governor to Their High Excellencies dated 15 April 1777
  • A report copy from the Javanese Bappa Keman and others, page 57
  • An extract from a letter from Commander van der Niepoort to van der Burgh dated 9 April 1777
  • A letter exchange dated 19 March previously between the same people
  • A translated Malay-Javanese letter from King Goeste Moera of Djambij from Balij Badoene to the Commander at Banjoewangie dated 15 March 1777
  • A translated Javanese letter copy from Sultan Aming Koeboeana to van der Burgh dated 30 March 1777
  • A translated Javanese letter from the Governor to the Sultan at Djoejocarta
  • A separate letter copy from Governor van der Burgh to Their High Excellencies dated 2 June 1777, page 75
  • A letter copy written by Niepoort to the Commander at Samarang at Banjoewangie dated 16 May 1777, page 81
  • A copy listing ships and other items for the expedition against Noespa, page 8
  • A separate letter copy from and to the same people dated 18 May, page 81
  • Instructions for the Passarouang Commander Adriaan van Rijke, page 9
  • Instructions for the ordinary fireworks specialist Wijd Camp, page 10
  • An extract from a patriotic letter from the chief van Rhijn to van der Burgh dated 22 May 1777, page 111
  • A translated letter copy written by van der Burgh to Pangerang Adipattij Mancoenagara at Soura Carta, page 113
  • A reply to that letter, page 11
  • A note about the boats that sailed from the mentioned Pan
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0175  


This collection contains secret letters and attachments received from Java's East Coast covering the period from January 1777 to the end of September 1777.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0173  


Ian Daniel Beijnon, a merchant and secretary of Police in the local government, appeared on 5 August 1777. Witnesses were present.

Kobiaaij, an orangkaya (local leader) from Poelo Gisser of the Muslim faith, was requested by the honorable Bernardus van Pleuren, Governor and Director of this Province, to make the following statement in favor of the pure truth:

At the end of the previous year, the head saparoua (another local official), Ioan Constantijn Cruijpenping, was ordered to travel to the island Groot Keij to find out information about some pieces of the Company's cannons. According to reports given to Cruijpenping, these cannons were kept there under a certain Regent. The witness reported that Cruijpenping traveled to the mentioned island and upon his arrival investigated whether the mentioned cannons were truly kept there and in whose hands they were. The witness was told that the cannons were kept by the Radja (ruler) of Veer, a village on the mentioned island. Cruijpenping went to him and received information that 8 iron cannons had remained in his care. The mentioned cannons had remained there because a certain Company's boat from Batavia had recently been there and, having suffered a leak, had been forced to repair itself there.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0079  


The Dutch East India Company directors received information about various issues in their Asian territories. Regarding Macassar and the Spice Trade: The instructions for preventing the destruction of many clove trees with 15 larger spots than in 1624 had been issued. The Macassarese were bold and courageous people who, despite Dutch patrol ships, sailed to Kombello to prevent the arrival of junks. They destroyed clove plantations. The Dutch hoped to achieve their goal within 2 years. The Dutch had wrong opinions about Macassar. Macassar, under Hamsia, sought to expand its power at the expense of the Company's rights. Macassar made conquests and was the Company's most harmful enemy in the Indies. There were objections to Macassar's actions. Macassar's occupation gave little benefit, so they now intended to stop. Van den Heuvel's harsh rule upset the Company's subjects. They hoped Deutecom would improve this. Van Leeuwen was living beyond his means. Therefore, they sent Gardenijs there to be Director. Personnel Matters in Ambon: The loss caused by Goudeleen was legally pursued by the fiscal. A sentence was passed and approved. A second trial against van den Heuvel took place. The Hitu community interceded for their chief. However, they could not agree to reasons for his release. They would keep him confined in Batavia and place the Tanahhitu messenger in his position. Military Matters in Ambon: More fortification in Ambon was not advisable at that time. They could only send few soldiers to Ambon. Ambon's garrison was small. Power was to be sent in 1636 for the destruction at Verwela, where E. Gijsels had great authority. He remained inclined to continue the plan to send more power to Ambon. Trade Issues: Macassar obtained 1,000 bahar [a unit of weight]. They had them sail to North Keram. Those fed them with hope in vain. Cloves from Ambon were obtained mostly from Hitu, which would therefore also get its turn. Events in the Moluccas: Molucco received cloves. The arrival of Outen. Hamsia's peacemaking. Gorontalij became king of Tidore. This caused the old king Garolamma to flee, who obtained Hamsia's protection. Garolamma was too wise for the Spanish. His generosity towards the Spanish with gifts. There was correspondence between Ternate and Tidoro with the Spanish in Manila. The Dutch received information about this. Hamsia requested great Spanish power. Manila's help came early to Ternate. Ambonese captive chiefs from Loehoe were kept hidden. Other leaders from Loohoe came to understand Hamsia's opinion, but nothing followed. Hamsia was inclined to take the daughter of the Rijdoree as wife, which Ottens advised him against, but he continued anyway. All qualified Moluccans came to Ternate.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1116 / 0121  


Roelant de Carpentier brought ashore 8 baskets of clean tapestries and 4 baskets of carpet-like fabrics from the goods of the deceased skipper Hendrick Volckmans. These goods would soon be confiscated. From then on, strict watch would be kept on private trade during the unloading of ships. The authorities trusted that no complaints about this matter would reach the company directors. The official order regarding this issue would be renewed both locally and at the trading posts.

Regarding the strict command that company employees at the trading posts should hand over to the company any personal funds they did not need for their household, orders would be sent out accordingly. This would be burdensome for several people who did not engage in private trade harmful to the company, but who sought to earn better interest than in Batavia due to shortage of company capital. However, what the directors decided on this matter would have to be followed.

An important force was sent out on 3 August and 6 September under the supreme command of the honorable extraordinary councilor Rijckot van Goens, to the coast of India and Goa. They prayed fervently to God to bless the company's and the directors' desired goal with his abundant blessing.

From the attached translation of the letter from the Nabab, the directors would see that his highness still requested that his skipper (Nachoda) in Macassar be transported from there with the company's ships. The Nachoda had written to his master that he had been refused passage on a company ship, as Mirsiadelly had confirmed. However, the Nabab realized that the skipper himself was unwilling to come over to settle accounts. As long as he stayed there, his highness's request would not stop. If they absolutely refused his highness and declined to write to the directors on his behalf, he would be more inclined to outfit a ship again to send to Macassar. Therefore they humbly requested the directors not to take offense at their frequent writing about this matter.

Upon the arrival of the yacht Muijden, they would first be able to find out how it happened that pieces were missing from various packages, in order to hold accountable those who had been responsible for the packing. Carpentier was truly so careful that he did not take his eyes off the packers until the package was sealed, so they could not understand how it could happen that nevertheless in one package (marked by him) 10 pieces of carpet-like fabrics were missing.

The small vessel Tayouan, which had not yet been able to reach this harbor, would be ordered to try to reach the bay of Smeldien by sailing out to sea. However, if it could not reach there due to storms and contrary currents, it should then steer toward Ceylon.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1221 / 1388  


On 5 August 1696, a letter was written in the village of Bontawalak in the kingdom of Bonij on the island of Macassar. A gift was sent consisting of 2 young slaves: a woman named Wabijsoe and a man named Lebasou. The senders explained they were young and inexperienced and could not do better. A citizen named Jacob Dumee departed for Batavia carrying documents addressed to Governor General Willem van Outhoorn and the council of Dutch India. These documents included:
  1. An original letter from Governor Isaac van Thijs and the council at Macassar, dated 10 October 1696
  2. A request for supplies needed in the government for the year 1697
  3. An original general muster roll of Company servants at Macassar dated end of June 1696
  4. A roll of qualified persons dated 5 October 1696
  5. A brief strength report of employees in the government dated end of June 1696
  6. A list of persons still on the payroll books dated 5 October 1696
  7. A name roll of deceased Company servants between 26 August 1695 and 20 September 1696
  8. A list of ships and other Company property at end of June 1696 under this government, with their sailing crews and equipment
  9. A request from reverend Gerardus Heij and bookkeeper Iacob Kuijk van Mierop at Castle Rotterdam in Macassar dated 10 October 1691, signed by Isaac Marmer Leets
A letter to Governor General Willem van Outhoorn and the council of Dutch India in Batavia was received on 2 November 1696.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 7905 / 0466  


On August 2, 1712, Mister van der Burg had received 99 rijksdaalders, leaving 101 rijksdaalders still owed. Of this debt, Captain Lauwt had to pay 98 rijksdaalders and the chief Langoegoe 3 rijksdaalders.

On Friday, the writer saw that the kings did not want to pay anything to the Dutch East India Company. He also had to wait a long time for Captain Lauwt, who had already been away for 3 months. The writer thought that when Lauwt returned, he would bring enough coret (a type of cloth or trade goods) to pay off his debt to the Company. To avoid wasting more time, the writer had Company goods brought to shore to see if he could obtain any coret in the meantime.

On Saturday, the chief Balonk from Attingola came to visit the writer. After some unimportant conversations, he said goodbye and returned to his place of residence.

On Sunday, the kings of Gorontale came with some leaders and coret, but they could not agree on the price. They wanted 7 to 8 shillings per catty, while the writer could only offer 5 to 6 shillings. The leaders left with their coret.

On Monday, some small boats came from the bay of Tomimij, reporting that they had seen a group of Makassarese and Buginese people. They believed these people would meet Captain Lauwt.

On Tuesday, the old king came to the writer and also told him about the Makassarese. He asked the writer to send a guard to make them leave. The writer said the king had enough people to send there himself and that he had enough orders from the Company to follow.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1826 / 0422  


The Dutch East India Company decided to blockade Macassar with ships and smaller vessels. The local people living on the coasts supported the people from Macassar and would help them against the Dutch by any means possible. The Dutch learned that trade from Macassar to Malacca, Macao, and Manila was growing, which significantly strengthened their enemies. They decided the best solution was to continuously blockade Macassar itself with ships and smaller vessels, restricting it as much as their resources allowed. The Dutch expected this blockade would achieve several goals:
  • Little or no supplies from Macassar would reach Malacca and other areas
  • The King of Macassar would not be able to send promised assistance to Quimela Lousoe against the Dutch
  • Ships from Macassar and Malay vessels normally trading with Malacca and Amboina would be trapped in Macassar
  • The regions of Malacca, Amboina, and Ceram would suffer from lack of supplies from Macassar
  • The King of Macassar, who was in alliance with the Portuguese and Spanish and was being influenced to become Roman Catholic, would not grow stronger in power, authority, trade, and commerce
  • Ships from Macassar returning from Amboina, Banda, and other western places would fall into Dutch hands near Macassar, as would vessels from Java and Portuguese ships from Macao and Malacca
  • The Spanish and Portuguese would lose their main trading place in the archipelago, where they were building such influence that ships from Macao, the Indian Coast, and Coromandel could come there without calling at Malacca
  • The military assistance that Mattaram was requesting from Macassar (encouraged by the Portuguese) would disappear, and Mattaram would realize that help from Macassar and the Portuguese would come late or never, since the Dutch were attacking both the Portuguese and the people from Macassar in their own territories
For these and other good reasons, the Dutch decided to send forces of men, ships, and smaller boats to Macassar that they could spare without harming inland trade. They would keep the place continuously blockaded instead of patrolling uselessly in the waters around Amboina. On 3 October, the ship Buijren arrived from the Moluccas, having left Macquian on 17 August. The ship brought no cloves at all. Since 14 April, when the ship Het Gulden Zeepaert had left with letters from King Hamsia to Quimalasa on Lousoe, the weather in the Moluccas had been very bad and stormy with heavy rainfall. All the cloves on both Macquian and Ternate had rotted on the trees, spoiled, and fallen off unripe because of the continuous rain. This meant that trade in those inland areas, which depended on good or bad harvests, had been poor that year in the Moluccas. Sales of cloth were small, profits were minimal, costs were dispr
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1107 / 0134  


The people of an unnamed group remained neutral during the war and troubles between the Dutch and the mentioned quimalaha, without openly supporting the Dutch side. However, they seemed worried that if the war with the quimalasa continued, they would be drawn into it. They tried to strengthen themselves in various places and secure their position. They had already completed all their works at Massappel and intended to establish a new village at den houck van Seijt and make some fortifications. For this purpose, they were currently clearing the forest around that location and preparing a good supply of lime. According to reports received by the Dutch in Amboina, the King of Tidore had been on Ceramlant keffing and other places nearby with a force of 22 Correcouren (a type of vessel). What he had accomplished there was still unknown. Those from Moluco thought he had come there to build a fortress in Papons or nearby to secure his position in those areas and strengthen it further. If this were true, the people of Banda would get bad neighbors and would be more subject to robberies than currently. The state of the churches and schools was in good condition, and the spread of the Christian religion both near the Castle and in the outlying islands had good progress. The coconut trees that had been leased out for the last time in Amboina were advertised for lease again by the Governor after the lease expired, traveling to 3 or 4 districts to try to lease them out again. However, no one came forward to accept them, so they remained unleased. Various persons had paid the Company office in Amboina the sum of 3,644 3/8 Realen van achten (Spanish silver coins) to be reimbursed by the Company. Macassar: After the Macassars and Malays arrived in Martapura and spread the news, the Quimala of Loesoe had sent a delegation to Macassar this year and urgently requested the King to assist him with some people and vessels against the attacks that the Dutch made yearly on his junks and subjects. The King not only gave his word but also made a firm promise that he would send the mentioned Quimalasa during the current west monsoon a force of 40 war praeuwen (boats) well provided with people and ammunition of war, as well as 40 trading junks. With these, the Quimalasa and his subjects would not only defend themselves against Dutch assaults but also attack the Dutch in their own territory and thereby take revenge for the many junks and vessels that the Dutch had taken from him year after year in the areas of Amboina and elsewhere and destroyed. According to information obtained from a certain Chinese skipper from Batavia who came with his junk from Amboina, stopped at Macassar, and arrived on 30 August with some textiles, silk, and about 70 loads of rice, about 12 vessels from the areas of Amboina had arrived in Macassar before his departure. They had carried away and brought more than 1,000 picol (a weight measure) of cloves from there, which were ordinarily sold at 1,000 Realen van achten per bhaer (a measure) of 4½ picol. Those from the English ship de duijt departed from Macassar about a month later and arrived at Bantam on 11 October. They increased the number and affirmed that by the time of their departure, various Macassar and Malay junks had brought a quantity of about
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1107 / 0132  


The text describes Dutch colonial activities in the Ceram region during the 17th century. Raiders were continuously active both in that area and along the inner and outer coast of Ceram, although they did not come as close as they had done 4 or 5 years earlier. The placement of preacher brothers had not gone as well as hoped due to illness. Preacher Herbertus de Jager was suspended for several days from all his duties by the church council because of domestic disputes and excessive drinking. Reverend Rovenius, having recovered slightly from his paralysis, was placed on the island of Oma because that location could mostly be visited by water, which would be easier for him due to his disability. Homimoa remained without a preacher because Reverend Montanus had departed for Ternate on 5 July, with his duties being temporarily covered by visits. Only Reverends Caron and Huijsman remained at the castle. If the authorities decided to let Montanus stay in Ternate, they would need 2 or 3 more sober preachers. The congregation was growing larger. The Alfuros people from Pirou and Lackemaij (located near Janoenos bay on Ceram) requested a schoolmaster to teach them so they could become ready to receive the sacrament of baptism. It was hoped that many others would follow their example, as had happened with the village of Jatasia the previous year, whose inhabitants said they were more inclined toward Christianity than following their leader who had converted to Islam. In Manipa and Bowa, the number of Christians was also increasing. Recently, Reverend Caron had baptized 25 children and 33 adults there. The ship Dimmermeer, sent with materials from there to Banda, arrived safely but was damaged while being towed to the shipyard. The yacht Rambangh was then sent via this route to Macassar. Because it could not reach the harbor, it had to anchor in the lime bay west of Paricque. The skipper, first mate Evert Caspers, was suspended for 10 months, and the steward Abraham van der Plasse was suspended for 6 months for reasons mentioned in an earlier letter. The assistant Hans Paurauscher was ordered to administer the steward's iron magazine and equipment goods. Regarding the clove crop, the situation was such that they expected to harvest approximately 900 to 1,000 bales the following year. The planting of some young trees appeared to be doing well, but the Company's trees were planted so densely that they were too close together.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1275 / 0046  


This document is a register of letters and documents received in Batavia concerning the Amboina region. These documents were sent back to the homeland on the first return ships. The register covers the period from 27 April 1683 to 2 November 1683.

The register contains the following items:

  • A letter from the acting commander Jeremias van Vliet and the council, sent via the ship N. Noortwijck from Amboina to the authorities in Batavia, dated 16 October 1682.
  • Documents related to the mission of Robbertus Padtbrugge in Banda, received on 8 June via the ship Zijp in Amboina.
  • A letter from Governor and Commissioner Robbertus Padtbrugge and the council in Amboina to the authorities in Batavia, dated 24 May 1683.
  • A report from R. Padtbrugge about his assigned mission, dated 23 May 1683.
  • A complaint from the orphan masters of Banda to Commissioner Padtbrugge and the council.
  • Notes by Jeremias van Vliet and other appointed officials regarding a statement about a certain party, received in 1683.
  • Instructions for the senior merchant Van Doorden, prepared by Commissioner Padtbrugge and the council for his journey to Heffin, dated 11 February 1683.
  • A report by Van Vliet upon his return from Heffin, submitted to the Commissioner and council, dated 12 March 1681 (likely 1683).
  • A report by Captain Cromhuysen regarding complaints about the people of Pattij, submitted on 27 March 1683.
  • A translated letter from the old king of Bantam to the king and nobles of Makassar and the Moluccas, as well as the head man of Ceram, calling for rebellion against the Dutch East India Company, dated 3 March 1683.
  • A translated letter from a certain Dai Boelaken, an envoy from Bone, to the Governor in Amboina, about the war against the people of Tamoocko.
  • Instructions for Captain Jodocus Cromhuysen, skipper Jan van der Walle, and other commanders of the military force sent from Amboina and Banda, concerning the ship captain Joumat who was reportedly sent by the old sultan of Bantam with 3 vessels and letters to eastern peoples to encourage them to fight for the Muslim religion, dated 25 January 1683.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1385 / 0023  


A report was written expressing concern that bandits and slaves in a certain location were powerful enough to beat soldiers to death with sticks. This was considered unacceptable and was blamed on both the recipient and vigilant sergeant Jan Pietersz who had been stationed there. The situation needed to be fixed quickly because a soldier without weapons was useless in preventing troubles. The recipient was ordered to carefully inspect how things were at Poelorhun and properly provide everything that was missing. The letter ended on ultimo November 1686 in Banda on Neira, signed by Willem van Zijll. Saul, a resident of Damme under the village of Bathomia, recently came and complained that someone named Doman, who had previously been a leader of the common people when the residents of Damme were last fought against by the Company under Captain Cromhuijsen, was hindering him with testimony that was harmful to his command. The complainer sought to be confirmed in the position of head or orangkay (native chief). The mentioned orangkay Paul had been victorious from the beginning and was still their successor. He had continuously shown himself vigilant according to successive testimonies. Therefore, they did not want to fail to give him this certificate of testimony and the worth of an orangkay-ship. They gave him a silver cane and a prince flag as a token. This act was written on 27 November 1686 in Banda on the island Neira, signed by Willem van Zijll. To Corporal Jan de Voo: Various vessels being sailed by the natives of Thila had arrived safely with their passes, but to great surprise no letter or written message had been received from Macassar.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 1436 / 0848  


  • Birth registrations of twins could be written in one single record, but if a second or third child was reported after the first registration had already been made, a new separate record would be created for that birth.
  • The word "age" (ouderdom) after the word "names" should be considered as forgotten in this article.
  • By resolution of 25 February 1836 number 4, it was declared that the councils of justice would only make remarks about the first or baptismal names of children if it appeared that people were acting against the spirit of article 75 of the regulation, which was to prevent family names being given as first names. There was especially no reason to prevent parents from giving their own recognized first names used in the Netherlands to their children.
  • By decree of the Commissioner General dated 23 September 1829 number 25 (law gazette number 93), question 10, it was explained that although leaving children as foundlings was less common in the Dutch East Indies, when such cases occurred, every found newborn child, regardless of whether it was a Christian, Jewish or native child, had to be registered according to article 80 and following of the regulation. The word "foundling" was therefore used in a general sense in the regulation. (Note: In this article, article 59 was incorrectly cited; it should be article 66.)
  • By decree of the Commissioner General dated 23 September 1829 number 25 (law gazette number 93), question 12, it was determined that there should always be 3 marriage banns.
  • By decree of the Commissioner General dated 23 September 1829 number 25 (law gazette number 93), question 14, it was determined that the registers of marriage announcements and banns, like other civil registry records, should be deposited with the councils of justice. (Note: The citation of articles 85 and 86 was incorrect; it should be articles 41 and 42.)
  • By resolution of 9 August 1831 number 4 (law gazette number 44), it was determined that the power to grant exemption from article 111 of the civil registry regulation, in cases where this could happen without carelessness or fear of harmful consequences, was granted to the governors of the Moluccan islands and of Macassar, and to the residents of the west coast of Sumatra, Palembang, Banka, Riouw, Ternate, Banda, Menado, Timor and the west and southeast coast of Borneo.
  • By resolution of 9 August 1830 number 10 (law gazette number 34), it was determined that, changing article 115 of the regulation, residents would have the authority, when requested on urgent and well-founded reasons, to allow 2 marriage banns on the same day, and in very special cases 3 banns, provided this always happened on a Sunday and the marriage was not performed before the third day afterwards, according to articles 110 and 116 of the regulation.
  • By decree of the Commissioner General dated 26 September 1828 number 13, it was determined that no marriages could be performed before proof from the civil registry official was shown that the banns had been properly announced.
  • By decree of the Commissioner General dated 23 September 1829 number 25 (law gazette number 93), question 13, it was determined that marriages had to be performed at the main place of residence of one of the future spouses, before the civil registry official who was located there and where the announcement and banns had taken place.
  • By decree of the Commissioner General dated 23 September 1829 number 25 (law gazette number 93), question 17, it was determined that the burial permit referred to in article 139 would only be issued free of charge to poor people.
  • By resolution of 30 August
View transcript NL-HaNA / 2.10.01 / 1163 / 0384  


View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3497 / 0306  


A request was made for further approval regarding certain matters on 22 December 1777. The authorities asked to provide a monthly allowance of 20 dollars in cash, plus rice, beans, oil, salt, pepper and firewood to Radeen agoe, widow of Pangerang Praboe, and her followers who had returned from Banda to Batavia before sending them to Ceylon. The plan was to have the Javanese rulers pay for these costs. However, the rulers were not currently paying such expenses, and previous support given to this family in Banda had already been written off as expenses of the government in Java. The authorities requested further guidance on this matter. They expressed thanks for goods received via the ship Kroonenburg, including rifles, flint stones, sea charts, and items requested by the Emperor in exchange for payment. They wished for blessings in the coming new year for the persons addressed and for the Company's important interests. On 22 December 1777, another letter was received. The Resident of Rembang was instructed to arrange for the King of Bantam to collect pepper using 12 boats similar to Javanese Pantjallangs, measuring 50 feet long and 16½ feet wide. The fiscal officer and the warehouse masters were ordered to ensure that boxes containing bird nests for the Company would be wrapped with cross bands and sealed with the Company's seal. Permission was given to private individuals to transport rice by freight to Banda for 10 dollars and 100 pounds of spillage per koyang for the Company. They could also bring rice and other provisions for their own account, return with sea cucumbers and other permitted goods, and sail directly from Banda back to Java. Notice of this permission would be given everywhere. As many jati seeds as available would be sent to Amboina, along with the citizen Anthonij Adams who had arrived at Baccalongang that day with a respected letter dated 2 December.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3497 / 0304  


On 28 December 1777, a report was sent regarding the arrival of eastern ships. The officials stated they would follow orders concerning the validation of spillage (goods allowed to be traded privately by ship officers). Since the petitioner had always given the required satisfaction as bookkeeper, they asked for favorable consideration of both requests.

The ships 't Huijs te Bijweg and Kroonenburg, destined for Banda and Amboina respectively, had arrived at Paccalongang and Samarang. In response to the letter of 10th of the month, the officials reported they would send to Amboina with Kroonenburg the full woolen request, and to Banda 700 coiangs of rice instead of the originally requested 1,000. They would send as many of the other goods as the ships 't Huis te Bijwegen and Oostcapelle could transport. Each of these 3 ships would receive 40,000 pounds of rice and 8,000 cadjang (roofing material) as rations for the crew for the round trip, calculated at 8 months.

In validating spillage for ship officers bringing goods from Batavia, they would follow article 2 of the regulation reprinted on 15 August 1764 (dated 22 December 1777), concerning the writing off of shortages and deficiencies. They would therefore validate only half of the otherwise permitted spillage. They thanked the authorities both for this ruling and for permission to write off war and transport costs in Balemboang and in the expedition against Noessa, which occurred in fiscal year 1776/7, totaling 37,049 guilders, 3 stuivers, and 8 penningen.

The authorities' satisfaction with the favorable state of this coast and the recorded profit of 105,227 guilders and 3 stuivers in fiscal year 1776/7 gave them much satisfaction. The confidence placed in them served as a strong motivation to meet expectations that the profits from prosperous Java at the end of the current fiscal year would exceed those of many previous years by a considerable amount, and that outstanding debts would be reduced.

They respectfully noted the granted permission to the Ternate citizens to call at Java on their journey to Batavia, provided they had proper passes, and to sell their cargo there either wholly or in part.

View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3497 / 0302  


On 22 December 1777, a report was sent regarding military matters on Java. Five people who had claimed to be free persons were sent to the authorities, but it later turned out they were actually slaves. The costs made for them were requested to be charged back to Java. The military strength report from the end of November showed that 88 soldiers were missing from the required number in the best garrisons, and together with 52 common soldiers stationed on Noessa, there was a shortage of 140 soldiers in total. The writer requested that when sending replacement troops, as few junior officers and orphans as possible should be sent, because there were already enough of them. The old soldiers became frustrated because they could not get promoted, which often made them push for their release, setting a bad example for others. Thanks were expressed on behalf of several employees who had been promoted or had their salaries increased: It was reported that chief merchant and Head Administrator Johan Michiel van Panhuis had undertaken his permitted trip overland on 13 August, and bookkeeper Christoffel Weijdeman was expected to come serve on Java. Two petitions were presented:
  1. One from junior merchant and Resident at Joana Rutgert Reinier Keijzer, requesting permission to make a trip to Batavia
  2. One from citizen of Sourabaija Pieter Loeshouwer, requesting to be taken back into the Company's service in his previous position
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3497 / 0300  


On 22 December 1777, several administrative matters were discussed. Brewing of arak was forbidden for His Excellency. This task was assigned to the clerk and the director, the resident of Pacalong. A separate letter was offered from the Grissee resident Fockens. Following an order from 11 November, the local prosecutor was again contacted about the prohibition against brewing arak. The heads of other offices were also written to, instructing them to watch carefully against the brewing of arak. They were also told to follow rules about brewing tjieuw at sugar mills and elsewhere in the highlands, according to regulations from 22 April 1768 and 6 October, as far as this was practically possible. Regarding the supply of provisions, the usual provisions of rice and poultry for His Excellency, the current governor-general and the highly respected director-general Alting, would from now on be supplied only in rice according to previous arrangements. The resident of Pacalong, Bruistens, was already instructed to take care of the missing last 3 months of this year at the first good opportunity. The merchant and Grissee resident Barend Willem Fockens was required to explain the reasons why the people of Rottinee would see it as half a torture when a minister visited them. The 600 pairs of good quality men's shoes that were requested - specifically 400 pairs with flat toes and 200 pairs with round toes - were already being made and would be sent by sea at the first opportunity. Regarding certain people transported to the main place on the ship De Behemot according to a submission from 1 June, a report from prosecutor Nicolaas Alexander Zeliveld showed that only the following were known to be escaped slaves: The report also mentioned:
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3497 / 0298  



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