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On 15 September 1847, a request was submitted to the Dutch colonial government in Batavia (now Jakarta) by Thomas Roeland Landouw, a retired First Lieutenant of the Dutch East Indies Army living in Manado.

• Thomas Roeland Landouw asked for permission for his three adopted children to legally change their last names to Landouw and use a combined version of their original and new names.
• The children were:
  • Jan Roeland, born in Manado on 5 April 1822, originally the son of a free woman named Petronella Winten. He would become Jan Roeland Winten Landouw.
  • Daniel Roeland Thomassen, born in Manado on 5 March 1833, originally the son of a free woman named Marina Catharina Thomassen. He would become Daniel Roeland Thomassen Landouw.
  • Philippus Gerrit Thomassen, born in Manado on 10 July 1835, also originally the son of Marina Catharina Thomassen. He would become Philippus Gerrit Thomassen Landouw.
• The request was reviewed by the High Court of the Dutch East Indies on 17 August 1847 and by the Council of the Dutch East Indies on 25 August 1847.
• The government approved the name changes, allowing the children to officially use their new combined surnames.

On 15 September 1617, a request was reviewed from Thomas Hoeland Landouw (also known as Thomas Landouw), a retired First Lieutenant of the Dutch East Indies army, living in Manado. He asked for permission for his three adopted children to use the surname Landouw and adjust their names accordingly.

• The children were:
  • Jan Roeland, son of the late free woman Velronella Winter, born in Manado on 5 April 1622.
  • Daniel Roeland Thomassen, son of the late free woman Manina Calharina Thomassen, born in Manado on 5 March 1533.
  • Philippus Gerrit Thomassen, also her son, born in Eslande on 10 July 1655.

• Jan Roeland Landouw.
• Daniel Hoeland Thomassen Landouw.
• Philippus Gerrit Thomassen Landouw.

• The Dutch East India Company (VOC) made an agreement with Anthon da Costa about the mutual release of prisoners in Macassar (now Makassar, Indonesia). The goal was to secure the release of VOC prisoners held there, regardless of any prior prisoner exchanges.
• A journal was kept by Jochum Jochumz, a lower merchant, detailing events from the years 1629, 1630, and 1631 during his imprisonment in Macassar.
• Notes were made on:
  • The city layout and strategic position of Macassar.
  • An agreement about prisoner exchanges.
  • A contract with Anthonij Paulo, another lower merchant, outlining guidelines for purchasing wood in Boutton (now Buton, Indonesia).
  • A list of supplies, ship equipment, and provisions needed to prepare the ship Buijeren.
  • An invoice for goods like clothing loaded onto the ship.
  • A record of prisoners being transported, how their release would happen, and the rations each would receive.
• A letter was sent from Evert van Raemburch to Evert van Hoorn in Banda (now part of the Moluccas, Indonesia) on December 22 regarding:
  • The departure of the ships Gouden Leeuw, Edam, and the sloop Poulo Atn to Cochin (now Kochi, India) with goods and instructions.
  • The good supplies received in Battavia (now Jakarta, Indonesia) from various places and those still expected.
  • The need to send more supplies to Banda, including 243 loads of good rice.
  • A total financial claim of ƒ 38,192 and 9 stuivers (Dutch currency) for Banda, which was deemed justified and ordered to be paid, except for 5,000 karolusguilders (a type of coin) that were lacking in Dutch currency in Battavia.
• Instructions were given to Evert van Hoorn to:
  • Find out if the citizens of Banda could help with the missing funds, either through loans or by drawing bills of exchange on Battavia, without burdening the VOC.
  • Ensure that no VOC employees accepted money through bills of exchange or other means without permission, as this was considered abuse.
• Criticism was expressed about past actions where Evert van Hoorn allowed church and government employees of the VOC in Banda to:
  • Use bills of exchange to transfer funds at the VOC's expense.
  • Procure goods from the Coromandel Coast (India) and Curat (possibly Kuratti, India) for personal profit.
  • Issue bills of exchange without ensuring the VOC received payment first.
  • Take over profitable nutmeg and fruit tree plantations for personal gain, depriving the local citizens.
• These actions were seen as improper and against the VOC's rules, harming the company's interests.

• On 14 November 17, a public auction took place in Ommen, led by Petrus Iohannes de Quaij (justice of the peace) and Alexander de Vries (court clerk), at the home of Ederhardus Plim.
• The auction followed a legal process started 14 days earlier, with details recorded in an official report. Four properties were sold:
• First property: A house (number 45) in den Ham with about 14 rods of yard land, bordered by land owned by the heirs of Berent Arends Horst and Adam Lindenhovius. Starting price: 855 guilders. Sold to Everhardus Plim for 870 guilders. He could not sign or write.
• Second property: A piece of grassland called "de Maant," near Kemper under the village den Heun, about 56 rods in size. Borders land owned by Jan Heiro and Berent Kemper. Starting price: 260 guilders. Sold to Everhardus Plim for 280 guilders. He could not sign or write.
• Third property: Three plots of arable land in den Hemster Esch, totaling about 21 rods. Borders land owned by Hartger and Mannes Midderdorp. Starting price: 405 guilders. Sold to Hendrik Jan Schuurman (a merchant from den Ham) for 406 guilders. He signed after the sale.
• Fourth property: Half a voor (a unit of land) in the Hammer en Linder Markte, shared with Arent Bossink and Kaelof Lweert. Starting price: 125 guilders. Bought by Lindenhovius (a surgeon from Ommen) for 126 guilders.

• On 28 February 1824, at 11 AM, the notary Johannes Amama Cevallerau, based in Ommen (part of the Deventer district in the province of Overijssel), officially recorded a request.
• The request was made by:
  • Evert Hendriks Flim, married to Catharina Sophia Kelder, a laborer living in Den Ham (same district and province).
  • Antonij Dorgelo, married to Antje Elizabeth Kelder, a clerk for import/export taxes, previously living at Nieuwebrug and now in Marksbergen (near Almelo).
  • Jan Kuiper, a tailor in Den Ham, acting as the managing guardian.
  • Hendrik Him, an innkeeper in Stellendoorn (near Raalte), acting as the supervising guardian.
• These individuals represented the minor children and heirs (each entitled to 1/6 of the estate) of the late Jan Hendrik Kelder and his wife Willemina Borremeester, who had lived in Den Ham.
• The guardians acted under legal authority granted by a court ruling from the District Court of First Instance in Deventer on 31 December 1823, properly registered in Deventer.
• The meeting took place in the presence of Josephus Petrus (likely a witness or additional official).

• On Friday, a church seat auction took place in Den Ham, where several items were sold:
• A church seat near the preacher's pulpit was offered for 40 guldens (Dutch currency). The highest bidder was Everhardus Flim, but the bid was not accepted.
• A standing seat in the Den Ham church, requiring an annual payment of 25 guldens on May 1, was also bid on by Hendrik Jan Gierveld, but the bid was not raised or accepted.
• After discussion, the following sales were confirmed:
• The first item (church seat) was sold to Everhardus Flim, Jan Kuiper, and Hendrik Flim, who agreed on behalf of the absent owner, Antoni Dorgelo.
• The second item was sold to Evert Hofman, a shopkeeper from Den Ham, for 280 guldens. Albert Middendorp (shopkeeper) and Aendrikus Kaptein (merchant) acted as guarantors. The final costs were to be confirmed later by the court president in Deventer.
• The third item was sold to Hendrik Jan Schuurman, a merchant from Den Ham, for 406 guldens. Due to his financial reliability, no guarantor was required. Final costs were also to be confirmed later by the court president in Deventer.
• The fourth item was withdrawn from sale because the highest bid was deemed too low by the sellers.

• On 19 October 1938, a marriage took place in Amsterdam between:
  • Johannes Christoffel Keil, a 26-year-old plumber, born in Utrecht, living in Amsterdam. His parents were Johannes Heil (57 years old) and Léonie Marie Lahije (59 years old), both without a job and living in Amsterdam.
  • Geertje Alleida Schuite, a 23-year-old without a job, born in Nordhorn, Germany, living in Amsterdam. Her parents were Martinus Schuite (a factory worker) and Aleida Gierveld (without a job), both living in Enschede.
  • The groom’s parents gave permission for the marriage.
  • The bride’s parents gave official written permission.
  • The marriage announcement faced no objections.
  • The couple promised to accept each other as spouses and fulfill all duties required by law.
  • The official declared them legally married.
  • Witnesses: Philippus Heil (shop assistant, 23, groom’s brother) and Cornelis Heil (butcher, 23, groom’s brother), both living in Amsterdam.
• On the same day, another marriage took place in Amsterdam between:
  • Salomon Cousin, a 27-year-old chauffeur, born and living in Amsterdam. His parents were Iaac Cousin (a laborer) and Marianne Muijs (without a job), both living in Amsterdam.
  • Frieda Nendra, a 26-year-old without a job, born in Schildberg, Germany, living in Amsterdam. Her parents were Johann Nendra and Emilie Harwat (both without a job), living in Essen, Germany (previously in Parnap, Switzerland).
  • The groom’s parents gave permission for the marriage.
  • The marriage announcement faced no objections.
  • The couple promised to accept each other as spouses and fulfill all duties required by law.
  • The official declared them legally married.
  • Witnesses were present, but their names were not fully recorded.
• The page was approved for correction due to an incorrect description by the official H. Maalenaaen.

• On November 21, 1821, a legal document was signed and stored by notary Jacobus van Riemseijk in Vlierhaar. The notary lived in Almelo, the main city of the Almelo district in the province of Overijssel.
• The document was registered in Almelo on November 27, 1821. A fee of 12.52 guilders was paid, including a base fee of 20 francs and 20 centimes, plus an additional 15% surcharge of 5 francs and 30 centimes.
• A certified copy of this document was given to Derk Bontrink and Gerrit Jan Gantvoort.
• In the presence of witnesses, Hendrik Vrielink, a farmer from Huuren in the municipality of Wierden (part of the Almelo canton, district, and province), appeared before the notary. He acted both for himself and as the legal guardian of his two underage children, Aaltjen Vrielink and Gerrit Vrielink, from his marriage to his late wife, Hendrika Gierveld.
• Hendrik Vrielink had been authorized to act on behalf of his children by a decision from the Family and Mortgage Council of the Almelo canton, made on October 19, 1821, and registered in Almelo on the same day. This authorization was confirmed by a court ruling on November 2, 1821, with the extract of the ruling kept at the court’s registry and registered on November 2, 1821.
• In this document, Hendrik Vrielink, acting for himself and as guardian of his children, formally acknowledged a debt. He owed money to Johanna Frederica Scholl, a widow of the late Jan Engberts (a landowner from Almelo).
• Johanna Frederica Scholl was present and accepted this acknowledgment. She acted as the guardian of her two underage children, the heirs of Jan Engberts.

This document lists several mortgage records from the 19th century in the Netherlands, involving individuals from Wierden, Geesteren, Pubbergen, and Den Ham. Below is a summary of the key details:

• A mortgage of 225 guilders with an annual interest of 8 guilders, 22.5 cents was registered against Jan Gierveld, a farmer from Wierden. The mortgage deed was signed on 10 May 1822 by notary Jan Hendrik Warnaard in Almelo and recorded on 14 May 1822. It was later transferred on 31 August 1843.
• A mortgage of 1,000 guilders with an annual interest of 33 guilders, 75 cents was also registered against Jan Gierveld from Wierden. The deed was signed on 7 July 1828 by notary Jan Hendrik Warnaars in Almelo and recorded on 11 July 1828. It was transferred on 31 August 1843.
• Another mortgage of 250 guilders with an annual interest of 6 guilders, 19.5 cents was registered against Jan Gierveld from Wierden. The deed was signed on 7 July 1828 by notary Jan Hendrik Warnaars in Almelo and recorded on 11 July 1828. It was transferred on 31 August 1843.
• A mortgage of 400 guilders with an annual interest of 8 guilders, 63 cents was registered against Harmina Smit (widow of Gerrit Krommendijk) and her sons Hendrik, Berend, and Hendricus Krommendijk, farmers from Wierden. The deed was signed on 7 August 1827 by notary Jan Hendrik Warnaars in Almelo and recorded on 9 August 1827. It was transferred on 31 August 1843.
• A mortgage of 850 guilders with an annual interest of 25 guilders, 50 cents was registered against Jan Joostink and his wife Hleida Geerdink, farmers from Geesteren in the municipality of Pubbergen. The deed was signed on 30 May 1842 and recorded on 2 June 1842.
• A mortgage of 275 guilders with an annual interest of 6 guilders, 55.5 cents was registered against Johannes ten Have of Hagmolen and his wife Berendina Schabos, farmers from Geesteren in the municipality of Pubbergen. The deed was signed on 19 July 1841 by notary Wilhelm Jalink in Almelo and recorded on 31 July 1841.
• A mortgage of 900 guilders with an annual interest of 146 guilders, 45.5 cents was registered against Everhardus Flim, an innkeeper, and his wife Chatarina Sophia Kelder from Den Ham. The deed was signed on 20 June 1827 by notary Jan Hendrik Warnaars in Almelo and recorded on 5 July 1827. It was transferred on 24 August 1844.
• A mortgage of 1,873 guilders, 45.5 cents with an annual interest of 50 guilders, 40 cents was registered against Hendrica Gemits (widow of Gerrit Lambers of Nieuwhalle) and her children Jan Gerrits, Lambers, and Willemena Gerrits of Nieuwhalle, farmers from Meer in the municipality of Den Ham. The deed was signed on 13 November 1823 by notary Jan Hendrik Warnaars in Almelo and recorded on 14 November 1823.

• On 6 February 1837, a legal agreement was signed in Almelo involving:
  • Jannes Veneman (also called Jan Gierveld), who owed money.
  • Hannen Hendrik Koers (represented by H. J. ten Brinken), the creditor (person owed money).
• Jannes Veneman promised to give two properties as security for his debt:
  • A piece of farmland (~18 roeden, a Dutch measurement) in de Kempe, near Mirden, located between lands owned by Derk Dikkers and the late Jan Hendrik van Buren.
  • A room attached to the house of Jan Hekhuis in the village of Muiden.
• Veneman swore under penalty of fraud laws that:
  • The properties truly belonged to him and his heirs.
  • They were free of other debts or claims.
• The agreement was signed in the office of a notary in Almelo, with two witnesses present:
  • Hendrik Jan Deckien (a weaver from Almelo).
  • Jan Hendrik van Lorham (also a weaver from Almelo).
• The document was officially recorded in Almelo on 8 February 1837:
  • Registration cost: ƒ6 (6 guilders) for one page.
  • Additional fees: 98½ cents (including a legal surcharge).
  • A certified copy was given to the creditor.

• On 20 July 1825, at 9 AM, a legal document was signed at the home of a woman (referred to as Testatrice, meaning the woman making a will) in the presence of:
  • Gerrit Giervelt, a farmer
  • Jan van Eerde, a shoemaker
  • Mermanis van Eerde, a widow
  • Hendrikus van Eende, a shoemaker in den Ham
  The woman stated she could not sign or write because she had forgotten how. The witnesses and the notary, Gerrit Gierveld, signed on her behalf. The document remained with the notary.
• On 18 July 1825, Amama Chevalleraur, a notary in Ommen, announced a public sale of several mudden (a unit of measurement) of buckwheat. The sale was scheduled for 20 July 1825 at 9 AM at the home of the widow of Hendrik Kippe, a tavern keeper in den Ham. The sale was requested by Eybert Dannewind, a farmer from the district of Hardenberg.
• On 20 July 1825, at 9 AM, Johannes Amama Chevalleraur, a public notary in Ommen, held the public sale at the widow Hendrik Kippe's home in den Ham. The conditions for the buyers were:
  • Buyers must pay their debt plus an extra 6.25% (including registration costs) to the notary’s office by 11 November 1825. Late payments would incur an additional 5% penalty for each month overdue.
  • Buyers must provide a guarantee (security) for their payment. The guarantors would be fully responsible for the debt.

• On 13 November 1824, a legal document was registered in Almelo (in the province of Overijssel) by the notary Jacobus van Riemsdijk, who worked in the Almelo district.
• The document records a loan agreement between:
  • Hermannus op de Haar and his wife Janna Gierveld (farmers from ’t Zandt in the municipality of Wierden, near Almelo).
  • Nicolaas Hendrik ten Cate (a merchant from Almelo), who provided the loan.
• The farmers borrowed a total of 900 guilders (Dutch currency) from ten Cate, which they acknowledged receiving and agreed to repay.
• Repayment terms:
  • The loan must be repaid on 1 December each year, starting in 1825.
  • Either party must give at least 6 months’ notice before demanding or making full repayment.
  • Until full repayment, the borrowers must pay 4% annual interest (4 guilders per 100) on 1 December each year.
• Additional notes:
  • A fee of 8 guilders, 99½ cents was paid for processing the agreement.
  • The document was officially recorded in the Almelo registry (Volume 6, Folio 155, Entry 5).
  • The loan was secured by a mortgage (mentioned but not detailed in this text).

• On 12 July 1790, a legal agreement was recorded by Jan Schouten, a notary in Haarlem, involving:
  • Ruth van de Pol, a citizen living outside the Houtpoort gate in Haarlem.
  • Dirk de Bruyn and Jan Westrik, both living in Haarlem, acting as guardians of Klaas and Jan de Bruyn (minors) and managers of their inherited property.
• The agreement concerned the estate of Rutgert de Bruyn and Dirkje Janse Disseldorp, who were married with shared property. Key points:
  • They wrote a will on 6 December 1781, naming the surviving spouse as sole heir, with children from previous marriages receiving a mandatory share.
  • Rutgert de Bruyn died first, leaving Dirkje Janse Disseldorp with two minor sons, Klaas and Jan de Bruyn, who each received 50 guilders (proven on 27-28 May 1782).
  • Dirkje Janse Disseldorp later married Ruth van de Pol and wrote a new will on 17 April 1786, naming:
    • Ruth van de Pol as her sole heir.
    • Her sons Klaas and Jan de Bruyn and any future children with Ruth as equal heirs.
  • They appointed each other as guardians for minor children, excluding city orphan officials. Dirk de Bruyn and Jan Westrik were named guardians for Klaas and Jan de Bruyn.
• After Dirkje Janse Disseldorp died, Ruth van de Pol was entitled to:
  • Half the shared marital estate.
  • An additional one-third of the remaining half (since there were no children from her marriage to Dirkje).
• The remaining two-thirds of the estate belonged to Klaas and Jan de Bruyn (represented by Dirk de Bruyn and Jan Westrik).
• To settle the estate fairly, Ruth van de Pol agreed to:
  • Pay Klaas and Jan de Bruyn 100 guilders total (50 guilders each) for their paternal inheritance.
  • Pay them 60 guilders total (30 guilders each) for their maternal share.
  • Keep full possession of the entire estate in return.

• On 15 July 1796, Lijsje Mooijekind, a widow of Jan Gysz. Sonnevelt living in Noordwijk aan Zee, appeared before the notary Jan Schouten in Haarlem.
• She appointed Johannes Petrus Kuenen, a lawyer in Haarlem, to act on her behalf in a financial matter.
• The case involved a debt of 1,000 guilders (plus interest) from a notarial bond dated 24 July 1794, originally owed to Lijsje Mooijekind by Aletta Wilhelma Stomperyk (a widow of Cornelis Groen and later wife of Petrus Stas, now deceased).
• The debt was secured against a house and property located on the north side of the Spaarne river in Haarlem, near Klerksteeg.
• Kuenen was authorized to:
  • Demand repayment from Aletta Stomperyk's heirs or estate managers.
  • Take legal action, including appearing in court, filing claims, and defending her interests.
  • Receive payments, issue receipts, and handle any related financial or legal steps.
  • Choose a legal address, provide guarantees, and appeal judgments if needed.
  • Sign documents and perform all necessary actions as if Lijsje Mooijekind were present.
• The agreement was signed in Haarlem with witnesses Jan van Proosdij and Petrus Augustus de Genestet.
• Lijsje Mooijekind marked the document with a "+" (her personal mark) since she could not write.

• Under 22 October 1739 in Macassar, the governor learned that his highness would wait for the governor's orders in this matter.
• The governor of Goa informed his honor that he had heard about the arrival and was too weak in troops to resist the approaching enemy, but would still wait for the governor's orders on what to do.
• After the governor received the response from both these leaders, he ordered the interpreter Salomon Jacobsz to go there to tell the young king of Bonij and the governor of Goa that they should capture Crain Palimba with his followers and deal with them according to military custom.
• Under 2 October 1739, the interpreter returned from Macassar with a greeting from both these ministers to his honor.
• The young king and governor had said that these people did not come to make war, but came to transport the separated wife of Bontolancas, now living in Campong Baroe, named Crain Soemanna, and her sisters Crain Bonto Bonto, both daughters of Crain Tanna Tanna.
• The governor then sent the chief interpreter Ian Hendrik to the young king of Bonij to inform his highness that his excellency had learned from an envoy of his highness that Arou Madjege and Arou Oud Jong had informed his highness that the people from Wadjore intended to return this evening, and whether this message could be believed.

Timon was stationed at the castle Concordia in April and May 1688.

• On Thursday 29 April, they sent the sloop Egmont to the east of Babouw to cut firewood.
• On Friday 30 April, the sergeant and surgeon reported that soldier Jan Baak had died from dysentery.
• On Saturday 1 May, nothing happened.
• On Sunday 2 May, sailor Willem Andriesz died from his injuries.
• On Monday 3 May, they fired up the lime kiln in Amabij.
• On Tuesday 4 May, towards evening they sent the yacht Cadirij to the muddy corner of Psemauw to be repaired there. The stoneworkers also finished their lime kiln and fired it up.
• On Wednesday 5 May, the Christian from Coupang named Lucas (who had been sent to Amarasje on 26 April) returned, bringing back 6 runaway slaves: 4 from the widow of preacher Carpius, 1 from soldier Cornelis Helmont, and 1 from free citizen Floris Jansz. The King of Amarasje, named Don Augustijn, had sent them back upon request, along with a letter replying to theirs. In it, he asked that the slaves who were staying with the newly arrived people and their allies from Coupang (which he estimated at 35 men, women, and children) be allowed to return. His messenger also said that while some free people had moved to Coupang of their own free will, he requested that these people should not come back to his territory and rob his inhabitants of cattle and crops, as he claimed they did. If they wanted to take their own possessions, they could do so. The messenger also said their King requested that these allies should not travel everywhere trying to lure away his subjects and persuade them to desert. They answered that they were not aware of this, and that the Company did not interfere in such matters and had no interest in whether the Timor people came or stayed, nor did they seek to get involved in their affairs, since their position with the Portuguese crown and therefore with its subjects was peaceful. However, regarding the slaves who might be among the Company's allies, they would do their best to capture them and send them to the King. Furthermore, they asked why the King was getting involved with the people from Rottij, who were rebellious subjects of the Company, and was helping and supporting them, which did not agree with the good alliance maintained between them and the Portuguese. They answered that their King did not interfere in the affairs of the Rottij people, and that there were only 10 people from Amanasje, 40 or 50 people from Ambesj, and some Christian people from Rottij living on that island near Liffouw. After giving them drinks, they sent them to the house of the Coupang chief Amasoesang to be lodged and entertained there until their departure.
• After the people from Amarasje left, the regent from Amabij, Amacobo, reported that a brother of Amakieseme from Amabij with some people was about to arrive.
• Towards evening they sent the sloop Doradus to

People dressed as Winderbroeders were imprisoned in Madrid and accused of attempting to harm the lives of the King of Spain, the princes, and the Royal House.

T. Sasburch wrote from Brussels on 1 November 1659 that trade with the city of Marseille had not yet fully recovered due to disputes with the English. A galley from the Grand Duke of Tuscany arrived at Toulon and unloaded a large quantity of silk. The parliament of Aix ordered the seizure of all the unloaded silk at Toulon, based on an order from King Henry the Fourth that banned unloading silk in Provence except in Marseille, with confiscation as punishment.

The Superintendent Foncquet had arrived at Bordeaux and was ready to travel to Bayonne to speak with the Cardinal. However, the Cardinal sent him orders to first go through Toulouse to see the King, which he did, and then went on to Bayonne. Some people said the reason for the Superintendent's journey was to help arrange winter quarters for the armies for the remaining months of the current year and the beginning of 1660, because conferences on the frontiers and disputes about allied matters were taking much longer than expected.

Ambassador Boreel received letters on 16 November 1659 stating that letters from St. Jean de Luz written on the 13th reported that the Cardinal was still unwell with a fever and that no other conferences had been held since the 16th conference. However, letters from the 16th reported that the Cardinal had recovered and that the 19th conference was being taken up.

The Duke of Lorraine was released in complete freedom in Madrid to travel to the frontiers. The Superintendent arrived at St. Jean de Luz, and after being presented by the Cardinal to Don Louis de Haro, the 19th conference was scheduled for 16 October to review the drafted articles of the peace treaty. These articles were changed here and there by the council of Grandes, who kept finding things to change in various matters and articles, which wasted much time and repeatedly delayed the final conclusion of the treaty.

Meanwhile, many secret conferences were being held with the ambassadors of the Prince-Electors of Mainz and Cologne, who worked hard to get more assistance from France to maintain the affairs of the League in Germany and to benefit the King of Sweden.

Some people confirmed that the Cardinal had obtained an agreement that Spain would withdraw its garrisons from the city of Jülich and other places occupied in that duchy. This was in favor of the Duke of Neuburg, who would occupy everything with his troops for greater security against his neighbors who might want to attempt something against him.

De Lionne was still at St. Jean de Luz working with Secretary Colonna to put everything in writing. Letters from Toulouse from the 18th reported that the court arrived there on 14 October and was received with great splendor and magnificence. Lodging for the Cardinal was also being prepared at Toulouse.

The Prince of Conti had not yet been able to respond regarding his proposed resignation from the governorship of Guyenne in favor of the Duke of Espernon, and that his Highness would instead receive the governorship of Auvergne.

The Ambassador of Portugal arrived at Bayonne on the 17th and went on to the Cardinal to continue requesting that

Dain Maliwonga and Care Taka were sent by Dain Maliwonga's mother to Biema approximately a month after 11 October 1693 to claim the inheritance portion from a deceased person named Ieneloma from Radja Biema. The inheritance had been assigned to their mother by a judge but had not yet been handed over by Radja Biema. If the goods were not given, they were instructed to have all goods collected again and properly divided by the judge.

They were also ordered to send all their mother's people and slaves from the village of Biema, as well as the princes' children, because the queen had decided to travel to Macassar. Regarding two villages in Mangeraij that were being held by Radja Biema, the mother would not speak of these but would make a request to the authorities in Macassar, Goa, and Bone, and to the president and council at Oedjang Pandang to settle this matter.

When Dain Maliwonga and Care Tako arrived in Biema, Radja Biema ordered that the reason for their arrival be made known to Ienaloma Boja, Ienalama Bole, and Zijnamoni. They answered they had come to claim their mother's portion from Ieneloma's inheritance as assigned by the judge. Radja Biema requested 3 days' delay because the nobles needed to gather first.

After the delay, Radja Biema called them and asked why Dain Maliwonga had been sent personally. She replied that she came only to collect her mother's inheritance portion assigned by the judge, and if it was not given, all goods would be gathered again for proper division by the judge. Radja Biema was greatly troubled by this but eventually had to agree to their request, although it was against his will.

The inheritance portion assigned by the judge consisted of:

• 29 slaves
• 57 buffalo
• 44 horses
• 30 goats
• 1 firearm

Ienelij Sapij reported to Radja Biema that the goods were scattered everywhere and presently only 10 slaves were available, and they did not know where the rest was located. Radja Biema responded that what could not be found should be overlooked and he should be excused for this. When the servant of Ienelij Sapij objected because the judge had ruled otherwise, Radja Biema reportedly said that if his words did not count, then they should release him from the kingdom and from government.

Radja Biema then sent through a Tokiboe a female slave named Sinranoe to Dain Maliwonga, requesting that she persuade their mother to let him keep this slave. Dain Maliwonga replied she dared not present this request to her mother, but if he really wanted the slave, he should write a letter to his aunt and she would deliver it.

Meanwhile, Maliwonga summoned the princes' children, the slaves, and other people belonging to her mother. When Radja Biema heard this, he immediately requested through a messenger that the harbor master and a Catibo, both being in state and royal service, should continue their service, as well as a Samboelo. Regarding the latter, Radja Biema stated that not he personally but the entire council of the realm had punished this person for his offenses. Maliwonga responded by asking why he allowed her slaves to be punished.

• On 11 October 1693, a report from Macassar described conflicts about punishing people without proper notification and someone named Simado who was banished elsewhere without knowledge of his uncle.
• This made it clear that radja diema did not respect his uncle much and did not value him highly.
• Radja replied that what was said was true, but he alone had done wrong, not the council of the kingdom of biema.
• He said he would personally ask his uncle about samboeloe and the others, and sent a boemij parak bole to Cambo to his uncle to request the people who had been demanded by dain maliwoenga.
• What answer they received to this message remained unknown to maliwoenga because she was not present there.
• Some time later, maliwoenga received a letter from her mother from Cambo, in which she was expressly ordered to bring up immediately all the slaves and people she had gathered, because the mother wanted to leave for Macassar as soon as possible.
• Only the sabandaer and sitoeboe, who were being used in the country's service, were to remain because the King had requested them.
• Maliwoenga had to bring samboelo especially, because he had spoken with the ambassadors of radja biema.
• Maliwoenga also had to know that her mother had told the mentioned ambassadors that when her slaves and people were demanded, they should be told they were in the country's service, and why, when that service was completed, they were not sent back to her.
• Therefore, all of them had to be sent to her now, except the 2 people the radja had requested, because she intended to leave for Macassar immediately.
• These were exactly the reasons and conversations she had with the mentioned ambassadors.
• Only then did Maluwongo properly realize what words her mother had spoken to the biemase ambassadors.
• She then let radja biema know that she would take all her mother's people with her, and only leave the 2 requested people who were still in the country's service.
• When radja biema heard this message, he felt completely troubled in his heart and immediately sent Ienelis prado and woeha to maliwonga.
• He had them tell her that her nephew radja diema urgently requested that she arrange with his uncle that the mentioned samboele might remain with him.
• He had been punished not by him but by the entire biemasen council, because when his old ancestors or Kings had condemned or sentenced someone, they could not reverse it, even if they were people of the radja of Macassar, who had also never wanted to oppose it.
• He therefore had even more authority over his uncle's slaves.

• Majuda delivered a Malay letter on 1 August 1641 to governor Pieter Buijs, in the presence of Captain A. du Molin, fiscal Jacob Klaessen, and officials from Ternate.
• Majuda explained the origin of his slaves. When he served His Highness the Commander and followed the lord admiral and Captain of the Sea to destroy Makassar, he bought a female slave with her 2 children named Djoenoep and Djanabat from a Makassar subject called Gallarang.
• When the King and the admiral sent him to Saleijer, he gave these slaves to Tamboerod to bring them to Ternate and deliver them to his wife, promising to pay him 20 rijksdaalders.
• Tambora brought the slaves to Majuda's wife, who paid him 20 rijksdaalders and a damask cloth. Witnesses were Mahamibobo and Tiboroe, along with all his slaves.
• Regarding Boegie and his mother: when the people from Buginese were at war with the people from Makassar, the young King Kitchil Kalamatta captured Boegie and his mother as war booty, brought them to Makassar, and sold them to Majuda.
• The young King had them delivered to Majuda through 2 Ternate residents living in Makassar, named Siejoe and Rawiera.
• When the young King captured them, Nagarie Diangoe and Quimelaha Tagoena were present. When Majuda bought them, Baijchoda (a merchant), Baij Poerij, and Tandapie were present.
• Regarding Soerting and his brother: during the same war there was a great famine, so they defected from Makassar to the young King. The King let them live with Majuda.
• Soeting's brother stole 4 portions of gold from Majuda and intended to return to Makassar with it. Majuda informed the King, who allowed him to pursue the thief. They caught him at Bontael and brought him back.

Francois Prins, Harigen Hanssen, H. Caes, H. Berghuijsen, H. Steenkop, and M. Suering wrote from Macassar in Castle Rotterdam on 30 August 1693.

They reported that Turelij Gampo, the great governor and right-hand man of Dompo, was causing problems. He continued to hold a well-known fellow accomplice of Captain Jonker Keij Somtreij prisoner. He had also heavily fortified himself with wooden fences in the village of Nuij. These two actions went directly against the contract he had made with the Dutch East India Company, which did not promise anything good for the future.

On 7 August 1693, Dain Maloulongan, son of the murdered Queen of Dampoe, delivered a written statement in the Malay language to President Francois Prins and the council of this province.

The statement described the following events:

• When Dain Maloulongan first visited his mother, the Queen of Dampoe, she told him she was very happy he had come and that her heart was now at peace. She asked him to stay and rest for 1 or 2 days, but he ended up staying a whole month.
• His mother then sent him and Carre Tacka from Biema to discuss with Radja Diema the inheritance of Eene Louma. This inheritance had already been divided by the father, but the Queen of Dompoe had not yet received her share, nor had the King of Biema paid it out to her as a fellow heir.
• The Queen told Dain Maloulongan that if the King of Biema handed over the goods assigned to her, he should accept them. If not, he should request that all goods be gathered together and discussed again.
• She also ordered him to bring all royal children and subjects who were living on Biema to Kambo (where she was at that time), because she intended to travel to Macassar.
• She mentioned people in 2 villages on Mangeraij that he was holding, saying he should wait until she arrived in Macassar to discuss this with Radja Bonij, Radja Goa, and all the important people, so that after her death he would not have disputes with his brother Radja Biema.
• When Dain Maloulongan and Carre Tacko arrived at Binna, Radja Biema sent his messengers Jene Louma, Boodjo, Eene Loemoe Bole, and Eene Mona to ask what they wanted.
• Dain Maloulongan answered that the King's aunt had sent them to collect the goods assigned to her from Zene Loema Boele.
• Radja Biema took 3 days to consider and would gather his important people. After 3 days, he called Dain Maloulongan and Carre Tacko and asked why his aunt had sent them there.

30 May 1705, in the castle Rotterdam at Macassar, a translation was made of a document written in Malay language with Arabic letters. It was in the form of a letter from the first queen widow of Bonij, Dain Tahalille, to the Governor General Joan van Hoorn at Batavia.

After normal local greetings, the letter informed the Governor General about orders he had given to the governors at Macassar. These orders concerned questioning the old queen mother about whether she had truly engaged in rice trade at the shores of Macassar.

The old queen mother answered Governor de Roo and Governor Joan Jacob Erbervelt that she had never personally involved herself with this matter. However, Marcus had come to visit her, sent by Governor Beernink. Marcus said that Governor Cornelis Beernink requested help from the old queen mother because the governor wanted to buy up all the rice on this side of Macassar, and that the old queen mother should declare it was for her.

The old queen mother remembered that when the old king of Bonij, who died at Bontnale, was still alive, some of the nobles sometimes asked for such help and received it. However, with none of the previous governors had they ever bought up all the rice at the shores. When 1 or 2 boats were loaded, it stopped again. They had not bought or paid for it themselves, but only helped by giving money to those who owned the rice, without anything more following.

After some time, the second person came with the captain of the castle, accompanied by Marcus, again sent by Governor Beernink. Marcus said that only the old queen mother was being sought. However, since the death of the old king who died at Bontnale, her poverty had greatly increased. This was the instruction from Governor Beernink to the old mother. Governor Beernink also had the old queen mother come to the castle, where he personally told her the same words mentioned above.

The old queen mother stated that in her entire life, from her youth until now in her old age, she had never involved herself with trade or business, except that according to her old age she had sometimes sent something here and there to get cloth or linen for her clothing.

Joan Jacob Erberveld, the Governor at Macassar, wrote to Crain Bonthain on November 30, 1706. Crain Bonthain managed the Company's land and subjects there on behalf of the old Mother Queen Tahalille.

The Governor informed Crain Bonthain that the old mother had promised her son the Governor to have as much rice purchased for the Company as the inhabitants of Bonthain could reasonably spare without causing themselves hardship. The Governor had requested this from his old mother Queen Tahalille because the land and subjects of Bonthain had been entrusted by the Company to the old mother at sea, so that she could govern them for as long as she lived and also receive the benefits from them.

The Governor did not doubt that Crain Bonthain would follow the orders of the old mother and help the Company's Sergeant at Calekonkong, who had been instructed to purchase rice for cash to the amount of 1,000 or 1,200 rijksdaalders. By doing so, Crain Bonthain would show that he knew how to obey the commands of the old mother Tahalille as a faithful servant.

The letter was signed at Macassar in Castle Rotterdam on November 16, 1706, stamped with the Company's seal in red wax, and signed by Joan Jacob Erberveld. W. Moors, clerk, certified it as accurate.

A register listed the letters and attachments being sent on that same day by order of Governor Joan Jacob Erberveld and the council via the sloop Bonij to Batavia, addressed to Joan van Hoorn, Governor General, and the gentlemen of Netherlands India:

1. An original letter from the Governor and council dated that day, with the duplicate being sent on the fluyt ship
2. A sealed package of papers dated November 30 of the previous year that had been sent on this vessel but was brought back because it could not complete the journey
3. A memorandum for ensign Brouwer and assistant Snaats regarding their commission to Bouton, dated April 18 of the previous year
4. Instructions for sergeant Swaneveld who was also going there to remove harmful spice trees, dated April 18 as mentioned above

Commandeur Verbeeck was very well received by the local inhabitants and the Sengages. Later, some of them came to Batavia with a Corcorre (a type of boat), bringing approximately 50 slaves and female slaves with them. These were sold here at good prices. They would return with the ship that was planned to go there in January or February of the coming year.

The Dutch did not doubt that they would receive payment for their outstanding 156 bundles of sandalwood from the Portuguese in Larantuka. However, they needed to be careful and proceed with great caution because these people could not be trusted. Proper instructions would be given to the persons traveling there.

The people of Martapura and Cotuaringen remained unpunished for the terrible murder they committed on the Company's people in 1638. The problems in Amboyna and the new war with the Portuguese prevented the Dutch from taking action. When they would deal with this matter, they wanted to do it significantly and effectively, and take such revenge that it would cause fear and respect among these unreliable people. If means would present themselves in the coming year and they were not prevented by more important matters, these people would have punishment waiting for them. Meanwhile, the Dutch gave passes to Chinese and Malays to go there for pepper, which was brought to them in much larger quantities than what the English residing there received.

The old king of Martapura had died and was succeeded by Radje Japasane. He occasionally tried to open negotiations through Chinese and Malays, but since the murderers would not agree to pay for the stolen goods or compensate for the spilled blood, the Dutch decided they should settle this matter when the opportunity arose and make themselves master of that land or install other rulers. This still required time.

From Dutch letters dated 12 December 1642 and 23 December 1642, a detailed report was given about their considerations regarding peace with the Portuguese in this country. According to orders, shortly after the arrival of the ship Salmander, this truce was proclaimed in the city. Orders were also sent to Coromandel and elsewhere to inform the Dutch about this 10-year treaty and to make it known to the Portuguese living near their districts. They had also commissioned Pieter Boreel from their council to go to Malacca, to the Dutch fortress Cruz de Gale on Ceylon, and to Goa, with authorization, orders, and instructions to notify Geral Mascarenhas in Colombo and the viceroy in Goa about this treaty and to have it published. This would happen when the dispute concerning lands under Gale's control would be resolved and they would be given possession according to article 12 of the treaty. This action showed their readiness and sincerity in maintaining and observing what had been agreed upon between the Portuguese Crown and themselves.