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• On 10 July 1695, a legal agreement was made in Amsterdam involving Anne Salmon. She appointed guardians for her minor daughter, who was married to Seijnu but still underage. The guardians were:
  • Her husband, Daniel Du Peijrou, if he lived in the Netherlands. If he stayed in France, he would manage only the property there.
  • If Daniel Du Peijrou died, her uncles Jaques Du Peijron, Jean Du Peijron, and her cousin Jaques Du Peijron Le Geune would take over as guardians.
  • If one of the three guardians died, the remaining two would continue, but they had to appoint a new third guardian with approval from the Amsterdam Orphan Chamber.
• Anne Salmon did not want her daughter to be involved in managing the estate or her own assets while still a minor.
• The document was signed in Amsterdam by Anne Salmon, witnesses Philiptus de Marce and Jorel Garsin, and notary Henrick Outgersz on 16 August 1695.
• On the same date (16 August 1695), Catharina Cresse, a widow of Jean Pautrier (a jeweler from Paris), appeared before notary Henrick Outgersz in Amsterdam.
• She was ordered by the Amsterdam court (on 10 July 1695) to:
  • Provide an inventory of her late husband’s estate, based on an earlier inventory made in Paris on 31 October 1680 by notaries Anthoinie Pasquier and Hirosme Bellanger.
  • Give an account of the goods and assets she brought from France to the Netherlands and how she managed them.
  • Hand over certain books, papers, and documents to François Bauge, who was appointed guardian of her son, Anthonij Pautrier.
• Catharina Cresse declared that in 1680, she had brought jewels, trade goods, bills of exchange, and some cash from France but was forced to sell them to support herself and her family.
• She provided a list of remaining assets, valued by a sworn appraiser, including:
  • Household goods and furnishings: ƒ 13.
  • Three large and three small paintings: ƒ 5.
  • A mirror with a gilded frame: ƒ 12.
  • Twelve noteboom (walnut) chairs and an armchair: ƒ 68.

On 4 June 1721, officials discussed the situation in Timor. They noted that a local group refused to return goods (likely spices or sandalwood, called Suijvel) as agreed. The officials had previously requested a better-armed ship for two reasons:

• To pressure the stubborn group into returning what they owed by showing military strength.
• To block their trade routes with Makassar-based merchants by patrolling the area continuously.

Since the second strategy had little effect, the officials decided that if the group continued to resist, they would authorize a full-scale landing. The force would be strong enough to make the rebels feel the painful consequences of their defiance. The text compares this to a past event on the island of Roti, where 1,200 people from Landouw had shown more restraint in their actions.

This document is a historical list of enslaved individuals from a Dutch source, detailing their names, roles, and health conditions. Below is a summary of the information provided:

• Melle, a mixed-race individual, likely of Indigenous and African descent ("Cingels").
• A group of 16 enslaved people under Kaneelhartes, including:
  • J. Mans, a marshal (officer) assistant.
  • Polidor, a carpenter, with a gun.
  • Elias, a tailor, wearing leg irons (shackles for prisoners).
  • Iantje, a sawyer and planer (woodworker).
  • Fredrik, an older sawyer and planer.
  • Pompens, a sawyer and planer, suffering from gonorrhea and confined to the house.
  • Andries, a sawyer.
  • NieuwJaar, a sawyer with a hernia.
  • Spadeelje, a sawyer and planer.
  • Hendrik, a sawyer and planer with flat feet.
  • Geluk (meaning "Luck").
  • Geduld (meaning "Patience").
  • Hazard.
  • Landouw.
  • Allert, learning to plane and saw wood.
  • Chocolaad, working with the maids, with a broken leg.
  • Cop, working at the drag (possibly a type of labor involving pulling or hauling).
  • Ianvier, older, with joint pain, confined to the garden.
  • Winst (meaning "Profit"), with incurable sores, confined to the house.
• Guards and supervisors:
  • Roendam, an older guard at the workplace.
  • Apollo, an older food guard with a gun.
  • Hanover, a guard over the women.
• Enslaved women:
  • Margo, a housekeeper and laundress with "moerplaag" (possibly dysentery or another severe illness).
  • Annaatje, a charcoal maker, housekeeper, and bottle washer, pregnant.
  • Philippina, a mixed-race woman ("mulattin") with children, one of whom is shackled.
  • Chagrijn (meaning "Bad Mood"), a cook.
  • Amaranta, an older Creole ("Kriolen") woman, referred to as "Mama".
  • Betjes, her daughter, blind.

On 1 October 1666, the public notary Willem van Kittensteyn, authorized by the Court of Holland and residing in Haarlem, created an inventory of the belongings left by Sa Trijntie Theunis. She was a widow and the executor of the estate of her late husband, Frederick Backer the Elder. The inventory was made at the request of, and in the presence of, their children and heirs to help them manage the inheritance.

The inventory included the following items from the front room:

• A bed with a canopy, 8 pillows, and 2 blankets.
• A bedspread, 2 blue curtains with a valance, and a fireplace screen.
• 8 chair cushions and 5 chairs.
• 2 small shelves and an octagonal oak table.
• A striped tablecloth, a spittoon, a clothes brush, and 3 packs of yarn.
• A cap block (a tool for making hats), a box, and a portrait of Trijntie Theunis's deceased mother.
• Three other paintings.
• 4 plain earthenware plates for the fireplace and 2 plain earthenware cups on the cupboard.
• A bed frame.
• A chest containing:
  • 37 sheets.
  • A cradle.

• In the year 1630, prices were lower, and goods were traded at reduced rates. The equipment for voyages was typically prepared for two ships.
• Even if one ship belonged to Majoulle, it still sailed under the name of the King of Maccassar or the nobles of Maccassar. Together, they were estimated to send nearly 100 orxs (a type of currency) worth of capital to Manila, mostly in sorted fabrics.
• The kings themselves also equipped a ship, but their capital rarely exceeded 3,000 to 4,000 maas (another currency). They traded in Madurese, Bimase, and Zaleyerse white fabrics, as well as Oedjonpandan paintings and dyes, with some red dye on the aforementioned fabrics, called Sarassa Djonpandan.
• Their profits came from high freight charges paid by the Malay traders for shipping their goods. The entire city of Maccassar was involved in these voyages, as the profits were substantial, often exceeding 50 to 60 percent, sometimes even more. During the times of Patengalva and Crain Nuly, profits could reach 700 to 2,000 reals.
• Mapulle was tasked with continuing this trade and requested from Batavia in 1668 the following goods:
  • 500 packs of low-quality Guinese linen at 20 per pack
  • 20 packs of white Sarempoeris fabric
  • 20 packs of black baftas fabric
  • 20 packs of black cannakijns fabric
  • 20 packs of small chits fabric
  • 40 packs of chits fabric
  • 30 packs of 16-yard-long pothas from Bengal
  • 30 packs of Coromandel black fabrics
  • 20 pieces of Madaphol half-red, half-blue fabrics
  • 20 pieces of striped chelas fabric
  • 20 pieces of blue boelans or brandams fabric
  • 20 pieces of red and white striped Potapoelise Alegia fabric
  • 100 picols of Coromandel fabrics
  • 100 picols of Dutch iron
  • 10 chests of rosewater
  • 10 loads of tar
  • 5 kegs of Spanish wine
  • 30 to 40 catties of gold and silver false coins in the Spanish style, valued at 124 ijsen
• This request was largely fulfilled by the Dutch with the help of the yachts Hoogelande and Schelvrs. However, due to a revolution, most of these goods had to be left behind.
• If Mapulle had followed the advice to stay loyal to the Dutch East India Company (VOC), he could have continued the trade even during the war. He had received a license from the Spanish governor two years earlier to trade under his own name, which would have allowed him to continue his business.
• The return trade from Manila consisted of Spanish reals, both worked and unworked gold, large porcelain, Japanese copper, tobacco, and Loeboe (a subordinate region of Manila).
• The Malay traders also went to Manila annually but needed a pass from the King of Maccassar. They typically sent 2 to 3 small ships with a capital of 20 to 30 orxs, trading similar goods as those sent to Manila, but with more black fabrics and little iron, which was in high demand in Manila.
• The return from these trips also included Spanish money, gold, and occasionally tortoiseshell, the best silk available anywhere, powdered sugar (bought at low prices), and Chiun (likely a type of good).
• Chiun was also visited and traded with, but not as freely as before, especially not since the arrival and departure of the Nabab’s representative. The trade there was not very significant, with only sandalwood, raw sulfur, and caurijs (likely a type of spice or good) being sent, not for profit but mainly to obtain fabrics that sometimes arrived from Tanassari at low prices.
• Other goods occasionally traded included indigo, elephant tusks, and Japanese copper, but these were not very profitable. The same applied to trade with Cambodia.

• Van Biema van Muyden left Batavia and hasn’t been heard from since. His absence raises some concern, but he may have gone to Batavia or be delaying due to false reports. He was not reassigned to the chaloupes (small boats) mentioned earlier.
• His crew included 1 provisional mate, 8 sailors, and 1 boy, as listed in the records.
• There are 7 vessels currently under the castle’s command:
  • 3 tingans (small boats): one is mostly worn out, while the other two were recently repaired and are in good condition. They can unload ships and carry about 12 lasten (a unit of weight) to shore at once.
  • 1 large new steenbock (a type of crane) is being built from a sturdy Macassar vessel. It will be useful for loading/unloading and other tasks. It will be equipped with strong beams, a sufficient platform, a small tent, masts, and sails, and is expected to handle about 8 lasten.
  • The Macassar ship Victoria, acquired in Bouton, is beached north of the castle. It may not be useful for the Company unless repurposed for trade, sale, or as a gift to allies, with the Sultan of Palacca being the closest potential recipient.
  • The chaloupe Cayely is in such poor condition that repairing it isn’t worth the cost. It is already being dismantled.
  • The scheep chaloupe (ship’s boat) was inspected by the head carpenter and deemed only useful for firewood, as it is no longer practical for ship duties.
• The remaining ships (7 yachts, 1 small fleuijt [flyboat], 1 hoeker [small cargo ship], and the chaloupes) are not solely for guarding the castle or emergencies. They have various uses:
  • Hoogelande is on the front waters of Gresse to transport rice. It was also planned to sail to Batavia but hasn’t returned yet, so it can still make at least one more trip to Gresse.
  • Nieuwendam is in Biema’s waters until rice can be obtained there for the Company. It can still make another trip upon its return.
  • Waterhoen is expected to make another voyage as well.
  • A letter was sent to the leaders in Aros Bay, asking the Sabandar (harbor master) of Tengzooij in Gresse to send a gonting (small boat) there. If that fails, the ships should hurry to Gresse to avoid missing out on rice cargoes for Hoogelande or other Indiese (East Indies) ships.
• Huyden has his crew of 16 men for Nieuwendam and can manage with assistance from Telpendam’s crew. Waterhoen also contributes 10 men.
• Swapen van Arnenuijden was sent to leave for Macassar between 15–20 November with further updates after the writer’s departure for Batavia.
• The ships Jelpendam, Rambang, and the chaloupe Noorman remain anchored near Rotterdam (likely a local reference) to be deployed along the coast or inland if needed, as previously discussed regarding Loeboe and Bone.
• The Quiksteert, sent to Cayely for the King of Ternate in August, was expected back before the writer’s departure but hasn’t arrived. It should return soon (unless misfortune occurs) and can then assist the other three ships or be sent to Batavia with further updates for the King of Ternate.
• Muyden may still need to be summoned for his skills, meaning Telpendam or another ship might have to assist him.
• No ships or boats are left unused or without proper oversight, even though the listed number seems large. When there’s no rice to unload, crews focus on other tasks like bringing stones during good weather, with all hands working vigorously.
• All ships and vessels are well-equipped with rigging.

• The text discusses a group of people from Makassar (Sulawesi) and their financial and legal situation after the fall of the kingdom of Gowa in 1669.
• Many individuals, including Momma Bouan Saphan, Minna, and others, did not appear in person because they were either absent, sick, or too poor. Most were soldiers who lost everything during the war, especially in the burning of Sombopu (Samboujer).
• Some were Malay people found in the temple during the conquest of Sombopu, while others came over after the peace treaty. Many were scattered across Bugis villages or traveling to the Javanese coast.
• Jutchie Abdul was the only debtor of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) who stayed on the Dutch side during the war. He was arrested for suspicious correspondence with Raja Lella but later released to work as a clerk.
• On 15 October 1669, Cronron Tolcq (a clerk) was also mentioned. He was initially sold by Abdul for 360 rixdollars but later reinstated. His wife remained in the Bugis village of Vlaardingen, receiving 5 rixdollars per month for her upkeep.
• Abdul's debt of 700 rixdollars came from a loan to the kings of Makassar, which the VOC accepted on his behalf. He claimed the kings owed him money, and he had influence with them.
• Cronron owed Abdul 1,270 rixdollars:
  • 1,000 rixdollars for goods transported to Banten (which were later taken back).
  • 150 rixdollars for other goods (considered unjust by local standards since Cronron had not defected but stayed due to his debts).
  • 120 rixdollars for a young slave taken by Cronron.
• Abdul argued that without his debt, he would not have stayed with the Dutch. His credit was based on 1,200 rixdollars owed by the king of Makassar for three metal cannons.
• Background on individuals:
  • Jutchie Abdul: A 52-year-old from Makassar, son of a Manikaber (merchant) from Sumatra and a Bugis mother.
  • Deyen Malaba: Son of the king of Soping (a Makassar ally), married to a daughter of Maleyer Dato Tonan (who died in the war).
  • Jutchie Amad: From Makassar, father from Johor, mother from Malabar.

This text describes a group of individuals, mostly from Makassar, and their roles, family ties, and involvement in conflicts around 1670. Below is a structured summary:

• Jutchie Tenga, originally from Makassar, was married to the Malay daughter of Radja Soping, despite opposition. His father, Jutchie mamoed, was deceased, and his grandfather, Jutchie Sambas, died in war at age 150. His uncle, Jutchie Manieet, was the full brother of Dato Toean but was pressured by Radja Soping to allow the marriage against his advice.
• Jutchie Abedul, half-brother of Amad, was also from Makassar and strongly opposed the Dutch.
• Jutchie Amond (from Makassar) avoided involvement in the war, unlike three others who were fiercely pro-Makassar.
• Toan, of Moorish descent but born in Japara, was the brother-in-law of Radja Soping (married to his Malay wife’s sister). As a soldier, he stayed neutral in the conflict.
• Dato Gommo, from Makassar, had a Moorish father and served as an admiral for Radja Soping, though he was not highly regarded. His brother, Jutchie Saadij, married a granddaughter of Jutchie Assan, a fierce warrior.
• Jutchie Lawadin, a Manicaba (leader) from Sumatra, had lived in Makassar for a long time. He married a Bugis woman and was respected for his generosity, despite past financial struggles. He tried to mediate conflicts before the war but had little success.
• Jutchie Saffar, son of Jutchie Alawadijn, was among the key figures who took an oath to the Dutch. Most of these leaders were wealthy, except Jutchie Lancadijn, who followed Javanese customs.

The following individuals were of lesser status, often working as boat crew or soldiers:

• Jutchie Goemarang (from Sumatra), Jutchie Garang (from Priaman), Jutchie Lengang (nephew of someone from Priaman), Jutchie Leela (age 122), Jutchie Telle (from Makassar, with a Manicaba grandfather), Jutchie Byang (from Priaman), Jutchie Bougsoe (from Priaman), and Jutchie Djamiel (from Makassar, with a Manicaba father).
• Jutchie Caring (from Johor), Jutchie Magad (from Priaman), and Jutchie Ledij (brother of Dato Gomme), a former high-ranking naval officer who lived with Jutchie Abdul’s wife. He was once arrested but released after promising good behavior.
• Others included Sij Maleije (from Makassar), Jutchie Sijang (from Carmatta near Succadana), Jutchie Panaij (from Soemba), Jutchie Pacessa (from Johor), Lolo-alla (from Labacca in Makassar), Jutchie Galy (brother of Dato Gommo and Jutchie Lidij), Jutchie Abdul Tenkong (from Makassar, of Banten-Javanese descent), Jutchie Casseng (from Johor), Jutchie Syaslang (from Johor), Jutchie Rana (from Borneo), Sysandang (from Borneo), Jutchie Caya (a Manicaba), and Jutchie Palawang.

There was a plan to relocate houses from Vlaardingen (a neighborhood) to a new district near the planned Fort Rotterdam, but it was postponed due to disorganization and uncertainty about permanent housing permissions. The Dutch authorities reserved the right to change these arrangements later.

On 16 April 1830, the deaths of four individuals in Amsterdam were officially recorded by a city council member:

• Jannetje Meyer Overtegen, a 66-year-old street vendor, died on 15 April 1830 at noon. She lived at Rouenbloemdwarsstraat 14 and was born in Amsterdam. She was married to Jacob de Woot and left behind property and children. Witnesses were:
  • Pieter Viler, a 63-year-old teacher living nearby.
  • Hendrik Lammers van Krenedere, a 78-year-old rope maker from Langestraat.
• Rachel Mores Meyjer, a 72-year-old widow of David Levy Rys, died on 14 April 1830 at noon. She lived in the Jewish Almshouse and was born in Amsterdam. She left behind property. Witnesses were:
  • Benjamin Simon Tachsoni, a 27-year-old servant who worked for her.
  • Abraham Toesman Teedelshen, a 79-year-old sexton from Langehoutstraat 55.
• Salomon Sellegers, a 72-year-old married to Heyntje Joreph, died on 15 April 1830 at 4 AM. He was born in Germany and lived at Marken Liefdegangen 4. He left behind property and children. Witnesses were:
  • Mores Abraham Fransman, a 24-year-old neighbor from Koorstraat 5.
  • Morn Lena Tafelkruger, a 60-year-old town crier from Kattenburgstraat 36.
• Emmanuel David Kalker, a 1-year-old child of David Kalker Rocette and Israel Abrahams, died on 14 April 1830 at 3 AM. The family lived at Weesperstraat 131, and the child left behind property. Witnesses were:
  • Abraham Joeman Ardelshum, a 79-year-old sexton from Houtmankade 55.
  • Mozes Abraham Brander, a 45-year-old from Marken.

The records were signed by the witnesses and confirmed under laws from 14 February 1823 and 11 January 1828.

• On June 20, 1849, two marriages were recorded by a city official in Amsterdam.
• Salomon Zevie Emmerik, a 24-year-old trader, son of Abraham Emmerik and Naatje Levie, married Jaan van Levie Sacom Emmerik, a 23-year-old, daughter of Abraham Isaar Engelander and Betje Abraham Rood.
• The father of the bride gave permission for the marriage.
• The couple confirmed they accepted each other as spouses and promised to fulfill their duties.
• Witnesses included:
  • David Joseph Wyl, a 30-year-old merchant
  • Isaac Hartog Benjamens, a 33-year-old merchant
  • Hartog Jacob Groen, a 23-year-old shopkeeper
  • Mozie Abraham Brander, a 63-year-old with no listed occupation
• On the same day, Benjamin Fransman Schyvense, a 20-year-old shoemaker, son of Benjamin Moses Fransman and Mietje Abraham Jons, married Judith Baruch Henriques, a 22-year-old, daughter of Abraham Baruch Henriques (a shopkeeper) and Sara Fiza.
• Both sets of parents gave permission for the marriage.
• The couple confirmed they accepted each other as spouses and promised to fulfill their duties.
• Witnesses included:
  • Man Baruch Henriques, a 26-year-old (brother of the bride)
  • Jacob Avares Bedonde, a 44-year-old
  • Benjamin Herie Sloo, a shoemaker
  • Salamon Nohemias Goudsmit, a 67-year-old merchant

• On 1 July 1846, two marriages were recorded in Amsterdam by the city's civil registrar.
• First Marriage:
  • Johannes Bernardus Hagens, a 26-year-old "ipigelwaker" (a traditional job, possibly related to childcare), born and living in Amsterdam, son of the late Jan Barent Hagens and Elizabeth de Roode (a shopkeeper's widow, present at the wedding).
  • Jantje Starke, a 25-year-old seamstress, born and living in Amsterdam, daughter of the late Harm Geerti Starke and Hilgje Geerts Veldman (a laundress, present at the wedding).
  • The marriage banns (public announcements) were posted on 14 June and 21 June 1846 without objections.
  • Both confirmed they accepted each other as spouses and promised to fulfill marital duties under the law.
  • Witnesses:
    • Paulus Kredurk Waillema, 54, a retired soldier from Spijkenisse living in Amsterdam.
    • Jacobus Velder, 36, a carpenter.
    • Ferdrik Caril Klemman, 24, a "klevemaker" (a traditional clog maker).
    • Hilgje Geerts Veldman (mother of the bride) and Elizabeth de Roode (mother of the groom) were also present.
• Second Marriage:
  • Marius Jacob Grost (also recorded as Kruyer), a 37-year-old hairdresser, born and living in Amsterdam, son of the late Jacob Marcus Groyt and Sara Mozes Zander (living in Amsterdam).
  • Rachel Israel Buitekant, a 31-year-old seamstress, born and living in Amsterdam, daughter of the late Israel David Buitekant and Matje Machiels Yzerkoper (a fishmonger, living in Amsterdam).
  • The marriage banns were posted on 14 June and 21 June 1846 without objections.
  • Both confirmed they accepted each other as spouses and promised to fulfill marital duties under the law.
  • Witnesses:
    • Moss Benjamin Fransman, 30, a crier (public announcer) and shoemaker, friend of the groom.
    • Simon Levie Mok, 28, a house renter.
    • Isaac Swaab, 53, no profession listed.
    • Moses Isaac Hartog, 30, no profession listed.
• Both marriage certificates were signed by the couples, witnesses, and the registrar after being read aloud.

In a letter dated 26 November, Gouverneur Artus Eisels informed the authorities in Amboina about the following developments:

• The ships Noortwyck, Warmondt, Bommel, and Cotchijn, along with the yachts Schiedam, Medemblik, Den Brack, and Brouckerhaaren, had been sent to block the Makassarese from trading in cloves and other spices. The goal was to prevent them from transporting around 400 bahars (a unit of weight) of cloves to Bantam.
• The English were also trying to trade directly in cloves from Bantam to places like Ceram, Balimboano, and Bali, sometimes even without proper permits. Some traders were suspected of going to Kosti (on the Malabar Coast). To stop this, Eisels ordered that all local traders found without permission—whether by sea or land—should be captured or destroyed.
• Many cloves in Makassar were actually being smuggled from Hitpol and other places to Amboina, proving that the Makassarese were not the only suppliers.
• Originally, the plan was to send 1,800 European soldiers to Amboina to fully control the spice trade, but due to shortages in Batavia, the Molucas, and Banda, this was impossible without weakening defenses elsewhere.
• Instead, only 4 ships (Noortwyck, Warmondt, Bommel, and Cotchijn) with 300 sailors and 100 soldiers were sent, supplied for 5 months. Additionally, the yachts Vergoes and/or Huijsduijnen (with 90 sailors and 50 soldiers) would arrive later, depending on trade needs.
• With local forces in Amboina (around 300 men, including civilians and soldiers), the total available troops would be roughly 500 soldiers and 500 sailors for land operations, plus allied local fighters.
• However, this force was still considered too small to fully secure control over the clove and spice trade in the region.

• The Dutch East India Company (VOC) issued strict rules for preachers and government officials in India (referring to the Dutch East Indies). Everyone was required to obey these rules or face penalties outlined in official letters and laws.
• Local church leaders in Banda were forbidden from making exceptions or delays based on orders from the Netherlands or other churches in the region. They had to follow decisions made by the Council of India and the Governor for the benefit of the Company.
• Disobedience had already caused problems in Banda, such as:
  • Church meetings being neglected or improperly held.
  • Small, disorderly gatherings replacing proper services.
• Though some officials deserved immediate punishment, the Council of India decided to give another warning. They ordered:
  • Church services and governance to resume as usual.
  • Political commissioners to be appointed (as done in Batavia and Ambon) with the approval of the local Governor and Council.
  • Refusal to comply would lead to suspension, loss of pay, and being sent back to the Netherlands for trial.
• Normally, only 3 official preachers were assigned, but due to shortages, 4 additional temporary preachers were approved, including Eijsbrecht Sebastiaenssz, who arrived on the wrecked ship Batavia. He was officially recognized based on:
  • His credentials from the Netherlands.
  • A resolution by the church council in Batavia, with the Company’s knowledge.
• Regarding school funding for children:
  • No changes were made to existing rules.
  • Church leaders and authorities must encourage parents to send children to school.
  • Poor families should not hesitate to accept financial aid (deacon’s support).
  • Wealthy families could not use excuses like "children must work" to avoid schooling.
  • Officials were urged to enforce these rules strictly to ensure all children attended school.
• All current orders were temporary and could change if new church rules arrived from the Directors (Heeren Majores) in the Netherlands.
• The letter was signed in Castle Batavia on 5 March 1632.

• The Portuguese and Messicen (mixed-race Portuguese-Asians) were sent far away to handle unfinished business. Afterward, they were to sail quickly to Buton to acquire timber, unless they discovered that the Macassars (people from Makassar) had sent an unusually large force toward Amboyna or Banda. In that case, they were to prioritize traveling there immediately. Both locations were risky for the Macassars, but with God’s help, they hoped to avoid trouble.
• The goal was to gather as much useful information as possible to meet the requests of the Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC, or Dutch East India Company). No untrustworthy people were to be allowed to return; instead, they should be punished or sent back based on their crimes.
• The Bandanese (people from Banda) had previously smuggled pepper back to the homeland openly. This was not to be tolerated again. No priests or individuals promoting Islam (referred to as "hidden Moorish practices") were to be spared—they were to be punished severely on the spot or sent back.
• Iscei V Beer had already been compensated in Banda for his expenses related to the ship’s crew and slaves, as confirmed by the company’s financial records. No additional costs were to be claimed in Batavia (modern-day Jakarta).
• Free merchants were allowed to sail to the Coromandel Coast (Costij) with a special pass (toll brief) provided by the General (likely the Governor-General). Anyone caught trading without this pass was to have their goods confiscated, and those involved were to be arrested as they were violating company rules.
• The wife of Jacob Lievensz was permitted to send her husband supplies listed in the toll brief, as compensation for damages he had suffered.
• Captain Marten Janssen Vodel was granted permission to sail with a small, fast ship (a "yacht") alongside the main vessel, as specified in his pass.
• The letter included licenses and documents for the recipient to review. The writer expected continued cooperation in enforcing these rules.
• The letter was written in Batavia Castle on 4 March 1632 and closed with a reminder to follow previous recommendations.
• S. Kerckringh complained that his rations had been reduced since 13 October and requested permission to return to the homeland as a merchant on the next ship. His request was forwarded to the recipient for a decision, prioritizing the company’s interests and his own suitability.
• A letter from the church council in Banda expressed shock and discontent over a decision by Governor Raemburch. In September 1631, the council had been forced to admit political commissioners into church meetings. They were even threatened with the suspension of communion and direct reports to the church council in Batavia if they refused. The council saw this as disobedience and opposition to the resolutions made by the Heeren XVII (the VOC’s directors in the homeland) and the Church Council of India for the well-being of the church and the company.
• The writer hoped the recipient would earn favor without abusing the company’s authority and continue to serve the company and the city well, as he had done before.

• The council was very disappointed with a person named Pinel for his dishonest actions, unfair legal procedures, and proven disloyalty. Despite his serious offenses, the local council in Banda did not punish him as they should have, setting a bad example for others.
• Even though Pinel deserved harsher punishment, the council showed leniency due to his pregnant wife and other difficult circumstances. They still approved of the changes PE (likely a council member or official) made with the council regarding Pinel’s and others' positions, assuming these individuals truly deserved their roles.
• The council strongly disapproved of Dom Holtenius being allowed to keep 400 crowns, which had only been permitted on the condition of further approval. They suspected him of fraud in Lenda and other wrongdoings.
• The council ordered that preachers should focus only on their religious duties and avoid meddling in other matters, as neglecting their duties would harm both their reputation and their work.
• Since the ship Medembrick and its small boat (chaloupe) could not sail to the Banda islands due to monsoon winds, the council suggested using a different small boat, Douwo, which they trusted more for its smaller size and better suitability.
• The council instructed that two ships, the Gouden Leeuw (Golden Lion) and ’t Wapen van Hoorn (The Coat of Arms of Hoorn), should be sent directly to their destinations:
  • The Gouden Leeuw to the west coast (likely of India or Sumatra).
  • ’t Wapen van Hoorn to Chiam (possibly Siam, modern-day Thailand).
  These ships were meant to promote the pepper trade, as proposed by Van Ris. They also suggested sending the yacht Jongsle Creveren from Amboina (Ambon) or another location to help advance trade in Banda.
• The ship Edano (a fluyt-type vessel) was to be used if it was still seaworthy after inspection. If not, it should be dismantled. If deemed unfit, the council advised against risking it further. The first returns (likely profits or goods) should come with the ’t Wapen van Hoorn, and later returns with the Gouden Leeuw.
• The council acknowledged the efforts in collecting old debts but urged that this should continue carefully and fairly for the benefit of both the citizens and the Dutch East India Company (VOC).
• The financial records from Banda showed that, despite general profits, high overhead costs still resulted in a large deficit. The islands of Banda had supplies and enslaved people valued at 450,000 guilders, including expected merchant profits. The council recognized the difficulty of sending large amounts of capital there, especially during scarce times.
• The council requested continued updates on military rolls, ammunition inventories, and other reports, as previous records had been lost when sent to the homeland without copies being kept.
• Though there were rumors that the Macassarese (from Makassar) leader Yets was on Landa, the council did not believe he posed a direct threat to Amboina or Banda. However, they still advised vigilance.
• They mentioned that a ship called Buijeren, carrying around 10 Portuguese, had been lost, likely due to an attack by enemies from Macau who had been brought to Macassar.

• The Dutch East India Company (VOC) was asked to handle complaints from church leaders about education. The church wanted children in public schools to be taught and fed for free, but the VOC argued that:
• No other republic provided free schooling and meals to children.
• The VOC already struggled with the costs of running schools.
• Schools should be managed by good religious and political supervisors to ensure children attended regularly, learned Christian teachings, and behaved properly.
• Regarding slaves from the Banda Islands, the VOC stated:
• Previous instructions for managing slaves were followed, but new demands were being made that the VOC could not meet.
• They lacked the resources to send the number and types of slaves requested for exchange.
• The issue would be delayed until better solutions were found.
• Meanwhile, strict supervision and justice should prevent problems with the Banda slaves.
• About 50 male slaves were still needed to meet demands, but this would be addressed once expected shipments arrived.
• Christian missions in places like Battavia, Amboina, and the Banda Islands had been ongoing since 1677 but had achieved little progress. The VOC suggested:
• More could be done in these areas, similar to efforts on other islands like Quilay and Arii Dunctons Weymer.
• A suitable ship should be sent when available, without delaying other tasks.
• Two ships from Medemblik remained under Banda's responsibility, despite some faults not being the crew's fault. One sailor was punished for his mistakes.
• The VOC had hoped the Banda Islands and other regions in India would generate profits beyond their costs, but this had not happened. Instead of profits, there were complaints.
• The VOC recommended:
• Continuing efforts to grow new plantations on Nera.
• Confiscating smuggled goods, as no one was allowed to bring such items there.
• To address the shortage of soldiers in Amboina, the VOC sent an additional 50 well-trained soldiers on the current ship, along with those previously sent on the Gouden Leeuw and Edam. This would:
• Allow older soldiers to be relieved.
• Maintain a total of 450 soldiers.
• The VOC also asked to send back relieved soldiers and any extra sailors who could be spared.
• Cloves from Banda were similar to those from Amboina and the Moluccas. The VOC suggested:
• Letting old trees continue to produce.
• Planting new trees until further instructions were given by the Lords Seventeen (the VOC's directors).

The Dutch East India Company (VOC) and the Council of India decided, with advice from the local church council in Batavia, to address several issues regarding church governance in the region.

• The Reverend Gijsbrecht Bastiaensz was assigned to serve the community on the island of Lonthor (part of the Banda Islands). He was to be accepted and officially installed there based on his credentials from the Classis of Holland and Zeeland (a church body in the Dutch homeland).
• The VOC and Council of India clarified that the selection and sending of ministers to other regions would follow the instructions of the Lords Seventeen (the VOC directors in the Netherlands) and the Council of India, with input from the local church council in Batavia. Ministers would no longer need additional approval from the church council in Batavia beyond their original credentials from the Classis in the Netherlands.
• Local governors in places like the Moluccas, Amboyna, and Banda were instructed to follow this new rule. They would decide, with advice from their local church councils, where ministers should be placed in their regions.
• Each church would govern itself through its own church council. No outlying churches would have to report or justify their actions to the church in Batavia. Instead, they would communicate directly with the Classis of Holland and Zeeland, the Lords Seventeen, and the church council in Batavia only when necessary for promoting unity and the Christian faith.
• All letters sent by church councils or individuals from these regions to other places in India or the Netherlands would first be handed over to the respective governors or their representatives. These letters would then be sent together in one package along with the governor’s official correspondence.

These rules were provisional and could be adjusted later if the Lords Seventeen and the Classis in the Netherlands issued new instructions. Until then, the current orders were to be followed strictly.

• The church leaders in Banda were surprised by the resistance they faced when trying to introduce political commissioners into church meetings. They believed the church leaders should have obeyed the orders given by the Governor-General and Council of India without protest.
• The church leaders in Banda argued that they had not received direct orders from the church in Batavia, but the Governor-General and Council of India saw this as an excuse. They believed the church in Batavia did not have authority over the churches in Banda or other regions in India.
• The Governor-General and Council of India were shocked that some church leaders even threatened to leave their positions rather than accept the political commissioners in their meetings. They considered this refusal unacceptable.
• After much discussion, the Governor-General and Council of India decided to send another letter to the church council in Banda, ordering them to allow political commissioners into all church meetings on the Banda Islands and give them seats, as previously decided.
• If the church leaders in Banda continued to refuse, they would be suspended from their positions and salaries, and sent back to Batavia or Ambon for further action.
• If the church council in Banda agreed to follow the orders, as the churches in Batavia and Ambon had already done, church matters would return to normal, and the Governor-General would support the spread of Christianity as expected.
• The Governor-General and Council of India also reserved the right to decide on the qualities needed for the political commissioners and other church matters.

• On 17 January 1634, Henrick Brouwer, the Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, issued orders in Batavia regarding a fleet expedition to Macassar (modern Makassar).
• The fleet included ships like der Goes, Heusden, Grootenbroeck, and smaller vessels such as de Sterre and Amboijna, along with two sloops and other small boats.
• Egbert Boom, who arrived from the Netherlands on the ship der Goes, was assigned to the expedition. His salary would remain payable in Batavia, and he would not receive a receipt on board. The goal was to assess his skills to see if he deserved promotion. He was not to be given any titles but should be assigned tasks matching his abilities.
• The fleet, led by Gijsberto Lodensteijn (former Governor of Ternate), was instructed to sail northeast toward the coast of Borneo, aiming to pass between two landmarks near Martapura (called Oedjongh Salatan). From there, they would sail southeast to reach the Pulo Laut islands.
• The meeting point was set at the eastern end of the easternmost island of Pulo Laut, near a freshwater inlet and a small island located at a latitude of 4 degrees and 35 minutes south.
• Jochem Pietersz, a citizen of Batavia, was promised a return to Batavia on the first available ship or yacht from the fleet after completing his duties under Lodensteijn. This promise was officially recorded in a document dated 17 January 1634.
• The fleet’s mission included various operations against enemies of the Dutch East India Company (VOC), with Lodensteijn given full command over all ships and vessels involved.

In the 17th century, the kingdom of Macassar (in modern-day Indonesia) grew powerful by conquering nearby lands. Its strength came from:

• A large population that could be called upon for war.
• Trade and alliances with Europeans and other nations, which provided advanced weapons like muskets and cannons.
• Knowledge of how to use these weapons effectively.

Within less than 20 years, the king of Macassar expanded his rule over neighboring regions, including areas to the north and east, such as the Boqueiron region, which was brought under his control around 1629. Earlier, in 1629, local leaders had asked Jan Vogel (likely a Dutch representative) for help to fight against the king of Macassar, with support from the king of Buton and limited Dutch assistance.

The Dutch hoped to weaken Macassar by destroying its fleet, ideally in early April. They planned to send ships to strengthen their position:

• The ship Weesp was to be sent to Amboina (modern Ambon), replaced by the ship Tessel, which was expected from Siam (modern Thailand).
• The ship Heusden, loaded with rice and supplies for Amboina, would be excused from some duties since other ships could cover its tasks.

The Dutch did not trust the king of Macassar enough to make a treaty but would allow his messengers to pass if he wished to send them. If the Dutch fleet needed to move inland to chase the enemy, they would coordinate with forces from Amboina or the Banda Islands to decide the best course of action.

The ship Grootenbroeck needed repairs and was to return between March and April 15, possibly stopping at Martapura to collect pepper. It was not to spend more than 14 days there, as the ship was needed elsewhere. Around 98 to 100 soldiers were sent to replace troops in Amboina and the Banda Islands whose service terms were ending. More troops would follow on other ships.

Any conquests made were to be carefully recorded to ensure fair reporting. A detailed list of supplies, ship equipment, and ammunition was provided for each ship and yacht. Additional supplies were noted for the Grootenbroeck and the six yachts that had already sailed. The document also included a commission for Gerrit Tomasz Pool, the vice-commander, and instructions for Heere Lodensteijn and the shipper of the Der Goes.

In 1696, instructions were given regarding the movements of Dutch ships near Macassar (modern-day Makassar). The following key points were outlined:

• The best time for ships to arrive was after the full moon in February, when the weather improved, aligning with the start of the east monsoon. Ships from Amboina, Banda, Ceram, Solor, Timor, Bina, and other locations would gather, preparing for voyages to Malacca, Macao, Borneo, Palembang, and elsewhere. This activity often surpassed even the trade of Mataram.
• The Dutch fleet was ordered to block Macassar to prevent enemy ships from leaving or entering. They were to wait for further instructions unless a large, threatening force from Macassar appeared. In that case, the fleet was to pursue it.
• Supplies were provided for 6 months, but if more were needed, the fleet could resupply at three northern islands outside Macassar's reef: Karanda, Balang Basar, and Balang Kichil. These islands had fertile soil, fresh water, and crops. However, the water sources could be poisoned, so crews were advised to empty and clean the wells before use.
• The islands could also serve as a base to attack if Macassar showed hostility. They could cut off enemy supplies and provide refreshments for the Dutch fleet.
• The fleet had to stay alert, as enemies might try to attack at night, similar to tactics used by the Chinese and people from Bantam. Anchoring under moonlight or sailing in darkness could confuse enemies.
• Spies were to gather intelligence on Macassar's plans, including their concerns about the Dutch blockade, potential allies or enemies of Macassar's king, and any enslaved groups that could rebel against him. Contacts with the English, Danes, and friendly locals could help gather this information.
• In February 1695, a Dutch merchant, Marten Valck, encountered a fleet of around 400 ships from Macassar near Bima. They carried thousands of men who had destroyed crops, ravaged the land, and burned Bima's city. This was because Bima's people had rebelled against their king, exiling him to Gunung Api. The king of Macassar sent this fleet to restore the exiled king (his relative) and punish the rebels. However, the fleet was poorly equipped for combat, and Valck believed even a small Dutch ship could have defeated them.

This document outlines instructions for a Dutch naval mission near Macassar (modern Makassar, Indonesia) in the 17th century. The key points are:

• The fleet could engage ships from Malay, Mataram, Banten, or other Indonesian regions, except those with Dutch passes (permits) or under Dutch protection. These protected ships had to show their documents in time.
• English and Danish ships in the area were to be left alone, as they were allies of the Dutch. However, they were not allowed to protect any Indonesian ships. The Dutch fleet was there to confront their main enemy (likely the Spanish or Portuguese).
• The crew was ordered to treat the English and Danes politely but avoid deep conversations. The local king might try to gather intelligence about the Dutch fleet’s strength and plans through them.
• The Dutch were to discreetly ask the English and Danes if any ships had recently left or were preparing to leave—including details like the number of ships, their destinations, and departure points. Jochum Pietersz, an experienced Dutch informant, believed ships usually left after the full moon in February, but the Dutch feared some may have already departed earlier.
• Jochum Pietersz was trusted for his knowledge of the region and was to advise the fleet. Though officially assigned as a night watch officer, he was expected to stay near the admiral’s ship for quick consultations.
• If few ships were found at Macassar, the Dutch could pretend they were there to destroy Spanish, Portuguese, or Mataram ships. This ruse would test whether the local king was as confident as Jochum Pietersz claimed—or if he would secretly move his own ships out of reach. The Dutch, however, were warned not to trust locals or send men ashore, as betrayal was likely.
• If a large enemy fleet (possibly from Martapura) was reported heading toward the Amboina (Ambon), Banda, or Ceram (Seram) regions, the Dutch were to pursue and destroy it—whether near Buton, the Banda Islands, or elsewhere.
• The Dutch relied on Jochum Pietersz’s expertise to confirm whether such a fleet had already left. Until then, they were to block all ships (except English/Danish) from entering or leaving Macassar.
• During bad weather, small boats were to be posted outside the islands as lookouts, as more ships from Macao, Manila, Malacca, Borneo, Palembang, or other places might arrive with the westerly monsoon.

• The Dutch East India Company (VOC) sent instructions to Commander Gijsbert van Lodensteijn and his fleet council, detailing their mission to support the King of Macassar against threats from enemies like the Spanish and Portuguese.
• The fleet was reinforced with the following ships and supplies for 6 months:
  • Ship Dergoes and Heusden: 70 crew each, including 15 soldiers per ship.
  • Ship Sterre: 50 crew, including 10 soldiers.
  • Ship Amboijno: 24 crew, including 6 soldiers.
  • Daily ration: 3 half-mugs of arrack (alcohol) per person.
  • Additional 7 barrels of arrack sent for the 6 yachts, allowing an extra half-mug at noon.
  • Extra provisions for 60 men for 6 months, likely for Ship Grootenbroeck, whose supplies were running low.
• On 12 July, the VOC sent the floating ship Batavia with 2 mortars to Bantam to attack the city. They planned to send this ship and its mortars to Lodensteijn’s fleet once it returned, expected within 14 days.
• The fleet was ordered to meet near Pulo Laut and prepare for the mission:
  • Fill all water containers (barrels, jugs, pots) to avoid shortages.
  • Distribute water rations and depart immediately for Macassar without delay.
• Command structure:
  • Gijsbert van Lodensteijn: Commander on Ship Dergoes, leading the fleet.
  • Gerrit Thomasz Pool: Vice-Commander on Ship Heusden, second in council.
  • Jochum Pietersz: Third in council on Ship Grootenbroeck (flagship at night).
  • Other merchants and captains assigned roles based on ability.
• Sailing route from Pulo Laut to Macassar:
  • Pass north of the Breede Bank, near Nusa Sive and Kucat islands.
  • Aim for landfall around latitude 5°15’ to avoid dangerous western islands near Macassar.
  • Anchor in clean, safe waters with good holding ground.
  • Arrive early in the morning to attack immediately.
• Mission objectives in Macassar:
  • Destroy all enemy ships in the harbor.
  • Act swiftly to prevent salvage attempts.
  • Show no mercy—no ships were to be spared.

On 8 April 1636, a letter arrived from the ruler of Siam, addressed to the Dutch Governor-General. The ruler was described with grand titles, including references to his divine status, wealth, and power over his people. The letter was translated from a message sent by Dya Berkelangh, a high-ranking official, praising the Governor-General's noble lineage and wisdom.

On the same date, a report arrived from Carnansen (near Batavia) about a Portuguese ship, the Galias, which had come from Goa via Malacca to Japara about a month earlier. The ship carried gifts for the ruler of Mataram, including two large clocks, a golden betel box, four women, clothes, and other items. The purpose of this mission remained unclear. Meanwhile, many Javanese war boats were seen daily near the Carnansen area.

Additionally, an English ship passed by, heading to Japara, and a small vessel called a Tammelangh left for Surabaya, carrying 4 pikols (a unit of weight) of old iron and 30 others.

To counter the Javanese war boats near Carnansen, Jan Coen, a senior merchant, ordered an expedition under Captain Jan Silvernagel. The force included 4 small boats, 14 larger boats called tingans, some Mardijkers (former slaves or mercenaries), a nobleman, and around 1,000 sailors and 130 soldiers.

From Cheribon, a Malay tingan arrived with 1.5 last (a unit of weight) of rice, 10 jars of oil, and other goods.

On 1 March 1636, the ship Weesp arrived from Martapura with:

• 2,300 pikols (or 115 last) of pepper,
• 720 bundles of rattan,
• 10 pieces of beharst (likely a type of wood).

The total value of the cargo was ƒ31,671 (Dutch guilders).

A letter from Wollebrandt Geleijnsen, dated 5 and 9 April, reported that Commander Gerrit Thomassen Pool and Commissaris Steven Barentsen had arrived in Martapura on 3 February with six yachts. They left for Macassar on 7 February without delivering the Governor-General’s letter and gifts to the king of Martapura, as he was not present. The letter and gifts were left with a local official called the orang raija. It was also noted that 45 more last of pepper remained in Martapura.

On May 18, 1636, a meeting took place where gifts were exchanged between the Dutch and the ruler of Quinham (modern Quảng Nam, Vietnam). The Dutch representatives included Governor Putmans and a merchant named Duijcker. The gifts from the Dutch included:

• A large Japanese lacquered desk and chest,
• 40 pieces of white cotton cloth,
• 2 pieces of red silk fabric,
• 40 pieces of a different type of cotton cloth,
• 10 pieces of a fabric called "Gilius,"
• 2 Japanese robes,
• 2 Japanese sabers (from Duijcker),
• ½ piece of red silk,
• 10 pieces of white cotton cloth (from Duijcker),
• 5 pieces of "Gilius" fabric (from Duijcker),
• A knife with a decorated handle (from Duijcker).

Duijcker then addressed the king directly, asking for the return of 23,580 realen and rijksdaalders (Dutch currency). This money had belonged to his late father and was unfairly taken from the Dutch ship Grootenbroeck, which wrecked near the Paracel Islands in 1634. He also demanded the return of cannons from another Dutch ship, the Kemphaen, which had earlier run aground.

The king replied that he knew nothing about the money, as his father (the previous king) had recently died. He admitted that the former official Ong Aug Mij had unfairly taken money from foreigners, including the 23,580 sum, and kept it for himself. After the old king’s death, over 3,400 thaijl (local silver coins) were unexpectedly found—most of it collected through dishonest means. As punishment, Ong Aug Mij and some of his associates were executed.

The king claimed he was not responsible for what happened under his father’s rule and asked the Dutch not to bring it up again. He promised he could not return the money but offered the Dutch better trading rights in his lands. From then on, Dutch ships visiting Quinham would be:

• Fully exempt from anchor fees,
• Gift demands,
• Other costs and payments to local officials (Mandarin).

The king also promised to maintain friendly relations with the Dutch, help them when needed, and prevent future injustices like those caused by Ong Aug Mij. He asked the Dutch to forget the past and excuse what had happened. After this, Duijcker delivered the Dutch response letters along with additional gifts.