Transcriptions » Recently generated summaries of recognized texts

On 20 July 1679, a report from Makassar detailed several conflicts and negotiations involving local leaders:

• Touapo Arou Bellas's brother was holding two people captive for Matouaij.
• Two girls, named Daire and Wesatje, were taken from the village of Liew by envoys of Toualle (who was in Batavia at the time) and brought to Tanele. They were later returned to Matouaij.
• Radja Bonij was at war with Wadjo, but still controlled several villages: Timoero, Patapanouan, Titiitio, Wage, Ipomanne, Hoegi, Tienro, Bompa, Tieleko, and Tiirana.
• The villages of Malimpato and Sinka were previously split between Wadjo and Soping, but Soping had since taken full control of Sinka, while Bonij gained full control of Malimpato.
• Radja Soping inherited Ipomanne from his father-in-law, who had been killed in a war with Goa.

After hearing these complaints, officials asked if they could report them to higher authorities to discuss with Radja Bonij. The complainants agreed, confirming their statements were true.

Later, Arou Sawalaba and Arou Manipo returned, and officials informed them that they had already discussed many complaints with Matouaij and his advisors. One issue involved Aroe Oenje, whose brother Topobelo had recently taken 5 people (4 women and 1 man) from the village of Matjane. Aroe Oenje claimed they had been returned, except for one still missing. Arou Mampo and Arou Sawalaba denied knowledge of this, explaining they had been staying in Bontheijn and only recently moved to Bonij during Radja Bonij's absence.

Officials promised to report everything to higher authorities and asked Arou Sawalaba and Arou Manipo to inform Bonij's advisors to prevent such incidents in the future. The two agreed and left for Bonij.

Later, Arou Matouaij returned for further discussions.

On 20 July 1679, a report from Makassar described conflicts involving people from Wajo, Bone, Luwu, and Bugis groups during a time of peace before a war.

• Around 330 people from Wajo had moved to Luwu for trade and living. According to agreements, they should have been handed over as workers to Luwu's rulers, but Radja Bonij and the Bugis took them instead. These people were then sold as workers.
• A man named Wadsor Lawaro and Arou Matovaij had gathered about 300 people from Wajo to return home, but they were stopped by Radja Bonij and his allies. They were sold for low prices.
• Radja Bouij, a relative of Arou Matouaij, took an additional 110 people who were meant to be shared among smaller rulers.

Another report from the same date listed people and goods taken from various villages in Wajo:

• Toedjoema, a servant of a high-ranking person from Palacca, took 1 man and 2 women from Parria.
• Lapara, father of Arou Oedjou, took a prince’s son named Arou Toetoukoesa and a woman from Parria.
• From Tempe, a Wajo person named Ponecangale took 15 tails (units) of gold.
• Copolela, brother of Arou Onje, took 1 man and 4 women from Maxiana, and from Belawa, 1 taul and 2 masen (units) of gold. From Lempe, he took 3 women, and from Palippe, he took 1 girl, 12 masen, 2 koepans (containers), 2 tails, and 12 masen of gold.
• Arou Tanele took a girl from Sakoebij.
• Bapalanxa from Palli took 3 people from Toffara on behalf of Arou Betanpala.
• From Walanga, 1 girl was taken, and another person was taken by Arou Matouaij, who claimed he was buying them.
• Arou Bela took 15 people from Lempe and was also holding a boy and a girl who had run away from Arou Matouaij.

On 20 July 1679, in Makassar, local leaders met with representatives of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) to discuss their status and grievances. They declared they were not slaves of Aron Pony or the Boniers but free subjects and rightful people of the VOC. They claimed they had not known this before and were upset about what the Boniers had taken from them during the war.

• The leaders admitted they were unaware of the treaty between them and the VOC, which had been made in the presence of Raja Palacca, Raja Sopingh, and Raja Kaneta.
• After the treaty was read to them, they acknowledged their obligation to the VOC and agreed to report the losses they suffered during the war if they wanted help.
• They asked for time to discuss among themselves and returned two days later.

Arou Matouaij, speaking for the group, thanked the VOC for the explanation. He and the other leaders admitted they were unsure where to begin or end their complaints. They estimated that the Boniers had taken over 3,000 people, along with gold, buffaloes, and goods, though Arou Matouaij called this a rough guess.

They planned to return to Wajo to inform the lesser kings and royal children about the meeting and gather detailed reports of what had been taken from each village during the war.

The leaders recalled three main actions by Raja Bonij during the conflict:

• He captured and enslaved traders and visitors from Loeboe and Towadjosche whenever possible.
• He sought out and enslaved people from Wajo who were outside their homeland.
• He and Wado took many blacksmiths, carpenters, goldsmiths, laborers, women, and children from the region of Roadjo by force, putting them on ice (likely meaning ships or difficult conditions) and taking them away.

On 20 July 1679, a report from Makassar described a meeting with Aroumattouaij, a messenger from the kingdom of Wadjo (also called Wajo). The previous year, he had visited the Dutch fort but refused to speak freely about his land’s situation, fearing for his life if he did. He signaled this by placing his hand over his mouth and his finger on his throat. The Dutch had let him leave at the time because Radja Bonij’s (also Arouponij) followers were present, making private conversation impossible.

The Dutch now told Aroumattouaij he was mistaken in his fears. They explained that during war, Radja Bonij acted as an ally and military leader for the Dutch East India Company (VOC), but in peacetime, he was simply a partner—just like other rulers such as Radja Sopingh (of Soppeng), Radja Tamparangh, Radja Loeboe (of Luwu), Radja Mandaar, and Radja Goa.

The Dutch clarified that the people of Wadjo were not slaves of Radja Bonij. According to the first article of a treaty signed on 23 December 1670 between Wadjo and the VOC, the land of Wadjo had been fully conquered in war and legally belonged to the VOC. However, the VOC allowed the people of Wadjo to continue living there as if it were a leased territory—a favor they greatly appreciated. In return, the people of Wadjo had promised to remain loyal subjects of the VOC, not of Arouponij.

The second article of the treaty stated that if the king of Tosfora (the ruler of Wadjo) died, the people could not choose a new king without the VOC’s approval. The VOC also reserved the right to remove any king who failed to rule properly and replace him with someone more suitable.

The eighth article confirmed that Wadjo still owed the VOC 52,000 rijksdaalders (a Dutch currency) for the costs of conquering the capital city of Tossora, led by Radja Palacca (acting as the VOC’s military commander). By 20 July 1679, only 5,400 rijksdaalders had been paid.

On 20 July 1679, a ship called the Chinees honeko left Makassar for Batavia, carrying official documents addressed to Governor-General Rijckloff van Goens and the Council of the Dutch East Indies. The documents included:

• An original letter from President Jacob Cops and the Council of Makassar Castle, dated 20 July 1679.
• A copy of a letter from 27 June 1679.
• A copy of a letter from Governor Cornelis van Quaelberg in Banda to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) Resident in Bima, dated June 1679.
• A copy of a letter from Philip Castel and Willem Eijckmans (from Bima) to President Jacob Cops and the Council in Makassar, dated July 1679.

The letter from Jacob Cops reported that leaders from Boni, including Orou Sawalaba, Arou Manxo, Arou Mario, and Arou Lamoero, had visited Makassar Castle. They were appointed as rulers in Boni by the Raja of Boni. The Dutch had received many complaints about the people of Boni, especially from the kingdom of Wajo.

Arou Mattourij, the king of Wajo, had also arrived in Makassar. The Dutch asked the leaders of Boni to wait until they could speak with Arou Mattourij to verify the complaints. When questioned, Arou Mattourij claimed he knew nothing about the issues. The Dutch warned that the Raja of Boni and the VOC were united, meaning any actions by the Raja were considered correct. They reminded the leaders of Boni that they had been conquered and must obey.

On 27 June 1679, a report from Makassar described trade challenges and local conflicts involving the Dutch. The following key points were noted:

• Trade goods like tapij tapij lanodano (likely textiles or spices) and Campoene bale were available, but obtaining wood from Backmor was difficult.
• The local king in Caronij (likely Karoni, a region in Suriname) was unwilling to cooperate, delaying the clearing of ships. The writer suspected their detention was to prevent Dutch inspectors from checking the forests, allowing locals to claim they couldn’t supply the agreed heavy timber.
• A Dutch ship, the korra korra, was sent to Caronij after a Chialoup (a type of ship) landed there, and its crew was killed. The king was condemned and ordered to provide 100 enslaved people. Dutch inspectors found nothing of value except 12 large nut trees on Wanchij island.
• The local government in Bouton (modern Buton, Indonesia) requested goods like muskets, gunpowder, lead, black and colored cloth, and cash in exchange for more timber.
• The writer, responsible for managing timber trade cargo, listed missing or damaged supplies:
  • 2 pieces of longij (likely a type of timber) ruined by moths.
  • 4,500 lbs of montcost (possibly a metal or tool).
  • 3,100 lbs of iron.
  • 200 pieces of steel.
  • 2 pieces of kannakijns (possibly a type of fabric or rope).
  • 2 pieces of ruined rouwe bethillis (coarse cloth).
  • 53 Spanish reals (currency) spent on refreshing supplies for three ships.
• A trader from Malacca, named Patanij, claimed to have earned over 16,000 reals the previous year from similar trade, but the writer doubted this, suspecting hidden dealings, possibly linked to the enslaved people trade.
• Cloth traded in Bouton included salempoeris (fine fabrics), bethillis (coarse cloth), and moerissen (likely a type of textile), but locals refused to pay fair prices for high-quality linen.

The report was written aboard the yacht ‘t Casteel Rotterdam on 16 June 1679 and signed by Claas Bollaart.

On 27 June 1679, a report from Makassar described the loading of timber onto ships. The ship Buuren had been loaded with 283 sorted wooden beams, while the yacht De Parel carried 169 beams and another yacht, Rotterdam, carried 142. These ships, along with t’Casteel Rotterdam, were prepared for loading by 2 June and set sail for Buton on 3 June.

Upon arrival in Buton on 4 June, the writer met with Raja Lakassa, who inspected and measured the timber. The writer then went to the house of the local ruler, Goegoegoe, where Lakassa was also staying. Over the next two days (4–6 June), negotiations took place with the king and his high-ranking advisors about the timber, much of which was of poor quality. The king promised that in the future, longer and thicker beams would be cut and supplied.

The discussion also covered the prices of goods like cloth, iron, and steel. The following deals were agreed upon:

• Bethillis cloth: 206.5 pieces at 2¾ reals each.
• Wide basta cloth: 59 pieces at 3½ reals each.
• Sarassa Chiauw cloth: 65 pieces at 6½ reals each.
• Longij cloth: 20 pieces at 1¾ reals each.

The total agreed value was 829 reals. The king’s officials promised to deliver his formal letter as soon as it was ready. The report also mentioned that the type of timber found in this location was similar to that from Camada.

On 27 June 1679, a Dutch representative traveled from Makassar to meet the king of Buton. Upon arrival, he was told the king could not speak due to his wife’s illness. The visitor insisted on leaving a message and was asked to return later that afternoon.

When he returned, the king was still unavailable. The representative then requested a meeting with the royal council, which was reluctantly granted. He informed them that:

• A letter from the Dutch authorities (addressed as "uEE") had arrived, along with a shipment of 100 pieces of cloth and 5,000 bundles of rice.
• Another Dutch ship would soon arrive from Banda to load timber, meaning more wood would need to be cut than initially planned.

The representative made several requests:

• For workers and oxen to help transport heavy logs.
• For a government official to oversee and speed up the work.
• For the rice to be purchased at the same price as before (1¼ real per hundredweight). The council initially resisted but, led by Radia Lahassa, eventually agreed.
• For boats to be sent immediately to collect the rice from the ship.

The council promised to fulfill these requests. By 5–6 May, the rice was unloaded. A letter for the Dutch authorities was given to Jacob Hermijn, a free citizen who planned to sail to Makassar within two days. After lifting anchor, the ship faced strong winds and currents, arriving at the timber site on 9 June and finding more workers had been added.

On 10 June, rumors spread that a ship had arrived in Buton. The assistant Jacob Schouten was sent on 13 June to investigate but returned on 15 June reporting no ship had arrived—only the fluyt Buuren was anchored outside the second strait. A small boat with a letter was sent to the ship, ordering it to sail to the timber site as soon as conditions allowed.

Meanwhile, the ship Parel arrived in the strait on 17 June and anchored near the Dutch. Orders were given to prepare for the timber work.

On 27 June 1679, a report was signed in Makassar by Jacob Lops, Paulus de Bocq, Claas Pleun, Adriaan van Dalen, Franchoijs Prins, Adriaan van Laren, Harmen Hansen, and Jan Stoffelsen Locx. The report was written by Claas Bollaart, an assistant merchant, about his mission aboard the yacht Castle Rotterdam to Buton.

On 12 March 1679, the yacht arrived safely in Buton. The next day, Bollaart delivered letters and gifts from Jacob Lops to the king and the goguegoue (local ruler) on 14 March. He also handed over a document recognizing the uprooting of spice trees, as ordered by the government in Batavia.

Bollaart then negotiated with the local rulers about timber supplies. They agreed to provide:

• 388 beams, 3 to 7 fathoms long (5.5 to 13 meters) and 10 to 18 inches thick (25 to 46 cm), each for 3 rijksdaalders (Dutch currency).
• Shorter beams, 4 to 6 fathoms long (7.3 to 11 meters) and 7 to 8 inches thick (18 to 20 cm), each for 2 rijksdaalders.
• Even shorter beams, 2 fathoms long (3.7 meters) and 7 to 8 inches thick (18 to 20 cm), each for ¾ rijksdaalder.

The rulers promised the departure of Dutch inspectors as soon as the ships were ready, which happened earlier than expected on 29 March. Bollaart stayed on land until 18 April because the timber needed to be cut and transported from the forest. On 19 April, they sailed to the timber site in Tarmada Bay, where carpenters and sailors began preparing the ready beams.

On 2 May, the ship Japara arrived with letters from Jacob Lops and supplies:

• 5000 bundles of forest rice (bos padij).
• 50 pieces of longijs (likely a type of cloth).
• 1.75 arc (a unit of weight) of Sarassa Chiauwa (likely another type of fabric).
• 140 rouwe bethilles (possibly a type of tool or weapon) at 2.5 rijksdaalders each.
• 200 Spanish rijksdaalders.
• Benick Savons (possibly a person or type of soap).

Bollaart entrusted the ship’s captain with overseeing the safe transport of these goods to Buton. On 4 May, he traveled to meet the goguegoue, but the ruler was unavailable due to the death of his wife on 1 May.

• On June 27, 1679, in Makassar, goods brought by a chialoup (small ship) were sold at auction for rixdollars (rx=s) 1042¾. After deducting costs of 74¼, the net profit was 968½.
• An additional 408 1/8 in cash was added, bringing the total net amount to 1377 1/8. This amount was to be billed to the recipient, who was also asked to confirm if any payment should be made to the local fiscal (tax official) for holding the goods.
• Extra expenses included 263:5:— (guilders) spent on the ship and crew in Makassar and Bima, plus untaxed items listed separately.
• A report from Claas Bollaert, an under-merchant, mentioned that a Portuguese trader named Maleijtsen Anachoda Petanij, with a pass from Malacca, had sold large quantities of Danish gunny cloth and coarse fabrics in Buton at good prices. Other traders from nearby islands and Boni Bay also bought these goods profitably.
• On the same date, a free burger (citizen) from Batavia, Gabriel Nacken, arrived in Makassar with his chialoup, carrying massoij (likely nutmeg) bought in Kefing (on Seram’s east coast) and some wax from the Southeast Islands.
• Nacken had a pass from Governor Qualberg in Banda, allowing direct travel to Java without stopping elsewhere, but he requested another pass to sail along the coast of Jara (likely Java), which was denied since his original pass required direct travel to Batavia.
• Officials suspected Nacken would still stop along Java’s coast to trade his cargo.
• Additionally, Radja Pantjana arrived with a bamboo ship carrying 80 men from Tanete, and Aroutoure arrived with a prauw (small boat) and 23 copper items. Both were ordered to sail to Surabaya without stopping nearby.

On 27 June 1679, a report was sent from Makassar about a meeting with the son of the king of Kaili (a region in Sulawesi). The king’s son explained how coconut oil was traditionally made in Kaili: old coconut meat was crushed, placed in a trough or canoe, and left until the oil slowly leaked out. This method produced foul-smelling oil. The Dutch asked if the Kaili people could instead make high-quality oil (by heating the coconuts) to cook their fish, similar to how the Dutch did. The king’s son agreed, but only if large iron Chinese pans were provided. He proposed that for every 25 cans of regular coconut oil, they could produce 15 cans of pure cooked oil—a better deal than receiving poor-quality oil. The Dutch planned to follow up on this in future discussions.

The report also mentioned that old coconut shells were abundant in Kaili, so the Dutch would try to arrange a test with the locals to see if they could spin coconut fiber into rope. This could help the Dutch avoid relying on Ternate for supplies, and they would update their superiors on the results later.

Additionally, the report corrected earlier false information: a man named Dain Mabele had claimed that Raja Sooping (a local ruler) had been restored to power by his nobles, but this turned out to be a lie. The Dutch noted that Dain Mabele could no longer be trusted.

The report also described the case of a Portuguese man, Balthasar Pinto, who had arrived in Bima against Dutch orders. He was detained by assistant Joannes Steur and sent to Makassar. An investigation revealed that Pinto had hidden some goods meant for Batavia (modern-day Jakarta) and lost 602 and 3¾ Spanish realen (a type of coin) and 193½rixdollars (another currency). The Dutch prepared legal documents about the case and sent them, along with Pinto and assistant Steur, to Batavia for further action. Pinto had been traveling on a small boat carrying around 400 piculs (a weight measurement) of sapanwood (a type of dyewood), which had left Makassar for Batavia on the ship St. Janskerken on 26 May.

On 27 June 1679, Claas Bollaert, a junior merchant, was sent to Maccassar to handle a deal with the king and leaders of Bouton. They agreed on prices for timber:

• Beams of 3 to 7 fathoms (about 5.5 to 13 meters) long, with a thickness of 10 to 18 inches (25 to 46 cm) square: 3 rijksdaalders (rx=rs) each.
• Beams of 4 to 6 fathoms (about 7.3 to 11 meters) long, with a thickness of 7 to 8 inches (18 to 20 cm): 2 rx=rs each.
• Beams of 2 fathoms (about 3.7 meters) long, with a thickness of 7 to 8 inches (18 to 20 cm): 1 rx=rs each.

The delivered timber did not fully match the agreed sizes but was still judged to be of good quality. The king of Bouton promised to help find thicker timber in the forest if the Dutch East India Company (VOC) needed more. The following amounts of beams were delivered:

• The ship Buure: 283 beams.
• The yacht De Perel: 169 beams.
• Castle Rotterdam: 142 beams.

In total, 597 beams were delivered, costing 1,411 rx=rs to purchase. Including other traded goods and 650 Spanish realen in cash, the total cost was 2,180¼ rx=rs (or 6,540.15 guilders). There was still an outstanding balance of 169¼ rx=rs for additional timber to be delivered for De Perel, along with some wood already cut for masts if no other use was found.

Gifts and letters of recognition sent to the king were not well received, but this was not considered important. If the VOC wanted more timber, better relations with Bouton could be developed.

Inspectors sent to areas like Caronij, Takene, Waluwe, Kapodda, and Colensoeso found only 12 large nutmeg trees on the island of Wanchie. Further discoveries would be reported later.

Bollaert also learned that the king of Bouton and his council had ordered either the people of Caronij and Wawanij, or just Caronij, to hand over 100 slaves. This was punishment for the murder of a free citizen from Ambon named Chialoupen. More details would be gathered later, as Bollaert only heard about this on his last day in Bouton.

The poor quality of clove oil from Cailes was previously reported on 26 May.

On 27 June 1679, a report from Makassar detailed military preparations and financial transactions involving the Dutch East India Company (VOC):

• Around 50 soldiers from the Raja of Bone were expected in Gissing, along with 5 small ships from Bone and 1 from Tanete, though these had not yet arrived. This was likely the full extent of support expected from the Bugis allies.
• A sergeant stationed in Bulecomba reported that 70 men were ready and awaiting orders to march to Makassar's fortress, with plans to later deploy to Kroii. Additionally, 24 soldiers whose contracts had expired were released, as they refused to re-enlist. Their departure was permitted since they could assist Major Poleman and serve the Company elsewhere.
• A ship named Buuren was loaded with 100 loads of rice intended for Sourabaya (modern Surabaya). The rice was to be unloaded there either fully or partially; otherwise, it would be sent onward. The VOC’s general account in Makassar was charged 6,600 guilders for this cargo (at 66 guilders per load).
• A bill of exchange for 200 reals (equivalent to 210 guilders), drawn by the Governor and Council of Amboina, was paid by Jan Hansz, a free burgher of Ambon, and reimbursed to Jan Gonsalvo, a local interpreter in Makassar. This amount was credited to the account.
• An additional 70 reals were deposited in the Company’s cash box by soldier Jan Dideloff, to be collected by Claas Dideloff elsewhere. A bill of exchange was issued for this amount, with a request for its payment.
• The arrival of the ship Buuren was previously reported on 5 June, along with the expected arrival of the yachts De Perel and Rotterdam within 10 to 12 days. These yachts arrived on 16 June but remained mostly loaded, as efforts were focused on unloading and loading the Buuren.
• There was hope that a ship named Samps or Experiment from Ternate would arrive soon, allowing the transfer of timber cargo from the two yachts to other vessels for delivery. Concerns were raised that the conflict in Java might disrupt supplies, but it was believed that Buton could fill the gap if prices remained reasonable.

The report also included additional documentation (not specified here) for review.

On 27 June 1679, a report from Makassar described a group of ships and warriors sent to support Major Poleman, a Dutch East India Company (VOC) officer. The forces were to either reinforce Surabaya under the command of local leaders like Arou Lieballe Amalij, Atrou Marouangi, and Cajo den Crani, or sail on to Batavia if needed. A total of 626 men departed on 20 June 1679 aboard various vessels, including:

• Arousalameko and his brother Lamion: 1 ship, 60 men
• Arou Mario: 1 ship, 40 men (later forced to return to Boni due to storm damage)
• Arou Boeleboele: 4 ships, 98 men
• Arou Salenkete: 2 ships, 60 men
• Atrou Marra: 2 ships, 66 men
• Strou Ponre: 1 ship, 30 men
• Arou Lampoeno: 1 ship, 27 men
• Arou Bono: 1 ship, 40 men
• Atrou Tekos and crew: 1 ship, 20 men
• Unnamed group: 14 ships, 441 men (one ship wrecked; about 30 men transferred to the Buuren fluyt)
• Arou Sapobia and Radja: 1 ship, 383 men

Additional forces arrived later, including:

• Radja Boeloe: 1 ship, 17 men
• Warriors of Arou Marouangi: 1 ship, 19 men
• Warriors from Sorala: 1 ship, 26 men
• Strou Ligore: 1 ship, 28 men
• Arou Padimpa and another leader: 2 ships, 60 men

In total, 21 ships with 626 men initially set sail. Later, more reinforcements joined, including:

• Capitain Malarij: 1 ship, 44 men
• Tossabara: 1 ship, 19 men
• Arou Tonra: 2 ships, 40 men
• Arou Kera: 1 ship, 23 men
• Topa Dielele: 1 ship, 15 men
• Arou Pationje: 1 ship, 21 men
• Souma (son of Arou Salenketa): 1 ship, 15 men

These additional forces, totaling 8 ships with 177 men, also sailed to Surabaya aboard the Buuren fluyt, with more expected to follow.

On 27 June 1679, officials in Makassar reported that Arou Matouaij, the first king of Wajo, arrived at the castle, seeking a meeting to discuss unspecified matters. He agreed to return the next day for further talks.

By 24 June 1679, Arou Matouaij appeared again, and officials planned to meet with him to address multiple complaints. Two other leaders, Arou Sawalaba and Arou Mampo, also arrived, claiming they wanted to assist the Dutch East India Company (VOC) but likely aimed to learn whether the VOC would detain or release 21 ships (with more expected).

Officials reviewed orders from 10 March, instructing them to discreetly encourage the people of Boni to prepare for military action. The rulers of Boni, Radja Loeboe and Radja Bellemipa, had received three identical letters ordering them to send as many forces as possible to Batavia. Additional reports from Major Christiaan Poleman in Surabaya (25 April) noted enemy movements, while a 26 March update confirmed tensions with Bantam remained unresolved.

Local forces included:

• 1,224 VOC troops,
• 1,300 Bugis fighters, and
• 1,900 unreliable Javanese allies.

Officials feared the Bugis near the castle, now low on supplies, might resort to theft or desertion. They emphasized the need for caution in handling the situation.

On 27 June 1679, a report from Makassar described tensions involving local rulers and the Dutch.

• Radja Bonij, a local ruler, had left Makassar after receiving permission from the Dutch. Before leaving, he gave strict orders to his officials, including Arou Tieballe (his deputy), not to act without the Dutch president's approval. He also named the president as the guardian of his estate if he did not return from war, serving the Dutch East India Company (VOC).
• Earlier conflicts between Radja Bellenipa and the kings of Mandar had been resolved. Meanwhile, forces from the Boni highlands (21 boats and 626 men), summoned by Radja Palacca, arrived at the Dutch fort. The Dutch and Arou Tieballe debated whether to keep them at the fort or send them to Java. Arou Tieballe warned that these forces followed their king’s orders under threat of death or confiscation of goods and children.
• The Dutch later learned from Arou Sawalaba and Arou Mampo (relatives of other officials) that Radja Bonij had secretly ordered his people to obey only the Dutch during his absence. This confirmed the Dutch authority over Boni matters in his absence.
• The Dutch had received many complaints about the people of Boni, particularly from officials like Arou Mario and Arou Lamouerou, who were left in charge by Radja Bonij.

On 5 June 1679, a report from Makassar noted that around 40 ships from Malay, Moorish, Banten, and other regions were docked to trade for clove oil. The traders competed fiercely, with some offering a vaam (a unit of cloth) while others doubled the price. The Dutch feared that stopping this trade by force would cause trouble, so they planned to ask the King of Palu in their next message to discourage these traders.

The report was signed by Jacob Lops, Claas Ploen, A. van Dalen, Frans Prins, Maxe, Herman Hansen, and G.S. Lox at Castle Rotterdam in Makassar.

A list of documents sent to Batavia on the ship Buuren via Sourabaya was included, addressed to Rijckloff van Goens (Governor-General) and the Council of the Dutch Indies. The documents were:

• Original letter from Jacob Cops (President of the Council at Castle Rotterdam) dated 27 June 1679.
• Copy of a letter from the same, dated 5 June 1679, mentioning 380 items.
• Report from Claas Bollaart (Assistant Merchant) on his activities in Buton and nearby, dated 16 June 1679.
• Invoice for the shipped cargo on the Buuren.
• Bill of lading for the same cargo.
• Documents related to goods seized from the Portuguese trader Balthasar Pinto, with an inventory for the Council.

On 27 June 1679, another letter was sent to Rijckloff van Goens and the Council. It mentioned a previous letter sent on 5 June with Raphal Speckman, a free citizen of Makassar, traveling via Sourabaya. The letter noted that Radja Beldupa had asked, through an envoy, when the summoned traders from Boni and Radja Louw would arrive at Castle Rotterdam.

On 5 June 1679, a shipment from Makassar was documented, including wooden planks and ribs taken from the yacht De Parel (which had arrived from Amboina). The yacht De Parel and another yacht, Rotterdam, were expected to arrive with their cargo within 10 to 12 days, based on their good condition when last seen.

• The general accounting office in Amboina recorded a credit of ƒ1295,5,- for timber purchased there, including:
  • 1260 planks at 15 pieces per guilders: ƒ945,-
  • 237 ribs at 15 pieces per guilders: ƒ177,15,-
  • 25 ironwood beams at ƒ6,- each: ƒ150,-
• Additional costs for repairing De Parel and its boat were listed, including:
  • 3 heavy keels at ƒ6,1 each: ƒ18,-
  • 1 anchor with stock (weighing 700-800 pounds)
  • 4 barrels of tar, 6 barrels of pitch, 20 pounds of assorted nails
  • 4 coils of rope, and ironwork by the smith (60 pounds of iron for 4 boats with rings, bars, 2 brackets, a swan's neck, 3 pairs of hinges, 2 boat hooks, and a bucket with fittings) at 1½ stuivers per pound: ƒ4,10,-

The total for these items was ƒ1295,5,-, with an additional untaxed amount of ƒ3,79,-.

Though the last two entries were operational costs rather than part of the invoice, they were included in the Amboina records. This may have been because the ship’s captain, Frans van Hijs, left his bookkeeper and some sailors ashore at Buru Island, preventing proper documentation. To align with Amboina's records, these costs were also included in the general accounting office’s ledger.

The general accounting office was debited a total of ƒ6184,12,2 for:

• 83 loads and 2442 pounds of rice (both Binaia and Buru varieties) sent to Amboina on De Parel.
• A bill of exchange worth 410 sterling (equivalent to ƒ474,10,-), paid by Hendrick Lijdecker, a free citizen of Amboina, on 11 May into the company’s cash fund. This amount was to be repaid to Paulus de Bocq.

The general accounting office was also credited ƒ800,- paid by Raphael Speckman, a free citizen of Makassar, into the company’s cash fund. A bill of exchange was issued for this amount, with a request for payment.

A free citizen from Makassar arrived in Cayeli within 3 to 4 days and reported news from there.

On 5 June 1679, officials in Makassar wrote about their dealings with local leaders and political tensions in the region.

• The Dutch had expected Crain Jernika to arrive in Makassar by the full moon, as he had promised in writing and through his son’s message. However, travelers from Bima reported that he was not preparing to come. The Dutch suspected he might instead go to Crain Glisson (his relative by marriage) unless deterred by rumors of Crain Glisson's death.
• The bookkeeper Philippe Castel and merchant Adriaan van Dalen had earlier asked Crain Jernika to prepare for the trip, but he gave vague responses. The Dutch feared he might avoid them entirely.
• The king of Bima had questioned why Crain Jernika had killed a man named Kilo and taken his slave. Crain Gerrika (likely a local official) admitted to the act but justified it, claiming Kilo had deserved it.
• On the 2nd of the month, a messenger named Dain Mabela (a son of the late Radia Soping) reported that Radia Soping had been brought back to Soping by royal family members, except for his sister Datou Watou (married to Radia Bonij).
• Dain Mabela also mentioned a letter from Radia Bonij to his wife, stating that the people of Soping were expected to go to Batavia. The letter suggested Arou Bela (eldest son of the late Radia Soping) should lead them, which was shared with Strou Bela for consideration.

On 5 June 1659, Dutch traders returning from Mandar with a shipment of salt reported that a feast hosted by Radia Bellenipe—celebrating his ally Conden's recovery—had reignited tensions between the kings of Mandar and Radia Bellenipe. The two sides were now at war, though the exact cause remained unclear. The Dutch concluded that no reinforcements from that region could be expected without explicit orders from Radia Bonij.

A ship, the DChialoup de kalckhoen, arrived on 30 May carrying letters:

• A letter dated 27 March from the Dutch authorities.
• A letter from Anthonij Hurf, aboard the yacht Noortwijck near Indramayu, dated 29 March.
• A report from Major Poolman and his council in Surabaya, dated 29 April, with attachments.

The Dutch were relieved that relations with Bantam remained stable for now, hoping the unrest would subside at least until the Sousoehoenang (a Javanese leader) could regroup. However, they doubted whether their small force of 1,224 soldiers (as counted by Major Poolman on 20 April) could succeed, especially given disease and high casualties. The Javanese under the Sousoehoenang had roughly 1,900 men, bringing the total Dutch-allied strength (including 1,300 Bugis warriors) to about 4,400. Reports from Lacapper suggested Cramn Glisson and his forces in Telolo matched this number, creating a risky stalemate.

The Dutch wished for reinforcements and ships to transport troops, which would allow Major Poolman to quickly bolster his ranks and end the difficult war. They also relied on Arou Bacques' promise to contribute 1,000 of his best soldiers. Combined with troops from Maros, Siang, Sigeri, Labacoan, and Boele Comba, plus local allies (like the Boniers and Loubounesen), this could form a strong, experienced force.

A translated copy of a letter from Cramn Glisson and his allies in Surabaya, dated 8 March and addressed to Arou Amalij, revealed their hostile intentions toward the Dutch VOC (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie).

On 5 June 1679, a document from Makassar mentioned that a group called the Dutch East India Company (VOC) had previously claimed taxes (called thiende) from a local community (negorij). This community argued they were exempt, but another group from the same area had already paid 1,153 bundles of rice to the VOC the year before. This was the only community in Bungaya claiming such an exemption.

On 30 May, a man named Arou Tieballe arrived with his second-in-command, Topan, and a messenger named Gloudio (also called Radia Maumam), sent by Radia Bellenipa. They asked whether Radia Loubou and the people of Boni had arrived at the fort yet. They requested that, once they did arrive, the VOC inform Radia Bellenipa. The VOC suspected this was just an excuse, as they had not yet received letters sent by Aron Ponij from Radia Loubou to Radia Bellenipa.

Arou Tieballe and the messenger claimed that Radia Bonij had ordered Radia Bellenipa to come to the fort and join Radia Loubou and the people of Boni before traveling to Batavia. However, this did not match earlier instructions from the VOC, which stated that the people of Boni should wait at the fort for further orders—either to go to Batavia or return home. The VOC decided not to interfere with Radia Bonij's orders, as the local leaders should decide for themselves.

After further discussion, the VOC agreed to the request, provided that Radia Bellenipa and his people kept their flags ready and stayed prepared to move. The messenger left, but just two days later, more news arrived.

On 5 June 1679, a report from Makassar detailed the status of seven villages originally given to Sara by her brother, the King of Goa. These villages—Katchitje, Kadjetonge, Sangeringang, Tamanjingera, Nassikebo, Tapie, and Tammatte—were once populated by free people (called Bata-Bata), but their populations had drastically changed due to war and migration:

• Sangeringang: Once home to about 20 people (a mix of Bugis, Malays, Kumbavers, and others), all had scattered or returned to their homelands.
• Tamanjingera: Around 10 people remained, but their fate was unclear.
• Nassikebo: Roughly 100 mixed-ethnicity inhabitants (men, women, and children) had also left due to war.
• Tammatte: Occupied by about 100 Maros soldiers serving as bodyguards for the King of Goa. Initially led by Crain Cronron, they later fell under Radia Tello when Cronron was exiled. When Cronron regained favor, the soldiers returned to his command—until Maros came under the control of the Dutch East India Company (VOC). Only 8 soldiers remained, and they eventually dispersed.

The report questioned why Sara (along with Cunnen Eijsschen and Crain Lincques) would claim rights over additional inherited villages—Tabang, Tamboij, Samangi, Sorrogierang Maranne, and Tiendrana—since these had been legally acquired by the VOC through war. The document suggested consulting Crain Lincques, who had the best knowledge of Maros, for further clarification.

It also warned that approving Sara's request could set a problematic precedent, encouraging others like Dani Talilla (who had gifted Sara a small village called Bontepanne, allegedly inherited from her parents) to make similar claims.

On 5 June 1679, a document from Goa (via Macassar) described a land dispute involving a village called Sanderingan on the island of Maros. The key details were:

• The village originally belonged to Crani Sandernigan (mother of Dani Sara) and was inhabited by local Maros people.
• By this time, no original Maros residents remained. Instead, about 30 Bugis people (men, women, and children) lived there in 6 or 7 houses.
• The lands around the village were mostly controlled by the Bugis.
• Coemena Bappa Balvena had reportedly received the village from his sister (Crani Sandernigan) along with about 25 Maros people—not as slaves, but as servants under his authority.
• Additionally, Comina, a lappankano (local leader) under the King of Goa, had placed 70 Maros soldiers (previously under Crain Cronrons) under Crain Bontesonge to serve as guards and assist the King of Goa when needed.
• These 70 soldiers had been relocated after Cronron was ordered by the ruler of Macassar to leave the area. They stayed under Bontesonge until the Dutch East India Company (EComp) took control of Maros by force.
• After the Dutch conquest, the people scattered without oversight, and no further claims were made—except during the time of the late Governor Dubbeldekop.

A later meeting on 26 May (year not specified) involved Frain Fronron visiting the President at around 5 PM. After a brief exchange with tea and betel nut, no serious matters were discussed. When pressed about Dani Sara's claim, Fronron initially hesitated, fearing Dani Talille, but eventually admitted he had no real knowledge of the claim.

On 5 June 1679, a letter was received in Batavia (now Jakarta) on 6 July 1679, sent from Macassar (now Makassar) by Raphal Spekman, a citizen overseeing the east coast of Java. It was addressed to Rijckloff van Goens, the Governor-General, and the Noble Lords of the Council of India.

The letter mentioned a previous communication sent on 26 May 1679 via the ship St. Janskercke. The writers promised to provide further advice regarding a claim made by Radia Bonij on behalf of Dani Sara, daughter of Crai Bontebongo. Dani Sara was demanding around 50 people who, according to Radia Bonij, belonged to her.

Local leaders from Macassar were consulted about this claim, including:

• Lommo Maros, chief of Nassikebo
• Train Simbangh, chief of Suwbang
• Mangetani, chief of Cassiwarang
• Elders like Ange Sitti from Camariangh, Ange Assang Souregirang, and others

These leaders reported that, after careful discussion, only 21 people were found in Maros who could be linked to Dani Sara’s claim. The breakdown was as follows:

• Under Crai Sumbang: 5 men
• Under Lommo Maros: 4 men and 1 woman
• Under Mangevanij: 8 men
• Under Sabandaar Bellone: 2 men and 1 woman

About three years earlier, 7 people (men and women) had been allowed by Crai Bontesonge (with approval from His Highness Palacca) to serve Dani Lara in Maros. They were explicitly forbidden from being transported or sold. Of these 7, only 2 remained with Dani Sara’s people in the village of Tamatte; the other 5 had either died or gone elsewhere.

The leaders also explained that Dani Sara’s claim came from her mother, who was the sister of Crai Bisfij’s father (they shared the same father but had different mothers). Dani Sara’s grandfather was Comena Bappa Batoena, a past king.

Beyond the 21 people mentioned, the leaders knew of no other individuals connected to Dani Sara’s claim.

On 26 May 1639, a letter from Macassar discussed the situation in Bima and financial matters involving the Dutch East India Company (VOC).

• The King of Bima requested permission for two individuals, Crain Popo and Crain Bontesonge, to travel on a VOC ship to Batavia. The writer, Adriaen van Dalen, doubted their usefulness due to the historical influence of the Macassars in the region. He feared that if the Macassars continued their frequent visits, the people of Bima might easily switch their loyalty back to them. As evidence, he mentioned Toerelia Gamipo, a local leader who had kept four metal basins (weighing 217 pounds or 173.4 kattis) given to him by the VOC but later requested to keep them in exchange for sandalwood or money. Van Dalen considered him honest and suggested the request could be granted, pending further review.
• Before leaving Bima, Van Dalen left instructions for the local VOC resident to collect a total of ƒ3,710.4.9 (guldens), including ƒ2,448.19.3 for capital and ƒ1,261.5.6 in remaining funds. From this amount, 437½ reals (paid for 931 pounds of sandalwood) and daily expenses needed to be deducted. He asked the VOC leadership in Batavia to decide by 1 July 1679 whether more action was needed.
• Van Dalen departed from Bima on 9 June and arrived at the Castle Rotterdam in Macassar on 14 May 1679.
• A later note from Philippe Castel, dated 6 June 1679 in Diema, mentioned that the ship Westervelt had arrived safely in Bima on 22 May. The ship carried a letter from Cornelis van Quaelbergen, the governor of Bima, urging the quick shipment of sandalwood. There was also news from Sumbawa that the Moor Cooja Derwits had prepared wood there. Since the ship was deemed unnecessary to enter the bay, it continued to Batavia to avoid extra costs.