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A person described the state of nutmeg plantations in Banda. Despite efforts to obtain sufficient resources to cultivate the lands that had been distributed under favorable conditions for more than 1.5 centuries, there were many setbacks. Various difficulties, enormous damages, and heavy losses had occurred during this person's long administration. The concerns and problems had increased significantly because almost everything in the densely grown aromatic forests had been completely destroyed. Furthermore, the many workers present could not gather or pick any significant amounts of produce. The person concluded that the more carefully one examined Banda's current troubled condition, and the deeper one looked into it, the greater the overall destruction of the nutmeg plantations appeared. It was undeniable that the people would need a very long series of years to restore the plantations to their former state. The person mentioned very important concerns regarding this situation.
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A. A. 's Gravesande and C. P. S. Ellersius wrote from Banda Neira on 27 April 1778. They hoped they had met the required intentions and signed off as obedient servants. In a separate letter from Banda, officials wrote to high-ranking authorities. Because of the general reduction of spice trees in this province, it did not seem likely that smuggling activities could be carried out like those mentioned in an earlier letter from 11 December 1717. They referred to their previous respectful letter from May of the year before. They explained that at the time when the Company's authority was first established in this important province, one of the most significant concerns had been to ensure there would always be enough people available for the proper management of the nutmeg plantations.
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A report was submitted about land taxes and prices on May 5, 1778 in Neira. I. Pelters wrote to Jacob Petters, who was an extraordinary council member of the Dutch Indies and also served as governor and director of the province. Pelters explained that these lands should not be allowed to rise in price again, as he had clearly shown on another occasion that the many additions for paying the lord's contingent had been done improperly for many years. To address this problem, such payment should once and for all be left as a burden on the seller. A price list was then provided showing spice lands for sale or transfer: The total purchase price for 54 plots was 300,676 rixdollars, plus an additional 8,945 rixdollars.
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The text discussed several measures for the Company (the Dutch East India Company). In the fifth place, all former obligations of the Company regarding the perkenier (plantation owner) should stop and be cancelled. No further requests should be made to increase the price of foeli. Only the requirement to supply the needed goods at 40 rijksdaalders per last (a unit of measure) should remain. In the sixth place, perkeniers should make lasting use of the toll-free shipping route to Ware, southwest Ceram, Goram, and other surrounding islands to collect slaves, adappen, and other household necessities. This privilege should not be extended to people from Ambon, Ternate, Makassar, Java, and Batavia. The writer believed this distinction was necessary in these critical times to force indifferent perkeniers to promote land cultivation instead of leaving it to the slaves. Additionally, this would prevent the best servants from being transported from Banda, sold, and secretly staying elsewhere for years. In the seventh place, once new plantations showed increasing harvests after a certain number of years to be determined by the high authorities, a start should be made with stopping half of the money payments for those whose lands were mortgaged higher than the established 2 thirds, so they could pay off the remaining part with their own capital. In the eighth place, when the term expired, the fixed lord's rights (according to old custom) should be calculated at half the amount of the last purchase price. The surplus would be calculated for the slaves and plantation equipment without taxation.
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A Dutch official reported on efforts to restore nutmeg plantations after disaster struck. Many discouraged planters agreed to begin the difficult work of clearing roads and forests of fallen and piled-up trees, based on promises of future benefits and government sympathy for their suffering. The official warned this cleanup would likely take a year to complete. After the cleanup, two things needed to be determined: The planters promised to continue clearing and immediately plant young trees in suitable cleared areas. The official noted it would take at least 25 years before any significant harvest could be expected. The official raised a third concern: whether some nutmeg plantation under Ambon or Moluccan control could be used instead of being destroyed, to reduce the Company's losses of millions of guilders from the loss of Banda's spice production. He noted that in 1692, the destruction of 80,196 fruit-bearing trees by volcanic eruptions from Gunung Api had so alarmed the authorities that ministers were ordered to establish a new plantation on Rozengain, even though the plantations still had 579,987 trees remaining according to a survey from 1751. In his fourth point, the official respectfully asked whether the current crisis was not infinitely greater and nearly impossible to overcome.
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The Dutch East India Company (the Company) wanted to keep control over the Banda islands, even though the spice trade there had become unprofitable. The Company believed that Banda would eventually become an important support for its overall existence again. The certainty of this depended on having enough help from the location, work, and ambition. Through these efforts, previously empty places had been turned into valuable plantations. It seemed that natural disasters had sometimes worked together to completely destroy Banda. However, God had provided the means for recovery in all catastrophic events. The Company hoped that the desperate conditions that made the land and people suffer more than ever would be completely restored over time through divine blessings alone. They expected to experience as much satisfaction and prosperity as there was currently misery and daily suffering. Such recovery depended on the desired growth of a plantation. The Company had to promote its extensive development by adding necessary qualities, without taking any regard to other considerations.
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On 25 July 1777, the council members discussed problems with the King of Batchian regarding an extirpation expedition (a mission to destroy spice trees). People who had recently returned from Batchian reported that the king himself had said he would not provide any men for the extirpation unless he received 700 rijksdaalders (a type of currency). The king had stated that if he did not get this money, he would not supply anyone for the expedition, and that the governor and council could come and carry out the extirpation themselves if they wanted. From these reports and the king's own letter, it was clear that any further efforts to convince the king to undertake this work would be pointless. The council also noted that the help they usually received from the Batchian side was very limited anyway. The king typically provided only about 20 men at most, and among these were always 5 or 6 so-called chiefs who did not work themselves and often delayed progress with their unreasonable commands. This meant that the Dutch forces were really only helped by about 14 or 15 Batchian workers at most. Furthermore, the council felt they could do without these Batchian people, because some of those loyal to the king tended to hide the spice plantations rather than point them out to the Dutch. The council believed they could rely much better on the Christian Laboureesen (people from Labores) who had to accompany the Dutch extirpators, as these people were faithful and hardworking, and knew the hidden locations just as well as the king's subjects. Taking all these considerations into account, the council members decided to proceed with the Batchian and Oubise expedition directly after the departure of the ship West Friesland, and without help from the King of Batchian. To make up for the loss of the 15 Batchian workers, they decided to hire 15 Ternate citizens who had often attended this work and were experienced in it. These men would be hired before the departure for the usual monthly wages and food allowance. The council also decided to appoint, in addition to the usual number of European soldiers, the military ensign Jacob Andries Rokzien as commissioner for this expedition. Rokzien had served several times on Batchian forest expeditions and was very knowledgeable in this work. A bookkeeper would be assigned to him as second commissioner and scribe.
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In July 1777, officials decided to place foot traps around a fort. They arrested a Postmaster to encourage this action, believing that such a ditch around the walls would provide much better security for the fort and its garrison than the current ditch beside the fortification. Resident Hemmekam informed the Council through a short letter dated 14 June that the ring wall of the fortress at Kemase had been built to a height of 13.5 feet and a thickness of 3.5 feet. The two corner points were 15.5 feet high, which was considered a reasonably good proportion. These decisions were made at Ternate in Castle Orange, in the regular Council Chamber of Police on the aforementioned date. The document was signed by:
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Between July 1777 and around that time, the council discussed a request from the king of Ternate. The king wanted to be provided with supplies and guides from the settlement of Manado. The supplies and guides would serve 2 purposes: The council found these 2 requests not only very reasonable but also viewed them as very necessary precautions. The council unanimously agreed to grant the requests. They ordered Resident Hemmekam to provide the Ternatans with the necessary native food supplies and 2 to 3 capable guides when they departed for the Sangir Islands. Hemmekam was also told to urge these natives immediately upon receiving the letters to undertake the journey to the Sangir Islands as soon as possible. The council expected that the Ternatans were still on Manado and had not yet undertaken their previously planned journey along the coast of Celebes. For this purpose, the Chinese man Tjoa Habi, who was ready to sail to Manado, would be instructed to depart as quickly as possible and to deliver the Company's papers to the Resident without delay upon arrival at Manado. The council also decided to inform the king of Ciauw about this matter, without explaining in detail the reasons that had prevented the council from sending a patrol with Company vessels and servants to the Sangir Islands. Next, the council examined the plan recently sent by Hemmekam of the fort at Kema. The fort had been rebuilt through Hemmekam's careful efforts and brought into a state of defense. The council members had nothing special to say about it except that the moat south of the fort, marked with the letter M in the plan, in their judgment could contribute very little to the defense or fortification of the fort. This was because the enemy would not need to wade through this so-called moat or ditch to approach the walls of the fort. The council decided to point out this observation to Resident Hemmekam and to send the plan among the secret documents to Their High Mightinesses. After this, the council members began to discuss by way of conversation that the post holder Holliger had begun to build the fort at Kima so beautifully and strongly against surprise attacks, according to the testimony of all who had seen this construction, as if a professional fortress builder had designed it. Furthermore, this person had told the Governor that he intended to persuade the people of Kema to dig a proper outer moat all around the fort, and then to equip the outer embankment with bamboo caltrops.
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The Council of Moluccos met on 15 July 1777 at 9 o'clock in the morning. Present were Governor and Director Paulus Jacob Valckenaer, upper merchant and second-in-command Godfried Carel Meurs, Johan Georg van Raesweld (merchant and fiscal officer), Gerardus Willem van Renesse, outgoing secretary Alexander de Kampagnet, Bartholomeus van de Walle, Htoene Roenis, and a secretary. Governor Valckenaer opened the meeting by explaining that he had heard a few days earlier that the King of Tidor had returned from the other shore where he had been staying for some time. The Governor had immediately begun writing instructions for the commissioners. The Council had decided on 20 May to send these commissioners to the royal court in Tidor. Their task was to follow orders from their High Authorities dated 24 February and to make formal complaints about hostile actions. These hostile acts had been committed by the Papuans in various districts of Ambon during the previous year, as reported in separate letters from the Governor of Ambon dated 15 June, 25 May, and 24 September of the previous year. The Governor explained that during the meeting of 20 May, the Council had discussed in detail the received orders from their High Authorities and other matters related to this mission. He now reported that on 24 June he had sent junior merchants van de Walle and Gavanon as commissioners to Tidor with proper instructions. Upon their return, they had given him a report about their experiences and conversation with the King of Tidor. Because this report contained certain expressions about the Moluccan kings, it needed to be handled and made known discreetly to avoid gossip. The Council members agreed to include this report in the minutes. The report was addressed to Governor Paulus Jacob Valckenaer and the Council of the Moluccos, stating that immediately after receiving the written instructions for their mission to the court of Tidor, they had departed by sailing boat.
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On 11 July 1757, a council meeting was held with several Dutch officials present, including Governor and Director Paulus Jacob Valckenaer, merchant and second-in-command Godfried Carel Meurs, merchant and fiscal officer Johan Georg van Raesveld, merchants Gerardus Willem van Renesse, clerks Alexander de Champagnet and Bartholomeus van de Walle, and Secretary Koene Koenes. At the start of the meeting, a secret letter dated 7 July from Resident Hemmekam was read. The letter had arrived the previous day by boat from citizen Johannes Christoffel from Manado. The letter reported that the Sangir islands were being threatened by Magindanao pirates with 35 ships. The pirates had set up tents or huts on Sawan, a place located between Taboekan and Tarian. Resident Hemmekam suspected that the pirates intended to take possession of the island of Great Sangir. Hemmekam had urged all the Sangir kings to bravely resist the enemy. He asked the council what should be done in these circumstances. This news about the Magindanao pirates arriving in Sangir waters was further confirmed by 2 recently received Malay letters: one from the King of Ciauw, Ismael Jacobs, dated 23 June, and another from the provisional post holder of Taboekan, Matthijs Hilbert, dated 15 June. Besides this news, the King of Ciauw told the council that he feared the Magindanao pirates would devastate the entire Sangir region. He requested that the council send a patrol fleet as soon as possible to protect the Sangir islands from the violence and hostile actions of the Magindanao pirates. After discussing this news and considering whether there were ways to prevent the feared actions of the pirates against the Sangir islands, it was immediately noted that there were no ships available because most of the boats had been taken away or lost.
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The Dutch authorities in Ternate received information that sea raiders planned to attack after the Northern Monsoon broke. According to declarations, these pirates intended to destroy all residencies and posts on the north coast of Celebes, and then visit Ternate and Tidor. The authorities reported about the shopkeeper Houque's debt situation. Instead of withholding half of his monthly wages and half of his income, his entire salary would now be held back to pay his debts. Although payment would be slower this way, they remained hopeful because: As of the date of writing, Houque's debts in the Ternate books amounted to 1,256 rijksdaalders and 10 stuivers, as shown in the enclosed current account. However, there was a disputed amount of 190 gold reals (equal to 1,900 rijksdaalders) that should be credited to Houque. Without this credit, the remaining debt would be higher. A dispute arose in the castle Orange about this amount of 190 gold reals delivered by former resident de Wolf. It was unclear whether Houque or his replacement de Walle had written off the linen fabrics for this purchased gold in the Gorontalo books. De Walle claimed the 1,900 rijksdaalders should be credited to him, not to Houque. Houque was asked to provide clarification about this matter. The letter was written in castle Orange in Ternate on 26 October 1776 by Paulus Jacob Valckenaer. The copy was certified by Anbroenes Corels on 31 July 1777.
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Ajo Tjanko, a Chinese engineer, wrote a letter to Paulus Gothofredus van der Voort, who was Governor and Director.

On 26 July, he received a letter via Amboina from 30 November 1775. From this letter, he learned that no English ships or vessels had been seen near Maccassar or in the Bouton strait for some time. This year, nothing special had been heard about the English or other European foreigners either.

However, the northwest coast of Celebes, especially the area of Manado, had been seriously troubled this year by pirates from Magindanau. In May, these pirates attacked these coasts with no less than 40 heavily armed pirate ships. According to rumors, some of these ships had crews of 300 men. Because of this large force, the pirates captured the post at Kema and the Company's ships Sara Maria and het Haasje.

This forced them to send an equally strong fleet against these criminals. The fleet included:

Together, these ships had crews of more than 600 men. Unfortunately, this fleet did not find the pirates, as they had fled shortly before. However, according to rumors and some statements that came in, the letter continued but was incomplete, dated 31 July 1776, from Macassar via Amboina.

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The text explains discrepancies in financial accounts submitted by commissioners (functionaries responsible for certain duties).

The commissioners had incorrectly claimed 129 rijksdaalders for expenses that exceeded their income in their general account. However, they should have only calculated 114 rijksdaalders for this matter if they had paid attention to letters and orders that had been sent to them over time, which sometimes rejected parts of their submitted accounts.

Three specific amounts were rejected from the commissioners' earlier accounts:

These three rejected items totaled 15 rijksdaalders, which the commissioners should not have included in their account. If they had left these amounts out, their excess expenses would have been 114 rijksdaalders instead of 129 rijksdaalders, and they received 114 rijksdaalders back.

Regarding arak (a type of alcoholic drink), the commissioners' inconsistent reporting caused confusion. At the end of their general account, they claimed only 81 cans of excess arak used, but near the end of their summary report they stated 331 cans and requested reimbursement for that quantity. The decision about the used arak was made based on this report, though it would have been better to follow the amount listed in the account.

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A Dutch colonial official wrote a letter and thanked his superiors for approving certain expense write-offs mentioned in earlier letters dated 22 October 1776. That earlier letter had been sent to the capital city with a Chinese person named Tjoa Kimko (also called Matta Mirra), but it never arrived because the Chinese person did not make the journey. The official sent a duplicate copy of his secret letter from 27 May with the ship of a Chinese person named Ong Kolong. The original letter from 22 October 1776, which Tjoa Kimko had recently brought back, was being sent along with the ship West Friesland. The official responded to points from an earlier letter dated 14 December of the previous year. He thanked his superiors for the following approved write-offs: The official was pleased that his superiors approved of how he handled the long-lasting Tidorese removal expedition and the related expenses of 2,409 rijksdaalders and 14 stuivers. He was also happy they were satisfied with his attention to the spice plant removals. He promised to continue working hard to satisfy his superiors in this important matter and assured them that nothing would be written off unless it was actually used or spent to promote spice plant destruction. The official humbly asked his superiors not to judge him too harshly for mistakes in counting removed spice trees in the 6 districts of Maba, Weda, and Pattani. He explained that the commissioners' reports were often so confused and unclear that such counting errors were easy to make. He added that the error in reimbursement to commissioners Stephanus and colleagues of 114 rijksdaalders in cash and 331 cans of arak was mostly caused by these servants' lack of attention.
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The Sultan gave pardon to everyone according to a letter from 23 July, even though captured kuamans (officials) and returning mantries (officials) from Calangers made many accusations against Pangerang Mancoenagara. These accusations seemed credible, but it raised doubts because the Sultan normally did not overlook such serious crimes. Pangerang Mancoenagara insisted he had no part in the unrest at Gagattan and would remain quiet and not give offense as long as he was not wronged by the Mattaram Court. The Sultan had made his subjects, including the mantries, promise loyalty again, and it was hoped he would give up any further actions. The writer stated that if the Sultan's subjects who were also guilty fell into his hands, he would deal with them the same way as those from Java's east coast to discourage others in the future.

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F. E. van Stralen wrote a letter from Souracarta on 28 July 1717. He expressed doubt about the credibility of certain information regarding a prince, suggesting that the person reporting might add more accusations against the prince to save his own life. Van Stralen acknowledged that some circumstances seemed believable, but warned that experience had taught him that dishonest people were skilled at covering up their wrongdoing. He reminded his superior how he had recently been misled about the destruction of lands belonging to the tommon­gong of Wiers Rietp, which turned out to be completely different from what letters and reports had suggested, despite appearing credible. Van Stralen assured his superior that he would keep careful watch over everything and claimed to have such good contacts that neither the pangerang nor any of his main associates could make the smallest move without him being informed about it.

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Fredrik Christoffel van Stralendorf, captain and First Resident at Souracarta, wrote a letter to the governor and Director of Java's northeast coast on 20 July 1747.

He responded to a letter from 18 July by investigating information about Brodjo Mengollo, a former leader of the kalangs (a specific group of people). Van Stralendorf sent his findings in Javanese and concluded that there was little truth to what this returned fugitive had said.

According to Van Stralendorf's investigation:

Van Stralendorf stated he could never believe that Prince Mancoenagara had directly participated in the attack on Gagatan. However, he thought it was more likely that some of the prince's people were involved, and that the prince had looked the other way while pretending not to know about it.

Van Stralendorf felt such behavior would not be very blameworthy, especially because the sultan had always tried to cause trouble and harm to Mancoenagara and still did. The sultan was trying to get rid of the prince. Van Stralendorf's predecessor Beuman had already noted this in a separate letter from 23 May 1763, stating that the sultan absolutely sought to remove Prince Adipattij Mankoenagara from Java. Van Stralendorf believed this, because then the sultan would have free rein to deal with the emperor as he pleased.

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On the east coast of Java, a confrontation had taken place in the southern mountains, in which 6 to 7 people were killed. At first, people thought this was an action by Djoejocartan forces against the lands of pangerang Morcoenagara. However, after investigation it turned out that the inhabitants of one of the emperor's villages had split into two groups and fought each other. The emperor had the leader of the guilty group brought to Souracanta and executed him as an example to others. He issued strict new orders that when cromans or other troublemakers invaded his lands, the neighboring villages had to help each other, but only within his own territory and definitely not on the sultan's lands, to avoid disputes.

The letter was signed by I. B. v. der Burgh in Samarang on 31 July 1777.

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On 28 July, the leader of Soeracarta confirmed that the Sultan was trying to get the prince of Java in order to better play his role. The Sultan had become unwilling to hand over the local officials from Mancoenagara, and none of his ministers dared to suggest giving them to the Company. Recently, 2 of the 4 officials who had left Djocjocarta on 5 July and gone to Soeracarta had returned there. These officials had made many accusations against Mancoenagara. The Sultan appeared very angry and upset about this, but then quickly pardoned these officials and all the imprisoned soldiers and set them free. The writer found this suspicious because the Sultan was normally a very strict ruler who would not leave such serious crimes unpunished. The writer suspected (as he had already predicted on 2 June) that everything these people had said against prince Mancoenagara had been put into their mouths beforehand. It was certain that the Sultan was only seeking to work against Mancoenagara and trying to make him look bad to the Company. A copy of a letter from the head of Soeracarta, van Staalendouff, dated 28 July, confirmed this. The Sultan had inquired about the requested loan of 10,000 Spanish reals. The writer would now authorize the head van Rhijn, hoping for a good outcome, if everything appeared proper.
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