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A person described the state of nutmeg plantations in
Banda. Despite efforts to obtain sufficient resources to cultivate the lands that had been distributed under favorable conditions for more than 1.5 centuries, there were many setbacks. Various difficulties, enormous damages, and heavy losses had occurred during this person's long administration. The concerns and problems had increased significantly because almost everything in the densely grown aromatic forests had been completely destroyed. Furthermore, the many workers present could not gather or pick any significant amounts of produce.
The person concluded that the more carefully one examined
Banda's current troubled condition, and the deeper one looked into it, the greater the overall destruction of the nutmeg plantations appeared. It was undeniable that the people would need a very long series of years to restore the plantations to their former state.
The person mentioned very important concerns regarding this situation.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3528 / 0022
A. A. 's Gravesande and
C. P. S. Ellersius wrote from
Banda Neira on
27 April 1778. They hoped they had met the required intentions and signed off as obedient servants.
In a separate letter from
Banda, officials wrote to high-ranking authorities. Because of the general reduction of spice trees in this province, it did not seem likely that smuggling activities could be carried out like those mentioned in an earlier letter from
11 December 1717. They referred to their previous respectful letter from May of the year before. They explained that at the time when the Company's authority was first established in this important province, one of the most significant concerns had been to ensure there would always be enough people available for the proper management of the nutmeg plantations.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3528 / 0020
A report was submitted about land taxes and prices on
May 5, 1778 in
Neira.
I. Pelters wrote to
Jacob Petters, who was an extraordinary council member of the Dutch Indies and also served as governor and director of the province.
Pelters explained that these lands should not be allowed to rise in price again, as he had clearly shown on another occasion that the many additions for paying the lord's contingent had been done improperly for many years. To address this problem, such payment should once and for all be left as a burden on the seller.
A price list was then provided showing spice lands for sale or transfer:
- 4 plots in Neira: 150 rixdollars, totaling 37,790 rixdollars
- 5 plots in Pelans: 50 rixdollars, totaling 22,900 rixdollars
- 6 plots on the inner coast: 90 rixdollars, totaling 77,085 rixdollars
- 12 plots in Conthoir: 50 rixdollars, totaling 101,671 rixdollars
- 6 plots in Ourien: 4 rixdollars, totaling 25,880 rixdollars
- 7 plots in Waijer: totaling 71,150 rixdollars
- 14 plots: totaling 8,488 rixdollars
- Additional plots: totaling 44,200 rixdollars
The total purchase price for 54 plots was 300,676 rixdollars, plus an additional 8,945 rixdollars.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3528 / 0018
The text discussed several measures for the
Company (the Dutch East India Company).
In the fifth place, all former obligations of the Company regarding the
perkenier (plantation owner) should stop and be cancelled. No further requests should be made to increase the price of
foeli. Only the requirement to supply the needed goods at 40
rijksdaalders per
last (a unit of measure) should remain.
In the sixth place,
perkeniers should make lasting use of the toll-free shipping route to
Ware,
southwest Ceram,
Goram, and other surrounding islands to collect slaves,
adappen, and other household necessities. This privilege should not be extended to people from
Ambon,
Ternate,
Makassar,
Java, and
Batavia. The writer believed this distinction was necessary in these critical times to force indifferent
perkeniers to promote land cultivation instead of leaving it to the slaves. Additionally, this would prevent the best servants from being transported from
Banda, sold, and secretly staying elsewhere for years.
In the seventh place, once new plantations showed increasing harvests after a certain number of years to be determined by the high authorities, a start should be made with stopping half of the money payments for those whose lands were mortgaged higher than the established 2 thirds, so they could pay off the remaining part with their own capital.
In the eighth place, when the term expired, the fixed lord's rights (according to old custom) should be calculated at half the amount of the last purchase price. The surplus would be calculated for the slaves and plantation equipment without taxation.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3528 / 0016
A Dutch official reported on efforts to restore nutmeg plantations after disaster struck. Many discouraged planters agreed to begin the difficult work of clearing roads and forests of fallen and piled-up trees, based on promises of future benefits and government sympathy for their suffering. The official warned this cleanup would likely take a year to complete.
After the cleanup, two things needed to be determined:
- Whether the reportedly surviving 8,945 nutmeg trees were actually dead due to damaged branches and lack of necessary protection
- How many additional trees had fallen since the initial survey that were not counted in the first inspection
The planters promised to continue clearing and immediately plant young trees in suitable cleared areas. The official noted it would take at least 25 years before any significant harvest could be expected.
The official raised a third concern: whether some nutmeg plantation under
Ambon or
Moluccan control could be used instead of being destroyed, to reduce the Company's losses of millions of guilders from the loss of
Banda's spice production.
He noted that in
1692, the destruction of 80,196 fruit-bearing trees by volcanic eruptions from
Gunung Api had so alarmed the authorities that ministers were ordered to establish a new plantation on
Rozengain, even though the plantations still had 579,987 trees remaining according to a survey from
1751.
In his fourth point, the official respectfully asked whether the current crisis was not infinitely greater and nearly impossible to overcome.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3528 / 0013
The Dutch East India Company (the Company) wanted to keep control over the Banda islands, even though the spice trade there had become unprofitable. The Company believed that Banda would eventually become an important support for its overall existence again. The certainty of this depended on having enough help from the location, work, and ambition. Through these efforts, previously empty places had been turned into valuable plantations.
It seemed that natural disasters had sometimes worked together to completely destroy Banda. However, God had provided the means for recovery in all catastrophic events. The Company hoped that the desperate conditions that made the land and people suffer more than ever would be completely restored over time through divine blessings alone. They expected to experience as much satisfaction and prosperity as there was currently misery and daily suffering.
Such recovery depended on the desired growth of a plantation. The Company had to promote its extensive development by adding necessary qualities, without taking any regard to other considerations.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3528 / 0015
On
25 July 1777, the council members discussed problems with the King of
Batchian regarding an extirpation expedition (a mission to destroy spice trees). People who had recently returned from
Batchian reported that the king himself had said he would not provide any men for the extirpation unless he received 700 rijksdaalders (a type of currency). The king had stated that if he did not get this money, he would not supply anyone for the expedition, and that the governor and council could come and carry out the extirpation themselves if they wanted.
From these reports and the king's own letter, it was clear that any further efforts to convince the king to undertake this work would be pointless. The council also noted that the help they usually received from the
Batchian side was very limited anyway. The king typically provided only about 20 men at most, and among these were always 5 or 6 so-called chiefs who did not work themselves and often delayed progress with their unreasonable commands. This meant that the Dutch forces were really only helped by about 14 or 15
Batchian workers at most.
Furthermore, the council felt they could do without these
Batchian people, because some of those loyal to the king tended to hide the spice plantations rather than point them out to the Dutch. The council believed they could rely much better on the Christian
Laboureesen (people from
Labores) who had to accompany the Dutch extirpators, as these people were faithful and hardworking, and knew the hidden locations just as well as the king's subjects.
Taking all these considerations into account, the council members decided to proceed with the
Batchian and
Oubise expedition directly after the departure of the ship
West Friesland, and without help from the King of
Batchian. To make up for the loss of the 15
Batchian workers, they decided to hire 15
Ternate citizens who had often attended this work and were experienced in it. These men would be hired before the departure for the usual monthly wages and food allowance.
The council also decided to appoint, in addition to the usual number of European soldiers, the military ensign
Jacob Andries Rokzien as commissioner for this expedition.
Rokzien had served several times on
Batchian forest expeditions and was very knowledgeable in this work. A bookkeeper would be assigned to him as second commissioner and scribe.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0889
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View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0857
In
July 1777, officials decided to place foot traps around a fort. They arrested a Postmaster to encourage this action, believing that such a ditch around the walls would provide much better security for the fort and its garrison than the current ditch beside the fortification.
Resident
Hemmekam informed the Council through a short letter dated
14 June that the ring wall of the fortress at
Kemase had been built to a height of 13.5 feet and a thickness of 3.5 feet. The two corner points were 15.5 feet high, which was considered a reasonably good proportion.
These decisions were made at
Ternate in Castle Orange, in the regular Council Chamber of Police on the aforementioned date. The document was signed by:
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0855
Between
July 1777 and around that time, the council discussed a request from the king of
Ternate. The king wanted to be provided with supplies and guides from the settlement of
Manado. The supplies and guides would serve 2 purposes:
- Leaders would serve as guides on the expedition to the Sangir Islands
- It would prevent the Alfurs (indigenous people) from mistakenly seeing Company subjects as enemies and mistreating them due to misunderstanding
The council found these 2 requests not only very reasonable but also viewed them as very necessary precautions. The council unanimously agreed to grant the requests. They ordered Resident
Hemmekam to provide the Ternatans with the necessary native food supplies and 2 to 3 capable guides when they departed for the
Sangir Islands.
Hemmekam was also told to urge these natives immediately upon receiving the letters to undertake the journey to the
Sangir Islands as soon as possible. The council expected that the Ternatans were still on
Manado and had not yet undertaken their previously planned journey along the coast of
Celebes. For this purpose, the Chinese man
Tjoa Habi, who was ready to sail to
Manado, would be instructed to depart as quickly as possible and to deliver the Company's papers to the Resident without delay upon arrival at
Manado. The council also decided to inform the king of
Ciauw about this matter, without explaining in detail the reasons that had prevented the council from sending a patrol with Company vessels and servants to the
Sangir Islands.
Next, the council examined the plan recently sent by
Hemmekam of the fort at
Kema. The fort had been rebuilt through
Hemmekam's careful efforts and brought into a state of defense. The council members had nothing special to say about it except that the moat south of the fort, marked with the letter M in the plan, in their judgment could contribute very little to the defense or fortification of the fort. This was because the enemy would not need to wade through this so-called moat or ditch to approach the walls of the fort. The council decided to point out this observation to Resident
Hemmekam and to send the plan among the secret documents to Their High Mightinesses.
After this, the council members began to discuss by way of conversation that the post holder
Holliger had begun to build the fort at
Kima so beautifully and strongly against surprise attacks, according to the testimony of all who had seen this construction, as if a professional fortress builder had designed it. Furthermore, this person had told the Governor that he intended to persuade the people of
Kema to dig a proper outer moat all around the fort, and then to equip the outer embankment with bamboo caltrops.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0853
- A meeting took place in July 1777 to discuss military action against enemies.
- The council decided not to send a ship called the Baak to the Sangias islands because most sailors had already left for Manado with the Baak, and it was uncertain whether the ship would find the enemy there or defeat them.
- The council remembered that the king of Ternate had sent 4 agreed-upon war vessels plus 5 or 6 well-manned war ships with the Baak to Manado to patrol against the Magindanao people.
- The council proposed asking the king to redirect these patrol ships from the coast of Celebes to the Sangirs islands to search for and chase away the enemy.
- All council members approved this proposal on the 31st.
- Secretary Koenes and interpreter van Dijk were immediately sent to present this plan to the king on behalf of the governor and council.
- They requested that if the king agreed, he should prepare written orders for the patrol ship commanders, which the council would send to Manado with a Chinese vessel that planned to sail there soon.
- The two representatives returned shortly and reported that the king of Ternate immediately agreed to the proposal and would quickly write orders for his officers to search for and fight the Magindanao people in the Sangias.
- The king requested that Resident Hemmekam be instructed to provide his people with proper food supplies before departure, so lack of provisions would not ruin the government's useful plan or prevent his men from taking effective action against the enemy.
- The king also requested that Resident Hemmekam provide his patrol fleet with 2 or 3 experienced sailors from Manado.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0851
The Council of
Moluccos met on
15 July 1777 at 9 o'clock in the morning. Present were Governor and Director
Paulus Jacob Valckenaer, upper merchant and second-in-command
Godfried Carel Meurs,
Johan Georg van Raesweld (merchant and fiscal officer),
Gerardus Willem van Renesse, outgoing secretary
Alexander de Kampagnet,
Bartholomeus van de Walle,
Htoene Roenis, and a secretary.
Governor
Valckenaer opened the meeting by explaining that he had heard a few days earlier that the King of
Tidor had returned from the other shore where he had been staying for some time. The Governor had immediately begun writing instructions for the commissioners. The Council had decided on
20 May to send these commissioners to the royal court in
Tidor. Their task was to follow orders from their High Authorities dated
24 February and to make formal complaints about hostile actions. These hostile acts had been committed by the Papuans in various districts of
Ambon during the previous year, as reported in separate letters from the Governor of
Ambon dated
15 June,
25 May, and
24 September of the previous year.
The Governor explained that during the meeting of
20 May, the Council had discussed in detail the received orders from their High Authorities and other matters related to this mission. He now reported that on
24 June he had sent junior merchants
van de Walle and
Gavanon as commissioners to
Tidor with proper instructions. Upon their return, they had given him a report about their experiences and conversation with the King of
Tidor. Because this report contained certain expressions about the Moluccan kings, it needed to be handled and made known discreetly to avoid gossip. The Council members agreed to include this report in the minutes. The report was addressed to Governor
Paulus Jacob Valckenaer and the Council of the
Moluccos, stating that immediately after receiving the written instructions for their mission to the court of
Tidor, they had departed by sailing boat.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0837
- The council decided to remind Hemmekam again that the 170 men from Ternate who were coming, together with their 130 companions who were already on Manado, would have to protect the Manado outposts of Rema and Amoerang. This had already been explained to the Resident in a secret letter from 6 February and an extract from secret letters to Their High Lordships dated 1 July 1776. These papers would serve as fundamental instruction documents for Hommekam.
- However, because it was impossible to foresee all situations and events, the council members unanimously decided not to bind the Resident completely to these orders. Instead, they allowed him to use part of the paid Ternatese soldiers in other nearby places if the situation required it, in order to control the enemy. The Resident would have to be able to justify his actions at all times. In such cases, at least half of the local soldiers would have to remain at Zema and Amoerang to protect those places, which was the main reason for hiring them. The council also told the Resident that it went without saying that when everything was quiet in Manado and the surrounding area, the 300 Ternatese and Alfurese soldiers should be stationed at Kema and Amoerang as planned, and not elsewhere.
- The discussion then turned to the crew that the bark ship De Ida would need to be able to attack and defend against the enemy. The Governor explained that he had consulted with equipment supervisor Adolfs and commander van der Staal, who both thought that at least 80 or 90 men were needed to operate such a large vessel and to fight the enemy. The council members agreed that fewer crew would not work, so they decided to set the total crew of the bark De Ida at 83 men.
- However, when this ship arrived it had only 37 men.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0829
- Officials discussed expecting a desired outcome with anticipation.
- They decided to publicly announce that weapons and military supplies had been provided to the people of Ternate, both at the request of the king of Ternate and to enable the Ternate people to bravely resist the enemy.
- The following war ammunition was given to the combined war boats for later accounting, in addition to the king's own artillery and the native weapons of the Ternate people:
- 400 pounds or 8 barrels of gunpowder
- 8 metal cannons of ½ pound ball
- 1 iron cannon
- 270 cannon balls of ½ pound
- 62 grapeshot of ½ pound
- 500 sharp musket cartridges
- 12 grapeshot of 1 pound
- 30 round shot of 1 pound
- 18 long shot of 1 pound
- 24 muskets
- 24 small cartridge pouches
- 100 flints
- It was decided that Resident Hemmekam should be informed about these items and other important points of this operation, so he could ensure these goods were not wasted unnecessarily or embezzled by the natives.
- Hemmekam also had to ensure these military supplies were divided as evenly as possible among the 300 paid Ternate soldiers when the raiding vessels departed.
- The exact departure time of the auxiliary force from this port should be given to Hemmekam so he could regulate the distribution of the designated rations as gifts to the people of Salempoeri.
- Hemmekam was strongly recommended again to treat the paid Moluccan soldiers well and friendly, pay them on time, and help them without harming the Company, so the Council would not have to hear complaints like those the natives brought against the leaders of the Celebes expedition the previous year.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0827
On
11 July 1757, a council meeting was held with several Dutch officials present, including Governor and Director
Paulus Jacob Valckenaer, merchant and second-in-command
Godfried Carel Meurs, merchant and fiscal officer
Johan Georg van Raesveld, merchants
Gerardus Willem van Renesse, clerks
Alexander de Champagnet and
Bartholomeus van de Walle, and Secretary
Koene Koenes.
At the start of the meeting, a secret letter dated
7 July from Resident
Hemmekam was read. The letter had arrived the previous day by boat from citizen
Johannes Christoffel from
Manado. The letter reported that the
Sangir islands were being threatened by
Magindanao pirates with 35 ships. The pirates had set up tents or huts on
Sawan, a place located between
Taboekan and
Tarian. Resident
Hemmekam suspected that the pirates intended to take possession of the island of
Great Sangir.
Hemmekam had urged all the
Sangir kings to bravely resist the enemy. He asked the council what should be done in these circumstances.
This news about the
Magindanao pirates arriving in
Sangir waters was further confirmed by 2 recently received Malay letters: one from the King of
Ciauw,
Ismael Jacobs, dated
23 June, and another from the provisional post holder of
Taboekan,
Matthijs Hilbert, dated
15 June. Besides this news, the King of
Ciauw told the council that he feared the
Magindanao pirates would devastate the entire
Sangir region. He requested that the council send a patrol fleet as soon as possible to protect the
Sangir islands from the violence and hostile actions of the
Magindanao pirates.
After discussing this news and considering whether there were ways to prevent the feared actions of the pirates against the
Sangir islands, it was immediately noted that there were no ships available because most of the boats had been taken away or lost.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0849
The Dutch authorities in
Ternate received information that sea raiders planned to attack after the Northern Monsoon broke. According to declarations, these pirates intended to destroy all residencies and posts on the north coast of
Celebes, and then visit
Ternate and
Tidor.
The authorities reported about the shopkeeper
Houque's debt situation. Instead of withholding half of his monthly wages and half of his income, his entire salary would now be held back to pay his debts. Although payment would be slower this way, they remained hopeful because:
- The authorities showed interest in Houque's accounts when opportunities arose
- The resident of Gorontalo, de Walle, and later resident Mol worked hard to force Houque's debtors in Gorontalo to pay
As of the date of writing,
Houque's debts in the
Ternate books amounted to 1,256 rijksdaalders and 10 stuivers, as shown in the enclosed current account. However, there was a disputed amount of 190 gold reals (equal to 1,900 rijksdaalders) that should be credited to
Houque. Without this credit, the remaining debt would be higher.
A dispute arose in the castle
Orange about this amount of 190 gold reals delivered by former resident
de Wolf. It was unclear whether
Houque or his replacement
de Walle had written off the linen fabrics for this purchased gold in the
Gorontalo books.
De Walle claimed the 1,900 rijksdaalders should be credited to him, not to
Houque.
Houque was asked to provide clarification about this matter.
The letter was written in
castle Orange in
Ternate on
26 October 1776 by
Paulus Jacob Valckenaer. The copy was certified by
Anbroenes Corels on
31 July 1777.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0630
Ajo Tjanko, a Chinese engineer, wrote a letter to Paulus Gothofredus van der Voort, who was Governor and Director.
On 26 July, he received a letter via Amboina from 30 November 1775. From this letter, he learned that no English ships or vessels had been seen near Maccassar or in the Bouton strait for some time. This year, nothing special had been heard about the English or other European foreigners either.
However, the northwest coast of Celebes, especially the area of Manado, had been seriously troubled this year by pirates from Magindanau. In May, these pirates attacked these coasts with no less than 40 heavily armed pirate ships. According to rumors, some of these ships had crews of 300 men. Because of this large force, the pirates captured the post at Kema and the Company's ships Sara Maria and het Haasje.
This forced them to send an equally strong fleet against these criminals. The fleet included:
- the ship Schoonzigt which was present there
- 2 ships called Pantjallangs
- 4 armed boats from Ternate called Corra Corras
Together, these ships had crews of more than 600 men. Unfortunately, this fleet did not find the pirates, as they had fled shortly before. However, according to rumors and some statements that came in, the letter continued but was incomplete, dated 31 July 1776, from Macassar via Amboina.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0629
The text explains discrepancies in financial accounts submitted by commissioners (functionaries responsible for certain duties).
The commissioners had incorrectly claimed 129 rijksdaalders for expenses that exceeded their income in their general account. However, they should have only calculated 114 rijksdaalders for this matter if they had paid attention to letters and orders that had been sent to them over time, which sometimes rejected parts of their submitted accounts.
Three specific amounts were rejected from the commissioners' earlier accounts:
- On 24 September 1774, payment of 8 rijksdaalders for unloading rations was denied because local inhabitants were required to perform such services for free, and because the commissioners could have had soldiers and citizens (about 40 men strong at that time) unload the rations if the locals refused
- On 26 June 1775, only the regular rental fee of 5 rijksdaalders was approved for hiring a praauw (boat) that had brought their letters, instead of the amount the commissioners had listed in their account
- Also on 26 June 1775, a sum of 4 rijksdaalders was rejected for renting a local house to store rations and luggage, because local inhabitants were required to provide such storage places without payment
These three rejected items totaled 15 rijksdaalders, which the commissioners should not have included in their account. If they had left these amounts out, their excess expenses would have been 114 rijksdaalders instead of 129 rijksdaalders, and they received 114 rijksdaalders back.
Regarding arak (a type of alcoholic drink), the commissioners' inconsistent reporting caused confusion. At the end of their general account, they claimed only 81 cans of excess arak used, but near the end of their summary report they stated 331 cans and requested reimbursement for that quantity. The decision about the used arak was made based on this report, though it would have been better to follow the amount listed in the account.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0482
A Dutch colonial official wrote a letter and thanked his superiors for approving certain expense write-offs mentioned in earlier letters dated
22 October 1776. That earlier letter had been sent to the capital city with a Chinese person named
Tjoa Kimko (also called
Matta Mirra), but it never arrived because the Chinese person did not make the journey.
The official sent a duplicate copy of his secret letter from
27 May with the ship of a Chinese person named
Ong Kolong. The original letter from
22 October 1776, which
Tjoa Kimko had recently brought back, was being sent along with the ship
West Friesland.
The official responded to points from an earlier letter dated
14 December of the previous year. He thanked his superiors for the following approved write-offs:
- 95½ pounds of gunpowder
- 2 fine bleached guineas that were damaged on a cancelled trip to Xullok through no fault of the commissioners
The official was pleased that his superiors approved of how he handled the long-lasting Tidorese removal expedition and the related expenses of 2,409 rijksdaalders and 14 stuivers. He was also happy they were satisfied with his attention to the spice plant removals. He promised to continue working hard to satisfy his superiors in this important matter and assured them that nothing would be written off unless it was actually used or spent to promote spice plant destruction.
The official humbly asked his superiors not to judge him too harshly for mistakes in counting removed spice trees in the 6 districts of
Maba,
Weda, and
Pattani. He explained that the commissioners' reports were often so confused and unclear that such counting errors were easy to make. He added that the error in reimbursement to commissioners
Stephanus and colleagues of 114 rijksdaalders in cash and 331 cans of arak was mostly caused by these servants' lack of attention.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0480
The Sultan gave pardon to everyone according to a letter from 23 July, even though captured kuamans (officials) and returning mantries (officials) from Calangers made many accusations against Pangerang Mancoenagara. These accusations seemed credible, but it raised doubts because the Sultan normally did not overlook such serious crimes. Pangerang Mancoenagara insisted he had no part in the unrest at Gagattan and would remain quiet and not give offense as long as he was not wronged by the Mattaram Court. The Sultan had made his subjects, including the mantries, promise loyalty again, and it was hoped he would give up any further actions. The writer stated that if the Sultan's subjects who were also guilty fell into his hands, he would deal with them the same way as those from Java's east coast to discourage others in the future.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0390
- The Governor and Director of Java's northeast coast wrote a separate letter to the senior merchant and First Resident at the court of the Sultan in Djokjocarta, Ian Matthijs van Rhijn, dated 1 August 1777 from Samarang.
- This was in response to separate letters from 17, 22, and 26 July.
- A Javanese person named Harak Mattie had been brought to Samarang, and the Governor sent him to Batavia for banishment because he had badly behaved against the Sultan.
- The Governor asked van Rhijn to inform the Sultan about this when the opportunity arose and to assure him that the Governor would do the same with all those under the Company's authority.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0389
F. E. van Stralen wrote a letter from Souracarta on 28 July 1717. He expressed doubt about the credibility of certain information regarding a prince, suggesting that the person reporting might add more accusations against the prince to save his own life. Van Stralen acknowledged that some circumstances seemed believable, but warned that experience had taught him that dishonest people were skilled at covering up their wrongdoing. He reminded his superior how he had recently been misled about the destruction of lands belonging to the tommongong of Wiers Rietp, which turned out to be completely different from what letters and reports had suggested, despite appearing credible. Van Stralen assured his superior that he would keep careful watch over everything and claimed to have such good contacts that neither the pangerang nor any of his main associates could make the smallest move without him being informed about it.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0387
Fredrik Christoffel van Stralendorf, captain and First Resident at Souracarta, wrote a letter to the governor and Director of Java's northeast coast on 20 July 1747.
He responded to a letter from 18 July by investigating information about Brodjo Mengollo, a former leader of the kalangs (a specific group of people). Van Stralendorf sent his findings in Javanese and concluded that there was little truth to what this returned fugitive had said.
According to Van Stralendorf's investigation:
- Some villages had been exchanged, but this happened peacefully among family members
- There had been a village from Java's east coast involved in conflicts, but this had happened a year or more ago, not recently
Van Stralendorf stated he could never believe that Prince Mancoenagara had directly participated in the attack on Gagatan. However, he thought it was more likely that some of the prince's people were involved, and that the prince had looked the other way while pretending not to know about it.
Van Stralendorf felt such behavior would not be very blameworthy, especially because the sultan had always tried to cause trouble and harm to Mancoenagara and still did. The sultan was trying to get rid of the prince. Van Stralendorf's predecessor Beuman had already noted this in a separate letter from 23 May 1763, stating that the sultan absolutely sought to remove Prince Adipattij Mankoenagara from Java. Van Stralendorf believed this, because then the sultan would have free rein to deal with the emperor as he pleased.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0385
On the east coast of Java, a confrontation had taken place in the southern mountains, in which 6 to 7 people were killed. At first, people thought this was an action by Djoejocartan forces against the lands of pangerang Morcoenagara. However, after investigation it turned out that the inhabitants of one of the emperor's villages had split into two groups and fought each other. The emperor had the leader of the guilty group brought to Souracanta and executed him as an example to others. He issued strict new orders that when cromans or other troublemakers invaded his lands, the neighboring villages had to help each other, but only within his own territory and definitely not on the sultan's lands, to avoid disputes.
The letter was signed by I. B. v. der Burgh in Samarang on 31 July 1777.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0383
On
28 July, the leader of
Soeracarta confirmed that the Sultan was trying to get the prince of
Java in order to better play his role.
The Sultan had become unwilling to hand over the local officials from
Mancoenagara, and none of his ministers dared to suggest giving them to the Company. Recently, 2 of the 4 officials who had left
Djocjocarta on
5 July and gone to
Soeracarta had returned there. These officials had made many accusations against
Mancoenagara. The Sultan appeared very angry and upset about this, but then quickly pardoned these officials and all the imprisoned soldiers and set them free.
The writer found this suspicious because the Sultan was normally a very strict ruler who would not leave such serious crimes unpunished. The writer suspected (as he had already predicted on
2 June) that everything these people had said against prince
Mancoenagara had been put into their mouths beforehand. It was certain that the Sultan was only seeking to work against
Mancoenagara and trying to make him look bad to the Company. A copy of a letter from the head of
Soeracarta,
van Staalendouff, dated
28 July, confirmed this.
The Sultan had inquired about the requested loan of 10,000 Spanish reals. The writer would now authorize the head
van Rhijn, hoping for a good outcome, if everything appeared proper.
View transcript NL-HaNA / 1.04.02 / 3499 / 0381
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