• een huis en tuin in Valkenburg (grootte: 1 are 55 centiare, sectie A nummer 1029);
• een huis en tuin aan de poort in Valkenburg (grootte: 3 aren 10 centiare, sectie B nummer 1391).

• De schuldenaars mogen de onderpandgoederen niet verhuren of in gebruik geven zonder toestemming van Habets, en mogen geen vooruitbetalingen bedingen.
• Bij verkoop of inbeslagname van (een deel van) het onderpand worden hoofdsom en rente direct opeisbaar.
• Bij vrijwillige verkoop vindt geen zuivering plaats zoals bedoeld in artikel 1254 van het Burgerlijk Wetboek.
• Voor de uitvoering van de akte kiezen de partijen het kantoor van de notaris.
• De schuldenaars moeten de onderpandgoederen verzekeren tegen brand en jaarlijks het bewijs van betaling van de premie overleggen. Bij brandschade worden de verzekeringsgelden gebruikt om de schuld af te lossen.
• Bij niet-nakoming mag Habets, als eerste hypotheekhouder, de onderpandgoederen openbaar verkopen om de schuld en kosten te voldoen, volgens artikel 1223 van het Burgerlijk Wetboek.

• De langstlevende van hen twee erfde alle bezittingen (zoals handel, meubels, schulden, kleding en sieraden) van de eerst overledene.
• De langstlevende werd ook voogd over hun dochters Margriete en Jacobmyntgen van Ackeren om hun erfenis te beheren. Niemand anders mocht zich hiermee bemoeien.
• Als Janneken de Waele als eerste stierf, erfden Margriete en Jacobmyntgen samen haar juwelen, ringen en kleding en deelden deze gelijk.
• Als de langstlevende hertrouwde, moest deze een volledige rekening en verantwoording afleggen aan de kinderen om hun erfenis te beschermen.

• Guillaume Paladmus wees zijn kinderen (met Anneken Ghysberts de Waele) aan als zijn erfgenamen. Tanneken van Tenlingen mocht al zijn bezittingen gebruiken zolang ze leefde en ongehuwd bleef, mits ze voor de kinderen zorgde (eten, kleding, onderwijs).
• Als de kinderen voor Tanneken van Tenlingen stierven, mocht zij alle bezittingen houden en gebruiken om van te leven, zolang ze ongehuwd bleef.
• Als Tanneken van Tenlingen hertrouwde, kreeg ze alleen een negende deel van de erfenis en moest de rest naar de kinderen gaan. Een vierde deel ging naar de oudste zoon, Jan.
• De overige goederen gingen voor de helft naar de armen in Haarlem en voor de helft naar de armen in Mechelen.
• Als Tanneken van Tenlingen stierf, kreeg Guillaume Paladmus dezelfde vrijheid om de goederen te beheren voor hun kinderen.

• Margarite van Sassegem, weduwe van Pieter van Ackeren,
• Jan van Ackeren en Pieter de Koker als voogd van Jacomijne van Meijen Ackeren en namens Jacob van Ackeren (haar zoon en broer).

• Sesteyn Gevurt, klassenmaker,
• Henrick Jansz Braber, brabander,

• Peter van Steenluste,
• Adriaen van den Dorpe,
• Gilliam Gillis Vermeersch,
• Guilliam de Remault.

• Les parcelles N°28 et N°29 font chacune 15 acres, plantées de taïers (variété de manioc) et de janannes (variété de banane plantain). Sur la N°28, les taïers sont à leur 5ème récolte, tandis que sur la N°29, ils sont à leur 2ème récolte et servent actuellement de nourriture aux esclaves.
• Les parcelles N°28, N°29 et N°30 contiennent aussi des lits de jeunes plants de café.
• Les parcelles N°31 et N°32 font également 15 acres chacune, plantées de taïers pour la 1ère récolte. La N°32 inclut aussi des inannes (autre variété de banane).
• Entre les parcelles N°15, N°16, N°17 et N°18, il y a un chemin bordé d’arbres fruitiers, avec une petite maison ronde de 14 pieds carrés, en bois, couverte de bardeaux.
• Une parcelle de 48 acres abrite les bâtiments principaux, dont une maison d’habitation à 2 étages, mesurant 40 pieds de long et de large (y compris les galeries), construite en bois sur des fondations en pierre. Elle est recouverte de planches et de bardeaux, avec des solives en bois hollandais et des planchers en bois de 1,5 pouce d’épaisseur.

The Dutch then explained their entire journey from Batavia, as told by the noble Hartouwer. The local guard had only reported their arrival to a nearby fort the next day but had not sent word to Canton. The mandarin (official) asked how many ships had come, their origin, and their purpose. The Dutch answered truthfully, and the mandarin promised to return the next day for more details.

The next day, the mandarin returned and asked further questions, including whether the Dutch had been to Macao, the nature of their crew, the duration of their journey from Batavia, and whether their primary goal was trade or a formal greeting to the emperor. The Dutch answered honestly, and the mandarin recorded everything. He added that if the Dutch had stayed outside for 2 or 7 years without sending anyone in, Canton would not have known of their presence and would have let them stay.

The mandarin then left but returned in the afternoon, ordering the Dutch to wait until evening or at most the next morning for a definite response. Meanwhile, the Dutch crew was treated well without any disrespect. Later that day, another mandarin, Chiampen, arrived and asked similar questions, confirming earlier details. He also mentioned concerns about pirates and the safety of sailing with boats to the first anchorage point, from Kouw R to the flag point, covering a distance of 370 units.

On 4 August 1668, early in the morning, the ships were seen sailing from an abandoned fortress, taking as much woodwork as they could. An attempt was made to reach one of the ships with a small boat, but it failed. The people on the ships fled, one even firing a shot. This suggested they were pirates. There were also 4 or 5 similar ships sailing at sea.

Later, they went ashore at the recently abandoned Tartar fortress. They saw that the ships had been there. The gates of the fort and the governor's house (a fine residence) were destroyed, along with its temple. Almost everything was broken into pieces and trampled. Some of the woodwork was also taken. A Chinese fisherman, who lived there, had his Champan taken. He confirmed that they were pirates who lived on nearby islands and often sailed to the coast.

That evening, preparations were made for a possible attack. Under the command of shipper Jeron Dircksz, a well-sailed boat was prepared.

• In the bay of Vlissingen, the ship Haitaimo from Bock and a small armed vessel, both with brave crews and soldiers, planned to attack pirate ships. Their goal was to capture at least one and scare off the rest. This was necessary because it was unsafe for their small ships, especially if one had to enter the harbor.
• On 1668-09-05, Jeroen and Dirckx set out with three armed ships to capture one of the pirate junks before daybreak. However, the pirates had already left their usual spot near Tijgershoek on the river.
• The Dutch ships chased the pirates but couldn’t catch them. Later, the small armed vessel (which had some damage from Jeroen's own gunpowder) arrived and reported that Jeroen still intended to chase the 10 pirate junks with two sailboats, hoping to succeed.
• The pirates escaped by rowing into small creeks and hiding, where the Dutch ships couldn’t follow. There was a chance to cut off three pirate ships, but the helmsman of the Dutch boat ruined it by being careless.
• The Dutch chased the pirates 4 miles up the river to Eerste Thorn but eventually gave up. The pirates escaped, taking only the Dutch’s empty supply junk, which they had found adrift.

• À Mors Loos :
  • Un moulin à café en bois de bruinhart Louis et une pompe (1 nouvelle, 1 ancienne).
  • 2 presses en bois de Rolder avec des tiges en cuivre, à réparer (roues et structure abîmées).
  • Une maison approuvée par G:.
• À Stamp Loos :
  • Un matelas à sel (E:C:W: Soltendrg H Wane Matten) avec 36 trous et sa trappe.
  • 19 moulins à vent pour le café.
  • Des caisses et tonneaux pour Mors Corwaar.
  • Un sol neuf en planches doubles, une cuve à laver en pierre bleue, ciment et chaux.
  • Un perron et un rabat devant Mors Loos.
• Séchoirs :
  • 1 séchoir de 195 x 50 pieds avec toiture, en pierre bleue.
  • 1 séchoir de 135 x 100 pieds avec toiture en "we Solaruisen", incluant :
    • 2 cuves de récupération d’eau (17,5 x 18 pieds pour 156 tonnes ; 20 x 10 pieds pour 730 tonnes).
  • 2 séchoirs entre Coffij Loos et Mors Loos (75 x 50 pieds et 25 x 65 pieds) en pierre bleue et rouge, avec des bacs coulissants.
• Un pigeonnier en bois de Coranie (25 x 20 pieds) sur pied de pierre :
  • 4 pièces au rez-de-chaussée pour le plumage, un pigeonnier à l’étage.
  • Toit en cuivre, couvert de bardeaux, sol en pierre bleue.
  • Portes et fenêtres en bois de Waane.

Un moulin à vent avec ses accessoires, un canal de bois taillé et un autre en Iut amènent l’eau à la Lomp. Ce canal mesure 105 voet de long et 47 palm de large, et a été récemment entièrement reconstruits.

Dans le grenier, une petite chambre close en vieilles planches d’Eng sert de logement pour un officier blessé. Elle contient une chaise, une table, un coffre et une lampe. Pour ce moulin sans meules, il y a une cuve en pierre de 205 pond et un fourneau en pierre pour chauffer l’eau.

Autour des deux entrepôts, deux séchoirs :

• chacun de 110 voet de long et 60 voet de large, avec leurs sols et gouttières ;
• un autre de 120 voet de long et 59 voet de large.

Derrière la maison d’habitation, un bassin de teinture d’une capacité de 300 pon, avec des gouttières en planches de Copie, à l’embouchure du bois de Bruinhart.

• Dans la salle à manger : 3 tables de types variés, 3 chaises Janslopers, 1 vieux buffet à manger pour 60:-.
• Dans la cave : 2 broches, 1 rôtissoire.
• Une maison de pierre à laver avec sa galerie, mesurant 26 x 4 sur des fondations, entourée de planches, avec un plancher. Sous celle-ci, une cave en pierre voûtée et, dans la galerie, une citerne en pierre contenant 100 tonneaux. Le tout couvert de bois carré avec des tuiles. La cave possède une voûte haute avec une fuite au-dessus du four pour 2000:-.

Valeur totale transportée : 41601:16.

• une balance en fer avec des plateaux en bois et 250 livres de poids en fer pour 80 ;
• un moulin à café défectueux pour 1 ;
• une caisse pour stocker le café torréfié ;
• des outils de menuiserie sans valeur ;
• une meule pour huile et peinture pour 50 ;
• une porte de citerne en bois à réparer pour 3 ;
• des planches destinées à la réparation d’un ponton derrière de Lools pour 50 ;
• un égout menant aux cuves de l’ancienne tannerie Morsloots, avec 2 cuves et un rouleau défectueux pour 2 25 ;
• les avantages de ce dernier, mentionnés ci-dessus, pour 600 ;
• une petite maison de 9 pieds sur 4, sur un socle en pierre, avec des planches et des lattes, recouverte de zinc pour 150 ;
• à l’ouest de la maison d’habitation, une citerne avec son support en pierre, pavée de dalles bleues, et un égout en pierre pour recueillir l’eau, d’une capacité de 1000 tonneaux d’eau pour 10 ;
• un transport en 16080 pour 10.

À l’intérieur se trouvaient :

• un moulin à café double en bois de cœur brun, avec des rouleaux en bois de Water groenhart, son axe et ses supports ; les Menarees étaient en bois de wane et de copie ;
• deux tapis de foulage pour le café, chacun avec 9 trous et leurs pilons.

Devant l’entrepôt, il y avait :

• un double bac à laver le café, pavé de dalles bleues au ciment, avec 6 marches en pierre et un double bac de récupération du café ;
• un séchoir de 177 x 50 pieds avec son système de rouleaux, pavé de dalles bleues ;
• un séchoir de 126 x 100 pieds avec son système de rouleaux, pavé de dalles bleues, sous lequel se trouvait une citerne de 100 x 18 pieds (capacité : 736 tonneaux d’eau) ;
• une deuxième citerne de 40 x 10 pieds (capacité : 156 tonneaux d’eau).

Sur le côté de l’entrepôt central, un séchoir de 74 x 56 pieds, pavé de 8000 dalles bleues, avec son système de rouleaux. Entre les deux entrepôts, un séchoir de 74 pieds carrés (88 au total).

• Plusieurs parcelles de 7½ akkers (environ 7,5 hectares) plantées de caféiers :
  • 3 parcelles avec 3976, 3905 et 3905 caféiers fructueux, valant respectivement ƒ 7, ƒ 7 et 5852.
  • 2 parcelles avec 3500 jeunes caféiers, ainsi que des bananiers, du taro et du maïs, valant 2100 chacune.
• Les chemins centraux et transversaux sont plantés de :
  • 9824 caféiers fructueux (valeur : 7368).
  • 1042 jeunes caféiers (valeur : 416).
• Près des terres en friche :
  • Environ 3000 plants de café (valeur : 1500).
• Autres parcelles :
  • Une de 6 akkers avec du taro mûr et des bananiers fructueux (valeur : 1500).
  • Une de 6½ akkers avec du taro en croissance (pour une deuxième récolte) et des bananiers fructueux (valeur : 1500).
  • Une terre appelée Vijde Grot de 1½ akker avec des réserves en grange (valeur : 170).
• À l’arrière de la propriété :
  • Un petit entrepôt en bois avec des poteaux en terre et une palissade (valeur : 25).
• Bâtiments :
  • Une écluse en pierre suffisante sur la rivière Boven, où la moitié de la plantation est drainée.

• Un terrain de 7,5 acres sert de pâturage : 150 florins.
• Un terrain de 7,5 acres avec 3 127 caféiers fruitiers : 3 127 florins.
• Un terrain de 7,5 acres avec 7 000 caféiers fruitiers (4 690 + 2 310 en lien) : 8 750 florins.
• Un terrain de 7,5 acres avec 6 648 caféiers fruitiers (3 551 + 1 768 en lien, dont 5 319 fruitiers) : prix non précisé.
• Un terrain de 7,5 acres avec 5 425 caféiers fruitiers (3 640 + 1 785 en lien) : 6 731 florins et 5 florins.
• Un terrain de 7,5 acres avec 5 270 caféiers fruitiers (3 536 + 1 734 en lien) : 6 587 florins et 10 florins.
• Un terrain de 7,5 acres avec 5 390 caféiers fruitiers (3 640 + 1 750 en lien) : 6 198 florins et 10 florins.
• Un terrain de 17 acres avec 5 961 caféiers (3 484 + 1 700 en lien, dont 5 184 fruitiers) : 12 florins.
• Un terrain de 7,5 acres avec 4 550 caféiers fruitiers : 6 142 florins et 10 florins.
• Un terrain de 7,5 acres avec 4 420 caféiers fruitiers : 5 746 florins et 10 florins.
• Un terrain de 7,5 acres avec 4 480 caféiers fruitiers : 5 600 florins.
• Un terrain de 7,5 acres avec 4 352 caféiers fruitiers : 4 352 florins.
• Un terrain de 7,5 acres avec 4 620 caféiers fruitiers : 5 775 florins.

The Chinese captain, Thesienqua, accused the citizens of Macao of stealing his goods, including 40 catties of ambergris, 20 piculs of camphor, 50 packs of fine cloth, and other items. However, his own crew testified that he had only pepper and rattan, which he had already sold. Since he couldn’t pay his crew, they left his ship. The court ruled that he should reclaim his ship and receive 150 taels for damages, which was immediately done.

When the letter was received, Father Philip Grimaldi, a respected figure traveling to Europe on behalf of the Emperor of China, reviewed it and confirmed its truth. Joao Cortes, a Portuguese director of goods for the Viceroy of Canton and Fukien, also verified the account.

The officials of Macao assured that this minor issue would not harm the friendship between the crown of Portugal and the Dutch States. They emphasized the strong trade and mutual friendship between the citizens of Macao and the Dutch merchants of Batavia, maintained through years of correspondence.

The letter was signed by Francisco Fragoso, a ship’s captain and clerk of the Macao city chamber, along with Mathias Perreira, Manuel d’Aquiar, Goncalo da Costa, Manuel Luis Freire, Joseph Vieira da Silva, and Francisco Nunes de Carvalho.

They would try to resolve the matter in the best possible way and continue to serve the East India Company as long as they lived. It was necessary to do what was reasonable, not what one desired. The most difficult part was remaining impartial between parties, as they would try to do, and as was best judged by the statesmen there. However, it would not be possible to stay among the distrustful Chinese without suspicion of favoritism, which could lead to much evil suspicion and hidden attacks from one or another doubting party.

They found themselves sufficiently between the devil and the deep sea, with the Coxinga playing the boss again, while the Hecker was at the bridge under the Tontars, and the markets were in the middle of the River, where the Kopnieder was also not inactive. Thus, they were all in a great dilemma, like a mouse between two cats.

They would not neglect to use all practical means to stay out of danger as much as possible and carefully preserve the Company's resources. Furthermore, they would pray to God Almighty for a good outcome.

They described their arrival, welcome, and initial good start in China, but noted that the Company's business had not progressed as expected. They had intended to inform the authorities in detail, but difficulties arose due to a change in government, which fell into the hands of the tax collectors. Additionally, a competitor in the region offered lower prices, hindering their efforts.

They were also detained for 5 full days and only recently moved to a lodge, where their activities were delayed and viewed with suspicion. They decided to postpone further actions until a better opportunity arose, despite the harsh treatments they endured. They assured that the Company's resources were being conserved.

Terijsongkon and Pangta Lauja sent their greetings and wishes for a long life and prosperous rule. They noted that although their lands were far apart, letters could be exchanged to understand each other's intentions. They mentioned that ships and junks had previously traveled between their regions, a practice that had occurred long ago.

Last year, Terijsongkon had sent a letter to the Governor-General requesting that ships come to Canton for trade. They had also requested that the Governor-General's junks in Batavia benefit not just themselves but all inhabitants. The Governor-General's letter, along with gifts including a large silk item, a wool alcotiffe, four hours, eight fire wheels, and a lantern, were well received. Terijsongkon expressed his gratitude and assured that he would not forget the kindness.

Terijsongkon had allowed a ship from the Company to trade and depart from Batavia with the change of the monsoon. He requested that if any junks from Canton came to Batavia, the Governor-General assist them, as this would help maintain their friendship. In return, Terijsongkon promised to do the same.

The letter was signed by Stadthouwer Tan Zatjen Sanghtalanja Taulatjen panghtaseuwa Lent and addressed to the commander of Batavia. It was sent with 100 from Elingh on each side, with ample certification.

During this difficult time, efforts were made to gather 375 packages of Coromandel and Bengal fabrics, along with some alcatifas, and manned with shaved Chinese and Siamese people, as well as some Moors, to be sent to Canton. Additionally, two ambassadors from the local king were sent with letters and gifts to the Tartar emperor in Canton. Their task was to renew the alliance that the crown had always maintained with the kingdom of China, and then travel onward to Peking.

However, the junks and the ship were in such poor condition and so poorly equipped that it was feared most of them would not complete their journey. This was undesirable for the East India Company, as the king’s trade with the Moors and Chinese could interfere with the company’s trade, especially in the cloth business. There was also concern that competition from Bengal silk, which would be added, could harm the common trade in Japan. It was judged that in Siam, nothing could be done against this for the East India Company.

It would have been highly desirable if Hendrik Indijk, following his advice dated 19 October, had managed to prevent the Moors from sailing to Japan. The circumstances had seemed favorable for this, so they hoped to share the desired outcome of this with the aforementioned junks.

• Two large junks carried sappanwood, Nammerak, brown sugar, elephant tusks, about 500 packs of various Coromandel and Bengal fabrics, plus a large batch of deer, cow, and Roche hides, manned by unshaven Chinese and Moors, bound for Japan.
• The other two junks and the aforementioned ship carried old Pijnangh tin, lead, elephant tusks, 43 pieces of various colored fabrics from the English, and 375 packs of

During these difficult times, everything that could be gathered and collected was sent, including 1000 or 50 packs of Guinea cloth. These were brought to Costij by the ship Vollen Hove. Since no ships arrived from Manila during this monsoon and none were sent there from here, it was deemed wiser to send the goods to Japan rather than keep them here for a year, as they would be unsellable and cause loss to the Principale (principal investors) if stored in the warehouses.

It was hoped that this decision would not be disapproved, even though no specific order had been given for it.

Additionally, on 29 and the following day, the boat Palliacatte, loaded with as much useful woodwork and other necessary materials as possible for the construction of housing in Ligor, departed from this roadstead to sail to the province of Ligor, with the Albestierder’s guidance.

Advice was sent to the heads in Japan regarding various matters, along with the ship Vollen Hove and the boat Palleacatte to Ligor. It was also necessary to justify the actions taken, as it was a very dangerous and delicate matter that the Ed=e Heer gouv=r generael (His Excellency the Governor-General) might attribute to his servants, who were acting so far away from him, as in the case of this young, troubled company.

• 31,495 deer hides
• 3,058 cow hides
• 1,000 piculs of sappanwood
• 564 buffalo horns
• 300 catti of guitar gum for a sample
• 7,700 cowries or black lacquer
• 100 catti of wax
• 1,200 piculs of Guinea linen
• 6 pots of atjar
• 6 dozen salted limes

The mentioned Dutch survivors had sailed from Arracan on 20 April 1661 aboard the Vollenhove, loaded with rice and slaves. A violent storm in the Bay of Martaban caused the ship to wreck, with no hope of saving anything except their lives. After a year of wandering through the troubled, war-torn land, suffering from poverty and lack of supplies, and being subjected to different factions, they miraculously ended up in the hands of the Siamese. Out of the original eight, including the captain who died from hardship, 31 survivors along with 17 slaves arrived in the city. By order of His Majesty, they were to appear in court to legally justify their actions, as it was a serious and urgent matter. Ed did not want to blame the Governor-General for what his subordinates had done so far away from him, as in this case.

However, the Portuguese and Japanese quarters remained strongly guarded, and the interpreters stayed imprisoned. When Oja Calahom, Berckelangh, Dutive Camhen, Sebodawadij, Radia wangsangh, and other old imperial councilors from the upper quarters arrived in the city, they took up the complaints. They declared the actions taken against the Dutch in their absence unacceptable. They threatened to break the long-standing alliance between the Siamese and Dutch if no proper satisfaction was given.

The governor-general and the Council of India were informed and urged to request that Oja Pieschijt and the Chinese Sabandar clear themselves of the accusations. They asked the king to do this, as he was believed to be unaware of the truth. It was a serious matter, and the governor-general did not want to be blamed for actions taken by his servants so far away from him, like the issue with these ships.

In response to the Honorable Lord's latest letter of 26 May, received via the boat Terboede on 26 July, the only remaining matter was the debt of gratitude from Commandeur and President Riebeek. He expressed his deep gratitude for the early news of his requested release to Batavia, where he intended to go first, hoping to arrive safely. There, he planned to personally report further to the Honorable Lord on the Company's affairs.

With this galley, the Lords were sent back, along with a small supply: 424 piculs or 141½ barrels of harpoons. There were still about 350 barrels of tin and 300 piculs of spices in stock, but no pepper yet, as previously mentioned.

The Portuguese Manuel Fernando, with his young family from Goa, was in Bedugting. He suspected that Portuguese ships from Siam might not take this route, nor would any from Macau be suitable or large enough. With his heavy household, including his wife, mother, slaves, and female slaves—totaling about 40 people—he had begun to urge for passage. He requested permission to travel via Ceylon on one of the Company's ships bound for Persia or Surat to Wingurla. From there, people from Goa had petitioned and reported that the Company's residents, with all their belongings, had retreated and stayed away for 3 months out of fear of raids by the Surat pirates.

It was decided to let the aforementioned ships proceed after writing about their arrival, even though they had only taken on water and wood. In the meantime, they would remain obedient servants.

The letter was signed by Joan van Riebeek, Mighiel Cune, Hadriaan Schimmelpenning van der Oij, Joan Massis, and Abram den Bak in Malacca on 5 August 1665.

The document was accompanied by 1199 guilders.

The king of Siam and Berkelang seemed to want to maintain the Company's monopoly on hide trade through their charter. They not only banned the export for all others but also did not demand any from the Dutch, which showed special favor.

The king sent a junk to Japan with the borrowed helmsman and mate, loaded with sappanwood, elephant tusks, camphor, and black sugar. At sea, the junk sprang a leak, letting in 5 feet of water. The Siamese decided to return. It was thought they would resume the journey the next season but would struggle to complete it without wintering somewhere, which would reduce profits and their enthusiasm.

No junks had arrived from China in Siam that year, which had not harmed their trade. On 28 March, a Portuguese patache from Macau arrived with a little Spanish taffeta, coarse porcelain, and some silk. It brought news that the regulators of Canton had refused to trade with the 3 ships sent there by the Siamese king 3 years earlier, and also refused to grant them permission to depart. This seemed to hinder His Majesty's navigation everywhere. The Portuguese in Macau were also being intolerably harassed by the Tartars. One of the Portuguese ships, which had sailed from Siam to Macau the previous year, had caught fire and exploded upon arrival, with about 80,000 reals worth of merchandise on board. The crew had saved themselves with a boat.

The Siam trade books were closed on 31 July after 12 months, with a profit on lead and linen cloth of ƒ 35,233:4:1. However, the interest payments and the amount borrowed against 20,348 Civilian reals, totaling ƒ 11,793, had to be deducted, leaving a balance of ƒ 23,440. The expenses incurred during this period, including gifts sent to the king over 2 years, amounted to ƒ 30,863, leaving the Company's Siam office with a deficit of ƒ 7,423.

To continue trade, merchant Poolvoet had again dispatched 20,000 taels of shot silver from Japan, along with some other small items, which were also sent there with the fluyt Westwout.

Their letters had been received by the King and the Barcalong with extraordinary honor, but the gifts had seemed somewhat meager to them. From the Princess Royal, they had received 2 more letters, each with a clock and an elephant as a gift, recorded on 3 December, to which they would respond accordingly.

On 8 of this month, the fluyt De Zeeridder arrived from Siam, having been sent from Tonquin. With it, they received 75 loads of rice, 95 piculs of sappanwood, and 69 catties of the best sort of eaglewood, totaling ƒ 6,443.

A letter from merchant Enoch Poolvoet, dated 22 December, reported that, besides the aforementioned De Zeeridder, the fluyt Westwout had also arrived from Japan with the previously mentioned 20,000 taels of Japanese shot silver, and from Hokkieu.

Den Vergulden Tijger had been ordered to sail from west of Sumatra with its load of 852 packs of clothes. However, due to unfavorable winds and the inability to round the Cape of Ache, this proved impossible. As a result, the leaders were forced to continue their journey through the Strait of Malacca and stop at that place en route. There, the remaining space on the ship was filled with 100799 lb of pepper, worth ƒ13291.

On one ship was Don Alvis de Silva, sent by the Viceroy in Goa to replace the current Governor in Macau. On another ship was Manuel Saldanha, also sent by the Viceroy as an ambassador with letters and gifts for the Chinese Emperor at the Peking court. He was accompanied by the well-known Father Andrea Gomes, four other clergy members, some military officers, and 60 European soldiers to be stationed in Macau.

On the third ship, a Jesuit named Philippo Marino from Genoa arrived with letters and gifts for the King of Tonquin. If he was admitted to Tonquin and not allowed to go to Canton, he would proceed to Peking. The outcome would depend on the circumstances.

The fourth ship belonged to the King of Siam and was commanded by a Portuguese named Anthonij Rodriges de Gere. It carried jewels, mainly emeralds, 60 packages of clothing for the King, and 20 packages for private individuals.

Good relations were maintained with the King of Johor as usual.