• On 17 July 1930, two marriages were registered in Amsterdam by the civil registrar.
• First Marriage:
  • The groom was Roelof Arnoldus van Rijn, a 27-year-old wholesaler, born and living in Amsterdam. His father, Dirk van Rijn, was deceased, and his mother, Grietje Pekelharing, had no job and lived in Amsterdam.
  • The bride was Cornelia Maria Anthonia Emanuel Spoelder, a 27-year-old with no job, born and living in Amsterdam. Her father, Emanuel Josephus Joannes Antonius Spoelder, was deceased, and her mother, Johanna Maria Cornelia van Beem (62 years old, no job), lived in Amsterdam.
  • The bride’s mother gave her consent in person, while the groom’s mother provided written consent.
  • The marriage banns (public announcement) were posted on 5 July 1930 with no objections.
  • The couple confirmed their commitment, and the registrar declared them married.
  • Witnesses included:
    • Hendricus Theodorus Emanuel Maria Spoelder (29, the bride’s brother, a merchant).
    • Johannes Arnoldus van Rijn (42, the groom’s brother, a wholesaler).
  • This marriage was later dissolved by divorce on 19 December 1932, as recorded by the District Court of Amsterdam and noted in the marriage register on 17 February 1933.
• Second Marriage:
  • The groom was G. Jan Peereboom Voller, a 24-year-old sales representative, born and living in Amsterdam. His parents, Jan Peereboom Voller (52, a municipal tram/bus employee) and Heiltje de Graaf (50, no job), both lived in Amsterdam and gave consent in person.
  • The bride was Eleonore de Groot, a 24-year-old with no job, born in Soerabaja, Dutch East Indies, and living in Amsterdam. Her parents, Jan Jacob de Groot (a clerk) and Johanna Leonora Blogg (no job), both lived in Amsterdam and provided written consent.
  • The marriage banns were posted on 5 July 1930 with no objections.
  • The couple confirmed their commitment, and the registrar declared them married.
  • Witnesses included:
    • Jansje de Graaf (37, the groom’s aunt, no job).
    • Hendrik Servaas van Es (51, a warehouse manager).

• The records mention various individuals and organizations involved in financial or administrative transactions in the Dutch historical context. Some notable entries include:
• Blaauw appears in records from the years 956, 912, and 9722.
• Blom is referenced multiple times, including H. Blom in 1018, 188, 52, and 15329, and P. R. Blom in 1132.
• Boas S. A. is listed in records from 109, 10003, 153815, 188823, 13245, 13249, 18922, and 1324 (multiple entries).
• Boeken O. J. appears in 1286, 13842, 13812, 58862, 15411, 1299, and 41384.
• Boes Lutjens is noted in 1338 and 108.
• Bossche J. B. is mentioned in records related to Francen in 172.
• Boon is referenced in 1154 and 18.
• Borchers appears in 10442.
• Bonga H. G. is listed in 1058.
• Bonga I. F. van is noted in 112, 1134, and 1154.
• Boermeester is mentioned in 1661, 9289, and 518.
• Boreel Jr. de appears in 41882.
• Bouw of a medical facility in Bandjermasin is documented in 821.
• Boeksteyns is referenced in 11642.
• Boeknecken related to the Tweede Kamer and the Staten Generaal for the American government is noted in 1381.
• Bouguenon F. I. is listed in 185 and 1886.
• Boreel appears in 162 and 5882.
• Borchans G. S. R. is mentioned in 11642.
• Boek van Suriname is documented in 1502.
• Boumansck A. is noted in 18823.
• Bovenos Cffiail is referenced in unspecified records.
• Bolle Celle appears in 1156.
• Boga Co is listed in 404.
• Bochuijsen J. is mentioned in 118419.
• Bohrer J. appears in 1151.
• Bouwliccessie is documented in 1284.
• Boumansck A. is noted again in 18823.
• Boers C. D. H. is referenced in 141.
• Boetzelaer J. H. is listed in 705.
• Bosch G. F. van Steijn is mentioned in 10815.
• The records also include references to various locations and administrative actions:
• Financial records related to Bloemendaal in 108.
• Transactions involving Bommelerwaard and Hero.
• References to Borneo in 1154.
• Mentions of Bohemen in 1120 and 1156.
• Records related to Bombay in 565.
• References to Bandjermasin in 821.
• Mentions of Breda in 1258 and 1299.
• Some entries refer to specific items or types of transactions:
• Records of butter for O. P. in 424, 548, 44, 485, 5042, 58423, 598, and 416.
• Books for Curaçao in 1292 and 1302.
• Books for Oost-Indië in 1290, 619, 1291, 1302, 1296, 1301, 13849, 1304, 15041, and 15642.
• Construction of a medical facility in Bandjermasin in 821.
• Fines or penalties in 452, 473, 498, and 422.
• Records of ships for Borneo in 1154.
• Borderelles (payment records) by the Betaalmeesters in 52.
• Records of rewards for Suriname in 518.

• J. Hermann, J. Georg Philipp Friedrich Claus, J. Frederik Coenraad Bogtstra, and J. Lucas de Dieu Stierling were recorded in entries dated 11 March 1822 and 6 May 1828.
• J. Johannes Lodewijk van Erp and Gaalman Hip were noted on 19 December 1823.
• Willem Frederik, born on 6 August 1818, held multiple roles:
  • Military assistant in the medical warehouse in the Netherlands Indies.
  • Military assistant of the first class and draftsman in the topographical bureau in Netherlands India.
  • Paymaster at the southern head post in Arawang (Sumatra’s West Coast).
  • Teacher at the government’s second-class school in Padang (Sumatra’s West Coast).
  • Resident (administrator) of Fernate.
  • Inspector of land demarcation, coastal lighting, and pilot services in Netherlands India.

The document also lists pension amounts and start dates for various officials, adjusted by decisions from the Department of Colonies:

• 1 December 1867: Provisional pension of 471.14 guilders.
• 1 January 1869: Pensions of 990 guilders and 450 guilders.
• 1 December 1868: Pension of 175 guilders.
• 1 November 1868: Pension of 2205 guilders.
• 1 January 1869: Pension of 3795 guilders.

The records were compiled in ’s-Gravenhage (The Hague) in April 1869, based on decisions from 17 November 1867, 22 January 1869, 31 December 1868, 27 January 1869, 30 July 1868, 23 January 1869, 24 January 1858, 19 August 1868, and 5 March 1869.

• Er werd gemeld dat een brief (met nummer N: 53) die op 7 december 1711 was ontvangen, nu doorgestuurd werd naar heer M: Gerart in Parijs.
• Deze brief was bedoeld voor de minister van Buitenlandse Zaken.
• Er werd ook verwezen naar een eerdere brief met nummer 1085.
• Het bericht was gericht aan Sijne Excellentie, de heer Minister van Holland.

• De kinderen van Frans Taispel (zoon van hun oom Gilis): 4000 gulden.
• De vader van Frans Taispel kreeg de opbrengsten (inkomsten) van de erfenis: 6000 gulden.
• Anna Taispel (dochter van oom Gillus) kreeg: 2000 gulden.
• Anthonij Lakervelt en Aeltge Taispel (dochter van Jacob Taispel): 4000 gulden.
• Jacob Taispel: 6000 gulden.
• Adriaen Goberdsz Mareos en Cornelia Flint (weduwe): samen 3000 gulden.
• Joannes Spil en Jardus Jaerlycx: 3000 gulden.
• Geertruijd Bas kreeg het theegerei en een gouden horloge.
• De kinderen van Monte kregen samen 5000 gulden.
• Onder de Comt (een bepaalde groep of familie) werd verdeeld:
  • Helena Charles: 2000 gulden.
  • Emerentia Charles: 1500 gulden.
  • Antleurens Charles: 500 gulden.

Daarnaast werden de volgende zaken en bedragen toegekend:

• Jacob van Akerdyc kreeg een paard.
• Eschese Servaer en Montenac kregen alle boeken.
• De dienstmeid Greetge kreeg huishoudelijke spullen voor tafel en bed.
• Er waren 100 zilveren dukaten (munten) en 2 bedden met kussens en dekens.
• Daarnaast nog eens 200 dukaten.
• Jan Meijnders (een knecht) kreeg 100 gulden.
• Er was nog een extra bedrag van 530 gulden.

Op 9 januari 1696 verklaarde Juffrouw Magdalena Bontemps, weduwe van Thomas Snep, ziek te bed maar met heldere geest, voor notaris Pieter Herlings in Haarlem dat zij haar testament van 11 mei 1693 en codicil van 17 februari 1695 (beide opgemaakt bij notaris Pieter Baes) bevestigde.

Zij bepaalde dat na haar overlijden:

• Haar bedrijf (negotie) niet mocht worden stopgezet of gesplitst, maar voortgezet.
• Haar huishouden en het huis in de Schagchelstraat (waar zij woonde) niet verkocht of opgedeeld mochten worden, maar voor haar erfgenamen behouden moesten blijven.

Zij droeg de leiding hierover over aan haar dochter Margareta Snep en schoonzoon Matthijs van Elten, die moesten beslissen wat het beste was. Ook vroeg ze de door haar man aangestelde voogden om niet de vaderlijke erfenis van haar minderjarige dochter Anna Snep op te eisen zolang het bedrijf en huishouden nog liepen.

Op 11 januari 1692 was door haar man een testament opgesteld voor hun gemeenschappelijke minderjarige kinderen.

Op een eerdere datum (13 december 1695) was een overeenkomst gesloten tussen Benjamin Withoijn (uit Amsterdam, toen in Haarlem) en een zekere Cooper. Withoijn stond zichzelf borg voor een schuld van Cooper van 13.000 gulden. De overeenkomst werd getekend in Haarlem door Diederick Ramp, Martin Montenack, Pieter van Adrichem (uit Dordt), Jacob Graafland en Benjamin Withoijn zelf. Notaris Gorlings bevestigde dit.

Een andere overeenkomst ging over een huis en boerderij die door twee partijen (waaronder Cooper) voor 23 gulden zouden blijven wonen, met alle planken en materialen die bij het huis hoorden. Beide partijen beloofden zich aan de afspraken te houden en stelden zich onder toezicht van alle rechters en gerechten.

Een rekening van S.M. Lefeburg vermeldde een schuld van minder dan 4000 gulden.

• Pieter Bogaard, weduwnaar en mede-erfgenaam (voor een deel) van zijn overleden vrouw Johanna Plovier, volgens hun gezamenlijke testament van 19 oktober 1750.
• Aalbert van Zuijst, als executeur-testamentair (uitvoerder van het testament) van Johanna Plovier, samen met de overleden Matthijs van Diepenbroek.
• Joris van der Vinne, als mede-voogd (samen met Aalbert van Zuijst) over de minderjarige kinderen Hendrik Bloem en Anthonij Bloem. Deze kinderen waren de enige erfgenamen van Johanna Plovier uit haar eerder huwelijk met Anthonij Bloem en kregen elk een gelijk deel van de erfenis.

Plovier bepaalde het volgende:

• Hij liet Bastiaan, de zoon van Gijbert Placier, een bedrag van 25 carolusguldens na.
• Hij liet Claes Jansz, de zoon van Jan Claesz Verschuyl (die ook zijn kleinkind was), hetzelfde bedrag van 25 guldens na.
• Voor al zijn overige bezittingen wees hij één universele erfgenaam aan (de naam staat niet in dit deel van de tekst).

• Grietgen, die getrouwd is met Jan Blo, krijgt haar deel alleen als zij en haar man eerst een schuld van 1000 pond (een oude munteenheid) aan Gijsbrecht betalen. Deze schuld is eerder door Jan Blo op een eerlijke manier opgeëist.
• Als Grietgen (of iemand namens haar) zich verzet tegen deze regeling, verliest zij al haar voordeel uit het testament. Ze krijgt dan alleen het wettelijke minimum (de "legitieme portie") en niets extra.
• Het deel dat Grietgen niet krijgt (het "surplus"), gaat volledig naar Gijsbrecht.

• Symon van —
• Raphel Adamsz van Hessel

• In der Gemeinde auf Malanca arbeitete Adam Willebrand Meercamp. Die Gemeinde zählte 25. Januar 1731 bis 17. September 1731 insgesamt 202 Mitglieder, darunter 4 Älteste. In diesem Zeitraum starben 15 Personen.
• Auf Amboina wirkten eifrig:
  • Philippus Capella und Henrieus Grimbergen in der holländischen Gemeinde (1604 Mitglieder, 18.821 getaufte Christen, 5.116 Kinder in der Katechismus-Unterweisung, 7.019 außerhalb; 649 neu Getaufte, insgesamt 33.299).
  • Petrus Kraan und Delmkoft in der malaiischen Gemeinde.
• Auf Banda diente allein Didericus Boutehse als Prediger. Aufgrund des Mangels an Gehilfen war ihm noch kein Assistent zugeteilt. Auf Lonthoir und Poelo gab es 88 Neugetaufte und 31 Mitglieder. In PosJagein wurden 39 junge Christen registriert.
• In Jaffrapatnam und den untergeordneten Orten Manoor, Tinquensmale und Batticola arbeiteten:
  • Johannes Buinins,
  • Sievola,
  • Adolphus Cramer.
  Der genaue Stand der Gemeinde war ihnen nicht bekannt.
• An der Koromandelküste versah Bernardus Engelbert seinen Dienst:
  • Nagapatnam: 195 Mitglieder (davon 61 Engländer oder Portugiesen).
  • Porto Novo: 7 Mitglieder, 1 getauftes Kind.
  • Paliacatte: 45 Mitglieder; 10 neu getaufte Kinder in der holländischen, 19 in der portugiesischen Gemeinde; 2 Älteste; 105 einheimische Christen.
  • Mazulipatnam: 18 Mitglieder, 1 Ältester, 4 Kinder.
  • Sawat-patnam: 9 Mitglieder, 6 neu getaufte Kinder.
• In Lokienweid (Gebiet der Herren) diente Valerius Nicolai:
  • 183 Mitglieder (96 Männer, 875 Frauen – Anm.: Zahlen scheinen vertauscht).
  • 18 getaufte Christen, 18 Kinder in 5 Schulen, 15 außerhalb.
  • 13 Neugetaufte.
  • In Aror:
    • Wammeren: 95 Christen, 15 Schulkinder.
    • Romswaa: 95 Christinnen, 9 Schulkinder.
    • Mathor: 56 Christen, 6 Schulkinder.
    • Arori Wokkum: 9 Schulkinder.
• Auf Ternate predigten:
  • Joll. Thomas Weundlei auf Malaiisch (2× wöchentlich Katechismus).
  • Justus Rens. Beine auf Niederländisch.
  Die Gemeinde zählte 621 Christen (davon 121 getaufte Sklaven), 48 ungetaufte Kinder, 3 Älteste, 66 Schulkinder und 68 Diener.
• In Makassar diente Johannes Tobias van der Leij:
  • 136 Mitglieder, 134 einfache Christen.
  • 2 Älteste, 30 Kinder, 45 Schulkinder, 145 außerhalb.
  • Gesamt: 492.
• Von Timor und Ost-Java lagen keine genauen Angaben vor, da van Loo (für die Visitation zuständig) noch nicht zurückkehrte.
• In Bantam und an der Westküste Sumatras fehlten seit längerem Besuche durch Krankheitsbesucher. Der Zustand der Gemeinden war unbekannt.
• Krankheitsbesucher, die zwischen 20. August 1731 und 15. Juli 1732 gemeldet wurden:
  • Willem Knipping, Adriaan Cornelis Tol, Martinus Waasbeek, Jochem Bol, Harmen Synkese, Cornelis van der Leyden, Harm van Mul, Barthoud de Sterk, Hermanus Spoujaart, Albert Hor Belijn, Pieter Jesint, Daniel Galjart, Jacobus Colvaart, Francois Maradi, Gerrit de Koning, Abraham Roogvelt, Jan van Grondtveld, Coenraad van Belle, Johannes van der Heer, Johannes van der Linden, Hendrik Lagerwei, Hendrik Bosman, Dirk Oortmans, David Bramen, Hermannus Pevizonius, Harmanus Post, Jacobus Bouman, Martinus Waltij, Jacob van der Holven, Johannes Boekholt, Everwin Doeden, Pieter Anges, Jan Verhagen, Gillis de Buch.
• Aus Masulipatnam kam Pieter Soek an. Auf Rückreiseschiffen über Ceylon wurden Pieter Jesint und Gerrit de Koning platziert. Mit der ersten Absendung in die Heimat fuhren Harmanus Post, Pieter Soost, Jacobus Bouman, Abraham Hoogveld, Dirk Oortmans, Jacobus Bolvaart und Jan Verhagen.

• Silver items:
  • A silver mirror
  • A silver powder box
  • A silver pin cushion
  • A silver clothes brush
  • A small silver clothes brush
  • A silver nutmeg grinder
  • A silver spice box
  • A silver cape (small)
  • A silver warming pan
  • A silver pepper box
  • A silver sugar box
  • A silver porridge pot
  • A silver mustard pot and spoon
  • 26 silver spoons
  • A silver porridge spoon
  • 20 silver forks
  • 2 silver cups
  • 6 silver candlesticks
  • 2 silver snuffers
  • 2 silver fruit baskets
  • A gilded bowl
  • Other rare silver items

• Paintings:
  • A large landscape with figures
  • A peasant wedding
  • A fruit still life
  • A ruined building
  • A painting of Maria Magdalena
  • A woman's portrait
  • Two banquet scenes
  • A dish with pancakes
  • A seascape
  • A piece made of shells
  • 5 small landscapes
  • 2 paintings of women on horseback
  • A landscape with figures
  • A sea chart
  • A map
  • A painting of people playing ball
  • A ship in moonlight
  • 3 small pieces with glass covers
  • 2 paintings of farmers (men and women)
  • 2 landscapes
  • 2 winter scenes
  • 3 seascapes
  • A palace
  • A painting of Bathsheba and David
  • A painting of fish
  • A boy with a cat
  • A portrait of Brother Cornelis
  • A still life with fruit
  • A Roman with a lemon
  • A painting with two mice
  • A painting of Johan Hus
  • Three old portraits

• Mirrors:
  • A large mirror with an ebony frame
  • A mirror with a glass frame
  • 2 mirrors with ebony frames
  • 3 small mirrors
  • An oval mirror
  • A mirror with a silver frame
  • A small tortoiseshell mirror

• Porcelain:
  • 30 bowls (large and small)
  • 3 pots
  • 5 ink pots

• Alabaster statues:
  • 20 statues (large and small)
  • 3 pots
  • 2 cooling vessels (likely for drinks)

• Other items:
  • 2 copper statues
  • A nutwood (walnut) box

• Local workers were encouraged to gather these materials, with a bonus payment of 1½ reaal (a type of currency) offered per shipment to merchants.
• The goal was to increase efforts in collecting valuable shells to satisfy the needs of the Dutch East India Company (VOC).
• The extra payment served as a reward for the labor and delivery of these shells.

At 3 PM that day, a person named benpaarse thonij left for his village. The crew then sailed to Baijpaer, arriving by evening. They brought 200 live oysters from a nearby bank. When opened, the pearls inside were valued at fans 2. Additionally, 3 other exceptional pearls were valued at fans 1.78.

On Sunday, 20 February, they stayed at Baijpaer. The next day, Monday, 21 February, they set sail at sunrise with a gentle northern wind. Their goal was to revisit an oyster site found earlier that year, near the last village they visited. The site was on large shells, coral stone, and coarse sand, known by fishermen as Roetoe and Prael. However, local officials, called mandaris, couldn't locate the spot based on the description.

While searching, they discovered a new location with similar shells at depths of 6, 7, and 8 fathoms, rich with oysters. Divers collected between 15 to 25 oysters per dive. Around 3 to 4 PM, they finished their work there.

• The author notes that pearl fishing in the area was not very profitable and had previously mentioned the Company’s (likely the Dutch East India Company) right to claim a share of the catch.
• Pearl divers often bragged about their catches, but there were ongoing disputes among many people involved, leading to little good coming from it.
• A specific problem was that fishermen from the Zuijdt and Tutucorin rivers were avoiding proper procedures. Instead of opening most of their shells at sea and bringing the rest to a designated spot on land (as required by the Company’s rules), they secretly took their shells to a village called Boven Dorp Meloer at night and during bad weather.
• Unlike these fishermen, the Thonijs (likely a group of fishermen from the north) followed the rules carefully. They buried their shells in the sand under the Company’s flag, as required, so they could leave quickly once they had received their share and the Company had claimed its rights.
• The author describes an incident from the previous day: when the Pattangistijns (another group of fishermen) came to ask for permission to fish near Ponnekeijl due to strong southern winds, the Thonijs secretly stayed on land. The next morning, without the author’s knowledge or permission, the Thonijs announced they were going to Baijpaer that evening.
• The author found this strange and called all the Pattangistijns together. A representative from Bembaer, named Thomee de Melo, explained that the Thonijs had agreed among themselves to ask permission to leave. They claimed the strong southern winds and lack of profit meant fishing could no longer continue.
• The author saw through their plan and decided to punish the messenger who delivered this request with a few blows, likely as a warning or disciplinary action.

• The law initially set fines for violations, following an earlier Dutch rule. However, the maximum fine of 150 was considered too low for serious offenses, especially those involving Dutch interests.
• It was argued that fines should be increased—possibly up to 10,000—because some violations (like those by Australian fishermen) were severe. For example, a report from a resident of Amboina on 11 June 1890 mentioned that Australian fishermen had illegally collected 68,000 mother-of-pearl shells in a short time.
• Since high fines alone might not stop illegal fishing, the text suggests that imprisonment should also be a possible punishment.
• The proposed stricter penalties (as outlined in a draft ordinance) were intended to prevent offenders from avoiding payment.

• De langstlevende moet de kinderen verzorgen (kleding, eten, onderdak) tot ze meerderjarig zijn of trouwen.
• Deze verzorging geldt als hun wettelijke erfdeel (wat kinderen normaal gesproken erven).
• De langstlevende wordt ook voogd over de kinderen en het vermogen.
• De weeskamer (instantie die wezen beschermt) van Oud-Matthijs mag zich niet bemoeien met hun nalatenschap.

• 2,000–3,000 Dutch pounds per year in Saparoea (modern Saparua), and
• 150–160 Dutch pounds per year in Amboina (modern Ambon).

The price of these shells was set at 333 guilders and 40 cents per ton (a unit of weight), or 40 duits (small coins) per Dutch pound. However, the method of collecting these shells was unknown, though it was believed that production could increase if Lord van Rijckevorsel (a merchant in Rotterdam) provided more details on how to gather them efficiently.

The governor also mentioned that during the period of English rule in the region, large quantities of these shells had been collected on the island of Obie Major (likely part of the Obi Islands) and shipped to England. The exact collection method used by the English, however, remained unclear.

As a result of this report, the Minister of State and Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies ordered that:

• A sample of 500 Dutch pounds of shells, cleaned and prepared in Saparoea, would be sent to Batavia (modern Jakarta).
• The shipment would be placed under the supervision of the Resident of Batavia and handed over to the Governor-General’s authorized representatives.
• The governor of the Moluccas was instructed to investigate further and report on ways to encourage shell fishing to obtain larger quantities at lower prices.

In a follow-up letter dated January 31, 1648, the governor confirmed that the shells were indeed available in the Moluccas, though not in large supply. He repeated that more could be gathered if the collection method were known. The prices reported by van Rijckevorsel were considered acceptable for potential trade.

Earlier, on July 21, 1647, the First Adjunct Secretary of the Dutch East India Government had issued a directive to verify whether the shells could be obtained in the Moluccas at the prices stated by van Rijckevorsel. Depending on the findings, a shipment of 125, 100, 75, or 50 ton (units of weight) of shells was to be sent to Batavia under the Resident’s supervision.

• The text mentions that many maps of the region—including the islands of Devenla, Tun badeu, Sampadelen, and other unnamed islands and rocks—are incomplete or inaccurate.
• Particular issues are noted near the river mouths of the Mendaur, Simpang, Raaang, Sercadana, Datoe, and Oe, where measurements of latitude and width appear unreliable.
• The author suggests that these errors may stem from a lack of direct observations and instead rely on secondhand information from local pilots (Conimata).
• It would be useful to correct these maps, but doing so would require additional effort and cost to properly survey the islands and reefs between Borneo and the Kazimatas (likely referring to the Karimata Islands).
• The area between Borneo and the Kazimatas is described as a safe anchorage during bad weather, with visible natural landmarks even at night.
• The region around Simpang and Matan is noted for its natural resources:
  • Leather and edible sea products like sea cucumbers (referred to as "Schildpod Eyezen Visschen"), sold for 300 to 10,000 katges (likely an old unit of currency) or 50 Realen per kasge (another unit).
  • Abundant shellfish, including giant clams, which serve as food for locals.
  • Edible seaweed and roots, sold for 2,990.2 Realen per Pideol (unit of measurement).
• These goods are traded in bulk at ports like Sambas, Pontianak, and Senterspourza (likely Singkawang), primarily with Chinese merchants.

• The ships, which had left Batavia, arrived safely at the Pannacalse Rheede (a harbor in Ceylon) on 10 July of that year.
• They carried 400 last (a unit of weight, roughly 2 metric tons each) of Javanese rice, 200,000 pounds of sapanwood (a type of dyewood), copper bars, and other goods meant for the local government.
• After unloading some cargo as instructed by the Dutch East India Company's leadership in the East Indies, the ships were to be reloaded with:
• Chiankosen (likely a type of local fabric or good)
• Arrack (a distilled alcoholic drink)
• As many hawsers (thick ropes for ships) and cables as were available in storage.
• The destination for this new cargo was Hooghly, Bengal.

The writers specifically asked for their urgent need for Eijsch (a type of rope made from fig material) to be met as soon as possible according to the included list. Additionally, they requested that at the first suitable opportunity, another shipment of chianko (a type of fabric) or clean delasta (likely another fabric type) be sent, as the current stock remained unsold.

They were confident that these fabrics would soon sell in Hoorn at the last quoted price—or even higher—based on the copies of letters they had the honor of sending to Her High Nobility in Batavia.

The document also listed specific quantities of goods:

• 10 berboeld
• 8 bad-db
• 1 eleeroee
• 1 lepoelars dpl 6

• The sale was approved by a respected official on 2 June of that year.
• The buyer was don Gabriel Gomes, described as the "hoofdpartavgatijn" (main or chief buyer).
• The selling price was 7 pagoden per 1,000 items.
• This price was 3½ pagoden per 1,000 higher than the previous year.
• The record was written by Willem van Zijll and sent from Tutucorijn to Colombo.
• The document was confirmed by D Hiever Geste Clercq.

• They first found 2 large oysters and 1 chianko (a type of shellfish).
• Next, they collected 22 oysters from rocky ground, spread out over a wide area.
• They also found 2 dead oysters in 6 fathoms (about 11 meters) of coarse sand.
• Later, they gathered 84 oysters, roughly 4 years old, still attached to one another, along with 4 dead oysters.
• In another dive, they found 7 and 8 large oysters each, again widely spread.
• After 11 hours of diving, they collected 9 large oysters and found 6 fathoms of coarse salt.

They continued diving from 6¼ to 6½ fathoms on salty ground, finding only 2 dead oysters after 12 hours. Since no more oysters were found, they moved northward, judging they had reached the end of the oyster bed. They kept measuring depths of 6½ fathoms of coarse sand but found nothing else.

• After 14 hours, they passed over 6½ fathoms of coarse sand and then 6 fathoms of rocky ground.
• There, they found 20 small oysters, 7 large oysters, and 1 chianko.
• They also measured 6½ fathoms of sticky, suitable ground but found nothing else.

After 15 hours, they encountered 6¾ fathoms of loose, salty ground and dived again, finding the same material. They then prepared to fish for tuna but decided to return to shore as time ran out. With a strong northeast wind, they sailed and arrived at Aripo between 3:00 AM and 5:00 AM, having collected a total of 719 large oysters.

• The King of Kandy was preparing for possible conflict, fearing that English ships might arrive and transport valuable goods like cinnamon, elephants, and other resources. He seemed to expect strong support from the Portuguese and kept most of his troops ready.
• Many of the king’s soldiers, including those from regions like Uva, Four Korles, and Matara, were restless. Some had even turned to raiding, though they had caused little damage so far. To intimidate the king, the VOC recently sent a small force of around 200 soldiers and some local carriers under the command of merchant Edward Haw to areas like Akuressa, Dondra, Baralapanatota, and Katuwana.
• Scouts from this force had already captured some of the king’s men outside VOC territory near Korle and brought them to Akuressa. The VOC planned to advance further with this combined force and would report the results later.
• The VOC hoped the King of Kandy would avoid further conflict, especially if the promised Portuguese reinforcements or English ships did not arrive. However, the king’s forces, including deserting soldiers and raiders, could still cause trouble for the VOC’s local allies and damage VOC interests, just as the VOC could harm the king’s territories in the highlands.
• Any further action would be difficult due to harsh terrain and unhealthy areas, potentially costing more lives. Still, the VOC had already gained some local support, which could help stabilize the troubled regions if the king’s forces were defeated. The text also hints at tensions between the king’s Muslim (lascarins) and Christian (laucarijns) soldiers.

• The captain delayed sending out an anchor, causing the ship (jaght) to run aground and break apart. He and the helmsman were found guilty of losing the old ship, named Holl, and its remaining cargo, valued at ƒ 5,873:1.
• As punishment, the captain and quartermaster were publicly whipped at the kaeq (quayside) in Schandael and sentenced to 6 years of hard labor.
• Innocent passengers saved their livestock by bringing them ashore on the island and distributing them among the ships. The financial loss from the wreck exceeded 2,000 ammonoms of areca nuts (a type of nut used as currency), which were sold to citizens of Gale to recover some costs.
• The loss of the ship caused the price of areca nuts on the Coromandel Coast to rise sharply to 12 reals per ammonom.
• The report suggests that unless more areca nuts are brought from Malabar or Ceylon, the high prices will continue, as local supplies (controlled by the Moors) remain limited.

The testators were Jurriaan Bastiaansz, a ship's carpenter preparing to sail to Ceylon for the Dutch East India Company (VOC), and his wife, Dirkje Croesen. Both were in good health and of sound mind. They declared this will as their final wishes, revoking any previous wills or agreements.
They named each other as the sole heir, meaning the surviving spouse would inherit all property, assets, and debts upon the other’s death. If they had children, the surviving spouse was required to raise and educate them according to their abilities and social standing. Upon reaching adulthood or marrying (with the surviving parent’s approval), the children would receive their inheritance—either the deceased parent’s share or their legal portion. The surviving spouse would manage the children’s inheritance without needing to provide guarantees or security. The surviving spouse would also act as guardian for any underage children, without interference from the Orphan Masters (Weesmeesters) of Amsterdam or other cities. If Dirkje Croesen died first without children, her parents, Koert Kroesen and Machteltje Theunis, (or the surviving parent) would receive their legal share of her estate. If Jurriaan Bastiaansz died first without children, Dirkje Croesen’s parents (or the surviving parent) would inherit all his property, assets, and rights. If Jurriaan Bastiaansz remarried after Dirkje Croesen’s death, he had to first secure the children’s inheritance from their mother’s estate.

• A property sale was finalized between:
  • The sellers: Cornelis van Backer (aged 24), acting as father and guardian of Cornelia van Backum, and his adult daughter Emelia van Backum. They lived on Bloemgracht.
  • The buyer: Adolf Enckraed, who lived on Klevniersburgwal.
• The sold property included:
  • A shop with goods made of Delftware (pottery) and Hebardware (possibly metalwork).
  • Half of a cellar under a house called "The Rose" on Prinsengracht, marked by an "Evening Star" on the facade.
  • A stall made of sails and planks, also belonging to the shop.
• The total sale price was 200 Carolus guilders (a type of currency), which the sellers confirmed was fully paid.
• The sellers gave up all rights to the property, allowing the buyer to take full ownership and use it as they wished.
• The sellers, including Cornelia van Backum, promised to guarantee the sale and protect the buyer from any future claims. They also agreed to be personally and financially responsible if any issues arose.
• Since Cornelia van Backum could not write, she marked the document with a symbol. Emelia van Backum signed her name, while Cornelis van Backer signed as well.
• The document was officially recorded and matched the original draft by notary Silvius.

Additionally, on the same day, a sworn broker named Sacharia van twaelf stver appeared before the same notary for a separate matter related to the guild of brokers in Amsterdam.

The fleet had waited near the eastern side of Cabo Comorin until December 28, 1622, but due to the loss of two ships, the Arckers, and limited supplies, they were forced to abandon their position. They decided to sail to Ceylon and eventually reached Malacca with great effort and damage to their sails.

The writer had already prepared a force of 780 soldiers, along with sailors and 300 lascars (local soldiers), to be transported by several ships, including the Goes, Avondster, Taytjens Manaer, Mosambique, Romeijn Boterblom, Taijoan Caneelschilder, and Waterpas, as well as smaller vessels like the Japarna, Colombo, and eight thonis (small boats).

The news of the directors' safe arrival with an additional 270 men was welcome, as it strengthened their forces. The writer remained hopeful, under God’s protection, that their combined forces would succeed. Though their original plan was to attack the enemy by surprise, they now had to reconsider their strategy due to new circumstances.

The ships Goes and Worcum were mentioned as impossible to send due to the remaining goods blocking their departure. Experienced sailors judged it impossible to get these well-suited ships to Cape Comorin by September 1, 16. However, the writer asked the VOC to ensure these ships would join the upcoming fleet near Comorin as soon as possible. They also warned that the ships’ crews and supplies should be loaded onto other vessels for 8 to 10 months, as these ships currently lacked everything they needed.

Earlier, the writer had planned to send 20 men from Tuticorin to Nagapattinam on August , hoping to follow by mid-August. The goal was to complete the mission and then join the remaining forces—either by sea with small ships or by land—to reach Tuticorin. There, they would assess the enemy’s next moves and secure Colombo, Mannar, and Tuticorin for further VOC support.

The writer assured the VOC that they did not intend to risk significant forces at Nagapattinam or São Tomé. Instead, the plan was to keep the soldiers actively engaged. They would hold Nagapattinam until at least early August.

The officials responsible for overseeing this trade were instructed to pay closer attention to ensure accuracy in future shipments. If shortages continued, they would face serious consequences. The merchants, including Reinier Serooskerck and Francois Coijs de Haese, warned that due to increased competition, securing high-quality pepper at previous prices would be difficult. They advised accepting this reality as part of the nature of trade.

Additionally, there was an unfortunate incident on July 2, 1621. The ship Avondster (Evening Star), anchored in Galles Bay (likely Galle, in modern-day Sri Lanka), was lost after its anchor cables failed during rough weather. The helmsman, Bartel Schagh, was blamed for not responding quickly enough. He allegedly ignored the situation, instead accusing the ship’s pilot, Coert Alberse, and the quartermaster, Dircq Willemsz, of neglect. Suspicion arose that the small night watch crew may have contributed to the mishap.

• The ships combined their journey until near the Bay of Galen (possibly the Bay of Bengal).
• On 10 October, a severe storm scattered the fleet. The Reijger turned toward Pulicat and arrived quickly, but the fate of the other ships remained uncertain.
• The Reijger had barely enough supplies—only 6 to 7 days' worth of water and rice—due to the urgency of the voyage.
• If the ship hadn’t reached Pulicat in time, the crew, cargo, and vessel would have been in extreme danger.
• Arriving so late in October was risky, as winds typically shifted to northeast by then, making navigation difficult.

• All prisoners from Jaffanapatam still aboard the Avondster should be sent immediately so they can return to the homeland (Patria) this season. Most are soldiers, so removing this "scum" from India sooner is preferred.
• The writer will transport two chests of abassys (coins) to Jaffanapatam and deliver one chest each from Negapatam and Tegenapatam, along with previously sent fanums (currency), to Sir van der Merct.

The Nayak of Tanjore sent one of his nobles, Ragia Golpaneijck, as an ambassador to Negapatam to settle matters but continues to block the city, cutting off supplies that could reach the Dutch. The situation may change upon the writer’s arrival, and uE (likely a high-ranking official) will be notified promptly.

• Enclosed is a list of imprisoned soldiers still on the Avondster, with names to be added and the total number reported to the writer.
• A petition from the provisional council of Jaffanapatam is included, which seems somewhat excessive. After reviewing, adjusting, and reducing it, uE should send it to Batavia for approval of any requests that cannot be fulfilled locally.

However, things did not go as planned. The Avondster and Boterbloem were still anchored there, having failed to reach Ceylon. The Salamander and Naerden had already left, and due to strong north-easterly winds, there were concerns they might have passed the Cape or even reached Ceylon. After waiting until 25 December, fears grew stronger. To resolve the uncertainty, the decision was made to send the Avondster and Boterbloem to Ceylon, with plans to follow after a few more days if the other ships did not appear—just as they did, in fact, 3 days before the Avondster and Boterbloem departed.

• A ship called De Ionge Jeremias, loaded with various supplies for the local settlement, left on Friday, Sunday, and Tuesday.
• On Wednesday, October 21, a ship named Constantia arrived from the east in the evening and anchored in the harbor. Another small two-masted ship passed by heading east.
• Nothing notable happened on Thursday, October 22 or Saturday, October 23.
• On Friday, October 23, a government meeting took place at 8:30 AM.
• On Saturday, October 24, a court session was held at 8:00 AM.
• Nothing was recorded on Sunday, October 25.
• On Monday, October 26, a ship from the east passed by heading west. In the morning at 9:00 AM, Commander Johannes Reijnouts and his bodyguards visited the sultan’s court and returned around 10:30 AM. A letter was received from the ship De Eensgezindheid, which had arrived in the Sunda Strait from the Netherlands, and was sent to the authorities that evening.
• On Tuesday, October 27, the commander of the fort, de Barthe, was sent to Batavia aboard the Constantia with a full load of pepper. The ship left the next morning.
• Nothing else was recorded until Thursday, October 29.

• Waiting would lead to a larger supply of copper at a lower price, as the intermediaries assured them more would be available soon.
• A large amount had already been traded that year, suggesting future availability.

• 16,700 bales of raw silk.
• 3,300 bales of taru (including silk allocated for the ships’ needs).

• Christiaan Willem Salters, a sailor, was caught trying to desert by boat and was considered a fugitive.
• Boudewijn van Eijs, the ship’s carpenter’s assistant on the yacht Binnenwysent, jumped overboard at night. He was presumed to have swum to an English ship called Avondster (which had arrived on 6 March) and sailed away with it that same night.

On the following Monday, envoys from Ormuz failed to appear with their promised letter, despite their earlier commitment on 21 March to deliver it for reading. Instead, they asked when the ship Samaritaan was set to depart. The authorities then ordered the Chealoup Cornelia to weigh anchor early the next morning and sail toward Larak Island. The plan was to deceive the islanders by pretending to leave, with further instructions to be given once the envoys’ letters were finally received.

• The council—including Adriaen Roothaes, Pieter de Bitter, and Daniel Looper—agreed that weakening their naval forces would damage the Dutch East India Company's reputation. Since sea power was vital for control in India, they decided to strengthen, not reduce, the fleet near Goa.
• They replaced the unsuitable English yacht Avondster with the better-armed Vlielant, transferring goods and cannons from other ships to improve the fleet.
• The fleet, now consisting of 9 ships (Phemx, Terschelling, Tholon, Weesp, Goutsblom, Worcum, Znickzee, Vlielant, and Leeuwinne), would be reinforced with 1,050 men, including 90 soldiers—115 more than before.
• With this increased force, the commanders and council hoped to not only resist the enemy but also attack them boldly if they ventured out.

The second discussion focused on whether to send remaining forces north along the Malabar Coast or south toward Ceylon. While capturing Diu (a key Portuguese stronghold) would be profitable, concerns arose:

• Leaving the enemy behind could be risky, especially since reinforcements might take over 6 months to arrive.
• If the fleet near Goa were defeated (which they hoped to prevent), Ceylon—where no updates had been received—could fall to the enemy.
• Even if the enemy didn’t send a full fleet, they might still dispatch smaller ships to Ceylon, forcing the Dutch to respond too late.

• Commander Adriaen Goothaes
• Vice-Commander Adriaen van Lenen
• Schout-bij-nacht (Rear Admiral) Venck Jansen

• Phenix
• Thoolen
• Vlielandt
• Weesp
• Wijk bij Duurstede
• Schellingwoude
• Goudsbloem
• Zeeleeuw (Sea Lion)
• Leeuwin